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漢 書 一 : 高 紀 第 一 下
五 年 冬 十 月 ， 漢 王 追 項 羽 至 陽 夏 南 止 軍 ， 與齊 王 信 、 魏 相 國 越 期 會 擊 楚 ， 至 固 陵 ， 不 會 。 楚擊 漢 軍 ， 大 破 之 。 漢 王 復 入 壁 ， 深 塹 而 守 。
謂 張 良 曰 ：「 諸 侯 不 從 ， 柰 何 ？ 」 良 對 曰 ： 「 楚 兵 且 破 ， 未 有 分 地， 其 不 至 固 宜 。 君 王 能 與 共 天 下 ， 可 立 致也 。 齊 王 信 之 立 ， 非 君 王 意 ， 信 亦 不 自 堅 。 彭 越 本 定 梁 地 ， 始 君 王 以 魏 豹 故 ， 拜 越 為 相 國 。 今 豹死 ， 越 亦 望 王 ， 而 君 王 不 早 定 。 今 能 取 睢 陽 以 北 至 穀 城皆 以 王 彭 越 ， 從 陳 以 東 傅 海 與 齊 王 信 ， 信家 在 楚 ， 其 意 欲 復 得 故 邑 。 能 出 捐 此 地 以 許 兩 人 ， 使 各 自 為 戰 ， 則 楚 易 敗 也 。 」 於 是 漢 王 發 使 使 韓 信 、彭 越 。 至 ， 皆 引 兵 來 。
十 一 月 ， 劉 賈 入 楚 地 ， 圍 壽 春 。 漢 亦 遣 人 誘 楚 大司 馬 周 殷 。 殷 畔 楚 ， 以 舒 屠 六 ， 舉 九 江 兵 迎 黥 布， 並 行 屠 城 父 ， 隨 劉 賈 皆 會 。
十 二 月 ， 圍 羽 垓 下 。 羽 夜 聞 漢 軍 四 面 皆 楚歌 ， 知 盡 得 楚 地 ， 羽 與 數 百 騎 走 ， 是 以 兵 大 敗 。灌 嬰 追 斬 羽 東 城 。
楚 地 悉 定 ， 獨 魯 不 下 。 漢 王 引天 下 兵 欲 屠 之 ， 為 其 守 節 禮 義 之 國 ， 乃 持 羽 頭 示 其 父 兄， 魯 乃 降 。 初 ， 懷 王 封 羽 為 魯 公 ， 及 死 ， 魯 又 為 之 堅 守， 故 以 魯 公 葬 羽 於 穀 城 。 漢 王 為 發 喪 ， 哭 臨 而 去 。
封 項 伯 等 四 人 為 列 侯 ， 賜 姓 劉 氏 。 諸 民 略 在 楚 者 皆 歸 之 。
漢 王 還 至 定 陶 ， 馳 入 齊 王信 壁 ， 奪 其 軍 。 初 項 羽 所 立 臨 江 王 共 敖 前 死 ， 子 尉 嗣 立為 王 ， 不 降 。 遣 盧 綰 、 劉 賈 擊 虜 尉 。
春 正 月 ， 追 尊 兄 伯 號 曰 武 哀 侯 。
下 令 曰 ：「 楚 地 已 定 ， 義 帝 亡 後 ， 欲 存 恤 楚 眾 ， 以 定 其 主 。 齊 王信 習 楚 風 俗 ， 更 立 為 楚 王 ， 王 淮 北 ， 都 下 邳 。 魏相 國 建 城 侯 彭 越 勤 勞 魏 民 ， 卑 下 士 卒 ， 常 以 少 擊眾 ， 數 破 楚 軍 ， 其 以 魏 故 地 王 之 ， 號 曰 梁 王 ， 都 定 陶 。」 又 曰 ： 「 兵 不 得 休 八 年 ， 萬 民 與 苦 甚 ， 今 天 下事 畢 ， 其 赦 天 下 殊 死 以 下 。 」 古 曰 ： 「 殊 ， 絕 也 ， 異 也 ， 言 其 身 首 離 絕 而 異 處 也 。」
於 是 諸 侯 上 疏 曰 ： 「 楚 王 韓 信 、 韓 王 信 、 淮 南 王英 布 、 梁 王 彭 越 、 故 衡 山 王 吳 芮 、 趙 王 張 敖 、 燕王 臧 荼 昧 死 再 拜 言 ， 大 王 陛 下 ： 先 時 秦 為亡 道 ， 天 下 誅 之 。 大 王 先 得 秦 王 ， 定 關 中 ， 於 天 下 功 最多 。 存 亡 定 危 ， 救 敗 繼 絕 ， 以 安 萬 民 ， 功 盛 德 厚 。 又 加惠 於 諸 侯 王 有 功 者 ， 使 得 立 社 稷 。 地 分 已 定 ， 而 位 號 比儗 ， 亡 上 下 之 分 ， 大 王 功 德 之 著 ， 於 後 世 不 宣 。 昧 死 再 拜 上 皇 帝 尊 號 。 」
漢 王 曰 ： 「 寡 人 聞 帝 者賢 者 有 也 ， 虛 言 亡 實 之 名 ， 非 所 取 也 。 今 諸 侯 王皆 推 高 寡 人 ， 將 何 以 處 之 哉 ？ 」
諸 侯 王 皆 曰 ： 「 大 王 起於 細 微 ， 滅 亂 秦 ， 威 動 海 內 。 又 以 辟 陋 之 地 ， 自漢 中 行 威 德 ， 誅 不 義 ， 立 有 功 ， 平 定 海 內 ， 功 臣 皆 受 地食 邑 ， 非 私 之 也 。 大 王 德 施 四 海 ， 諸 侯 王 不 足 以 道 之 ，居 帝 位 甚 實 宜 ， 願 大 王 以 幸 天 下 。 」
漢 王 曰 ： 「諸 侯 王 幸 以 為 便 於 天 下 之 民 ， 則 可 矣 。 」
於 是 諸 侯 王 及太 尉 長 安 侯 臣 綰 等 三 百 人 ， 與 博 士 稷 嗣 君 叔 孫 通 謹 擇 良 日 二 月 甲 午 ， 上 尊 號 。 漢 王 即 皇 帝 位 于氾 水 之 陽 。 尊 王 后 曰 皇 后 ， 太 子 曰 皇 太 子 ， 追尊 先 媼 曰 昭 靈 夫 人 。
詔 曰 ： 「 故 衡 山 王 吳 芮 與 子 二 人 、 兄 子 一人 ， 從 百 粵 之 兵 ， 以 佐 諸 侯 ， 誅 暴 秦 ， 有 大 功 ，諸 侯 立 以 為 王 。 項 羽 侵 奪 之 地 ， 謂 之 番 君 。 其 以長 沙 、 豫 章 、 象 郡 、 桂 林 、 南 海 立 番 君 芮 為 長 沙 王 。 」 又 曰 ： 「 故 粵 王 亡 諸 世 奉 粵 祀 ， 秦 侵 奪 其 地 ， 使其 社 稷 不 得 血 食 。 諸 侯 伐 秦 ， 亡 諸 身 帥 閩 中 兵 以佐 滅 秦 ， 項 羽 廢 而 弗 立 。 今 以 為 閩 粵 王 ， 王 閩 中地 ， 勿 使 失 職 。 」
帝 乃 西 都 洛 陽 。 夏 五 月 ， 兵 皆 罷 歸 家 。 詔 曰 ： 「諸 侯 子 在 關 中 者 ， 復 之 十 二 歲 ， 其 歸 者 半 之 。 民 前 或 相 聚 保 山 澤 ， 不 書 名 數 ， 今 天 下 已 定， 令 各 歸 其 縣 ， 復 故 爵 田 宅 ， 吏 以 文 法 教 訓 辨 告， 勿 笞 辱 。 民 以 飢 餓 自 賣 為 人 奴 婢 者 ， 皆 免 為 庶人 。 軍 吏 卒 會 赦 ， 其 亡 罪 而 亡 爵 及 不 滿 大 夫 者 ， 皆 賜 爵為 大 夫 。 故 大 夫 以 上 賜 爵 各 一 級 ， 其 七 大夫 以 上 ， 皆 令 食 邑 ， 非 七 大 夫 以 下 ， 皆 復 其 身 及戶 ， 勿 事 。 」 又 曰 ： 「 七 大 夫 、 公 乘 以 上 ， 皆 高爵 也 。 諸 侯 子 及 從 軍 歸 者 ， 甚 多 高 爵 ， 吾 數 詔吏 先 與 田 宅 ， 及 所 當 求 於 吏 者 ， 亟 與 。 爵 或 人君 ， 上 所 尊 禮 ， 久 立 吏 前 ， 曾 不 為 決 ， 甚 亡 謂 也 。 異 日 秦 民 爵 公 大 夫 以 上 ， 令 丞 與亢 禮 。 今 吾 於 爵 非 輕 也 ， 吏 獨 安 取 此 ！ 且 法 以 有 功 勞 行 田 宅 ， 今 小 吏 未 嘗 從 軍 者 多滿 ， 而 有 功 者 顧 不 得 ， 背 公 立 私 ， 守尉 長 吏 教 訓 甚 不 善 。 其 令 諸 吏 善 遇 高 爵 ， 稱 吾意 。 且 廉 問 ， 有 不 如 吾 詔 者 ， 以 重 論 之 。 」
帝 置 酒 雒 陽 南 宮 。 上 曰 ： 「 通 侯 諸 將 毋 敢 隱 朕 ， 皆 言 其 情 。 吾 所 以 有 天 下 者 何 ？ 項氏 之 所 以 失 天 下 者 何 ？ 」
高 起 、 王 陵 對 曰 ： 「 陛下 嫚 而 侮 人 ， 項 羽 仁 而 敬 人 。 然 陛 下 使 人 攻 城 略地 ， 所 降 下 者 ， 因 以 與 之 ， 與 天 下 同 利 也 。 項 羽 妒 賢 嫉能 ， 有 功 者 害 之 ， 賢 者 疑 之 ， 戰 勝 而 不 與 人 功 ， 得 地 而不 與 人 利 ， 此 其 所 以 失 天 下 也 。 」
上 曰 ： 「 公 知 其 一 ，未 知 其 二 。 夫 運 籌 帷 幄 之 中 ， 決 勝 千 里 之 外 ， 吾 不 如 子房 ； 填 國 家 ， 撫 百 姓 ， 給 餉 餽 ， 不 絕 糧 道 ， 吾 不 如 蕭 何； 連 百 萬 之 眾 ， 戰 必 勝 ， 攻 必 取 ， 吾 不 如 韓 信 。三 者 皆 人 傑 ， 吾 能 用 之 ， 此 吾 所 以 取 天 下 者 也 。項 羽 有 一 范 增 而 不 能 用 ， 此 所 以 為 我 禽 也 。 」 群 臣 說 服。
初 ， 田 橫 歸 彭 越 。 項 羽 已 滅 ， 橫 懼 誅 ， 與 賓 客 亡入 海 。 上 恐 其 久 為 亂 ， 遣 使 者 赦 橫 ， 曰 ： 「 橫 來 ， 大 者王 ， 小 者 侯 ； 不 來 ， 且 發 兵 加 誅 。 」 橫 懼 ， 乘傳 詣 雒 陽 ， 未 至 三 十 里 ， 自 殺 。 上 壯 其 節 ， 為 流涕 ， 發 卒 二 千 人 ， 以 王 禮 葬 焉 。
戍 卒 婁 敬 求 見 ， 說 上 曰 ： 「 陛 下 取 天 下 與 周 異 ，而 都 雒 陽 ， 不 便 ， 不 如 入 關 ， 據 秦 之 固 。 」 上 以 問 張 良， 良 因 勸 上 。 是 日 ， 車 駕 西 都 長 安 。 拜 婁 敬 為 奉春 君 ， 賜 姓 劉 氏 。
六 月 壬 辰 ， 大 赦 天 下 。
秋 七 月 ， 燕 王 臧 荼 反 ， 上 自 將 征 之 。 九 月 ， 虜 荼。 詔 諸 侯 王 視 有 功 者 立 以 為 燕 王 。 荊 王 臣 信 等 十 人 皆 曰 ： 「 太 尉 長 安 侯 盧 綰 功 最 多 ， 請 立 以 為 燕 王 。 」使 丞 相 噲 將 兵 平 代 地 。 如 淳 曰 ： 「 荊 亦 楚 也 。 」 賈逵 曰 ： 「 秦 莊 襄 王 名 楚 ， 故 改 諱 荊 ， 遂 行 於 世 。 」 晉 灼曰 ： 「 詩 曰 『 奮 伐 荊 楚 』 ， 自 秦 之 先 故 以 稱 荊 也 。 」 師古 曰 ： 「 晉 說 是 也 。 左 傳 又 云 『 荊 尸 而 舉 』 ， 亦 已 久 矣。 」
利 幾 反 ， 上 自 擊 破 之 。 利 幾 者 ， 項 羽 將 。 羽 敗 ，利 幾 為 陳 令 ， 降 ， 上 侯 之 潁 川 。 上 至 雒 陽 ， 舉 通 侯 籍 召之 ， 而 利 幾 恐 ， 反 。
後 九 月 ， 徙 諸 侯 子 關 中 。 治 長 樂 宮 。
六 年 冬 十 月 ， 令 天 下 縣 邑 城 。
人 告 楚 王 信 謀 反 ， 上 問 左 右 ， 左 右 爭 欲 擊 之 。 用陳 平 計 ， 乃 偽 游 雲 夢 。 十 二 月 ， 會 諸 侯 于 陳 ， 楚王 信 迎 謁 ， 因 執 之 。
詔 曰 ：「 天 下 既 安 ， 豪 桀 有 功 者 封 侯 ， 新 立 ， 未 能 盡 圖 其 功 。 身 居 軍 九 年 ， 或 未 習 法 令 ， 或 以 其 故 犯 法 ， 大 者 死 刑 ， 吾 甚 憐 之 。 其 赦 天 下 。 」
田 肯 賀 上 曰 ： 「甚 善 ， 陛 下 得 韓 信 ， 又 治 秦 中 。 秦 ， 形 勝 之 國 也， 帶 河 阻 山 ， 縣 隔 千 里 ， 持 戟 百 萬 ， 秦 得百 二 焉 。 地 勢 便 利 ， 其 以 下 兵 於 諸 侯 ， 譬 猶 居 高屋 之 上 建 瓴 水 也 。
夫 齊 ， 東 有 琅 邪 、 即 墨 之 饒 ， 南 有 泰 山 之 固 ， 西 有 濁 河 之 限 ， 北 有 勃海 之 利 ， 地 方 二 千 里 ， 持 戟 百 萬 ， 縣 隔 千 里 之 外 ， 齊 得十 二 焉 。 此 東 西 秦 也 。 非 親 子 弟 ， 莫 可 使 王 齊者 。 」 上 曰 ： 「 善 。 」 賜 金 五 百 斤 。
上 還 至 雒 陽 ， 赦 韓信 ， 封 為 淮 陰 侯 。 甲 申 ， 始 剖 符 封 功 臣 曹 參 等 為 通 侯 。
詔 曰： 「 齊 ， 古 之 建 國 也 ， 今 為 郡 縣 ， 其 復 以 為 諸 侯 。 將 軍 劉 賈 數 有 大 功 ， 及 擇 寬 惠 脩 絜 者 ， 王 齊 、 荊 地 。」 春 正 月 丙 午 ， 韓 王 信 等 奏 請 以 故 東 陽 郡 、 鄣 郡 、 吳 郡五 十 三 縣 立 劉 賈 為 荊 王 ， 以 碭 郡 、 薛 郡 、 郯 郡 三十 六 縣 立 弟 文 信 君 交 為 楚 王 。 壬 子 ， 以 雲 中 、 鴈門 、 代 郡 五 十 三 縣 立 兄 宜 信 侯 喜 為 代 王 ， 以 膠 東 、 膠 西、 臨 淄 、 濟 北 、 博 陽 、 城 陽 郡 七 十 三 縣 立 子 肥 為 齊 王 ，以 太 原 郡 三 十 一 縣 為 韓 國 ， 徙 韓 王 信 都 晉 陽 。
上 已 封 大 功 臣 三 十 餘 人 ， 其 餘 爭 功 ，未 得 行 封 。 上 居 南 宮 ， 從 復 道 上 見 諸 將 往 往 耦 語， 以 問 張 良 。 良 曰 ： 「 陛 下 與 此 屬 共 取 天 下 ， 今 已 為 天子 ， 而 所 封 皆 故 人 所 愛 ， 所 誅 皆 平 生 仇 怨 。 今 軍 吏 計 功， 以 天 下 為 不 足 用 遍 封 ， 而 恐 以 過 失 及 誅 ， 故 相聚 謀 反 耳 。 」 上 曰 ： 「 為 之 奈 何 ？ 」 良 曰 ： 「 取 上 素 所不 快 ， 計 群 臣 所 共 知 最 甚 者 一 人 ， 先 封 以 示 群 臣。 」 三 月 ， 上 置 酒 ， 封 雍 齒 ， 因 趣 丞 相 急 定 功 行 封 。 罷 酒 ， 群 臣 皆 喜 ， 曰 ： 「 雍 齒 且 侯 ， 吾 屬 亡 患 矣 ！」
上 歸 櫟 陽 ， 五 日 一 朝 太 公 。 太 公 家 令 說 太 公 曰 ：「 天 亡 二 日 ， 土 亡 二 王 。 皇 帝 雖 子 ， 人 主 也 ； 太 公 雖 父， 人 臣 也 。 奈 何 令 人 主 拜 人 臣 ！ 如 此 ， 則 威 重 不 行 。 」後 上 朝 ， 太 公 擁 彗 ， 迎 門 卻 行 。 上 大 驚 ，下 扶 太 公 。 太 公 曰 ： 「 帝 ， 人 主 ， 奈 何 以 我 亂 天 下 法 ！」 於 是 上 心 善 家 令 言 ，賜 黃 金 五 百 斤 。
夏 五 月 丙午 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 人 之 至 親 ， 莫 親 於 父 子 ， 故 父 有 天 下 傳 歸於 子 ， 子 有 天 下 尊 歸 於 父 ， 此 人 道 之 極 也 。 前 日 天 下 大亂 ， 兵 革 並 起 ， 萬 民 苦 殃 ， 朕 親 被 堅 執 銳 ， 自 帥士 卒 ， 犯 危 難 ， 平 暴 亂 ， 立 諸 侯 ， 偃 兵 息 民 ， 天 下 大 安， 此 皆 太 公 之 教 訓 也 。 諸 王 、 通 侯 、 將 軍 、 群 卿 、 大 夫已 尊 朕 為 皇 帝 ， 而 太 公 未 有 號 。 今 上 尊 太 公 曰 太 上 皇 。」
秋 九 月 ， 匈 奴 圍 韓 王 信 於 馬 邑 ， 信 降 匈 奴 。
七 年 冬 十 月 ， 上 自 將 擊 韓 王 信 於 銅 鞮 ， 斬其 將 。 信 亡 走 匈 奴 ， 與 其 將 曼 丘 臣 、 王 黃 共立 故 趙 後 趙 利 為 王 ， 收 信 散 兵 ， 與 匈 奴 共 距 漢 。上 從 晉 陽 連 戰 ， 乘 勝 逐 北 ， 至 樓 煩 ， 會 大 寒 ， 士 卒 墮 指者 什 二 三 。 遂 至 平 城 ， 為 匈 奴 所 圍 ， 七 日 ， 用 陳平 祕 計 得 出 。 使 樊 噲 留 定 代 地 。 十 二 月 ， 上 還 過 趙 ， 不 禮 趙 王 。
是 月 ， 匈 奴 攻 代， 代 王 喜 棄 國 ， 自 歸 雒 陽 ， 赦 為 合 陽 侯 。 辛 卯 ， 立 子 如意 為 代 王 。
春 ， 令 郎 中 有 罪 耐 以 上 ， 請 之 。 民 產 子 ，復 勿 事 二 歲 。 二 月 ， 至 長 安 。 蕭 何 治 未 央 宮 ， 立 東 闕 、 北 闕 、前 殿 、 武 庫 、 大 倉 。 上 見 其 壯 麗 ， 甚 怒 ， 謂 何 曰： 「 天 下 匈 匈 ， 勞 苦 數 歲 ， 成 敗 未 可 知 ， 是 何 治宮 室 過 度 也 ！ 」 何 曰 ： 「 天 下 方 未 定 ， 故 可 因 以 就 宮 室。 且 夫 天 子 以 四 海 為 家 ， 非 令 壯 麗 亡 以 重 威 ， 且亡 令 後 世 有 以 加 也 。 」 上 說 。 自 櫟 陽 徙 都 長 安 。置 宗 正 宮 以 序 九 族 。 夏 四 月 ， 行 如 雒 陽 。
八 年 冬 ， 上 東 擊 韓 信 餘 寇 於 東 垣 。 還 過 趙， 趙 相 貫 高 等 恥 上 不 禮 其 王 ， 陰 謀 欲 弒 上 。 上 欲 宿 ， 心動 ， 問 「 縣 名 何 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 柏 人 。 」 上 曰 ： 「 柏 人 者 ，迫 於 人 也 。 」 去 弗 宿 。
十 一 月 ， 令 士 卒 從 軍 死 者 為 槥 ， 歸 其 縣 ，縣 給 衣 衾 棺 葬 具 ， 祠 以 少 牢 ， 長 吏 視 葬 。
十 二 月， 行 自 東 垣 至 。 春 三 月 ， 行 如 雒 陽 。 令 吏 卒 從 軍 至 平 城 及 守 城 邑者 皆 復 終 身 勿 事 。 爵 非 公 乘 以 上 毋 得 冠 劉氏 冠 。 賈 人 毋 得 衣 錦 繡 綺 縠 絺 紵 ， 操 兵 ， 乘 騎馬 。
秋 八 月 ， 吏 有 罪 未 發 覺 者 ， 赦 之 。
九 月 ， 行自 雒 陽 至 ， 淮 南 王 、 梁 王 、 趙 王 、 楚 王 皆 從 。 為 布 及 疏 也 。 ， 織 毛 若 今 毼 及 氍 毹 之 類 也 。 操 ， 持也 。 兵 ， 凡 兵 器 也 。 乘 ， 駕 車 也 。 騎 ， 單 騎 也 。 賈 音 古。 絺 音 丑 知 反 。 紵 音 佇 。 音 居 例 反 。 操 音 千 高 反 。 」
九 年 冬 十 月 ， 淮 南 王 、 梁 王 、 趙 王 、 楚 王 朝 未 央宮 ， 置 酒 前 殿 。 上 奉 玉 卮 為 太 上 皇 壽 ， 曰： 「 始 大 人 常 以 臣 亡 賴 ， 不 能 治 產 業 ， 不 如 仲 力。 今 某 之 業 所 就 孰 與 仲 多 ？ 」 殿 上 群 臣 皆稱 萬 歲 ， 大 笑 為 樂 。
十 一 月 ， 徙 齊 楚 大 族 昭 氏 、 屈 氏 、 景 氏 、 懷 氏 、田 氏 五 姓 關 中 ， 與 利 田 宅 。
十 二 月 ， 行 如 雒 陽 。
貫 高 等 謀 逆 發 覺 ， 逮 捕 高 等 ， 并 捕 趙 王 敖下 獄 。 詔 敢 有 隨 王 ， 罪 三 族 。 郎 中 田 叔 、 孟 舒 等十 人 自 髡 鉗 為 王 家 奴 ， 從 王 就 獄 。 王 實 不 知 其 謀。 春 正 月 ， 廢 趙 王 敖 為 宣 平 侯 。 徙 代 王 如 意 為 趙 王 ， 王趙 國 。 丙 寅 ， 前 有 罪 殊 死 以 下 ， 皆 赦 之 。 二 月 ， 行 自 雒 陽 至 。 賢 趙 臣 田 叔 、 孟 舒 等 十 人 ，召 見 與 語 ， 漢 廷 臣 無 能 出 其 右 者 。 上 說 ， 盡 拜 為 郡 守 、 諸 侯 相 。
夏 六 月 乙 未 晦 ， 日 有 食 之 。
十 年 冬 十 月 ， 淮 南 王 、 燕 王 、 荊 王 、 梁 王 、 楚 王、 齊 王 、 長 沙 王 來 朝 。
夏 五 月 ， 太 上 皇 后 崩 。 秋 七 月 癸 卯 ， 太 上皇 崩 ， 葬 萬 年 。 赦 櫟 陽 囚 死 罪 以 下 。 八 月， 令 諸 侯 王 皆 立 太 上 皇 廟 于 國 都 。
九 月 ， 代 相 國 陳 豨 反 。 上 曰 ： 「 豨 嘗 為 吾使 ， 甚 有 信 。 代 地 吾 所 急 ， 故 封 豨 為 列 侯 ， 以 相 國 守 代 ， 今 乃與 王 黃 等 劫 掠 代 地 ！ 吏 民 非 有 罪 也 ， 能 去 豨 、 黃 來 歸 者， 皆 赦 之 。 」 上 自 東 ， 至 邯 鄲 。 上 喜 曰 ： 「 豨 不南 據 邯 鄲 而 阻 漳 水 ， 吾 知 其 亡 能 為 矣 。 」 趙 相 周 昌 奏 常山 二 十 五 城 亡 其 二 十 城 ， 請 誅 守 尉 。 上 曰 ： 「 守尉 反 乎 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 不 。 」 上 曰 ： 「 是 力 不 足 ， 亡 罪 。」
上 令 周 昌 選 趙 壯 士 可 令 將 者 ， 白 見 四 人 。 上 嫚罵 曰 ： 「 豎 子 能 為 將 乎 ！ 」 四 人 慚 ， 皆 伏 地 。 上封 各 千 戶 ， 以 為 將 。 左 右 諫 曰 ： 「 從 入 蜀 漢 ， 伐 楚 ， 賞未 遍 行 ， 今 封 此 ， 何 功 ？ 」 上 曰 ： 「 非 汝 所 知 。 陳 豨 反， 趙 代 地 皆 豨 有 。 吾 以 羽 檄 徵 天 下 兵 ， 未 有 至 者 ， 今 計 唯 獨 邯 鄲 中 兵 耳 。 吾 何 愛 四 千 戶 ， 不 以 慰 趙 子 弟！ 」 皆 曰 ： 「 善 。 」 又 求 「 樂 毅 有 後 乎 ？ 」 得 其孫 叔 ， 封 之 樂 鄉 ， 號 華 成 君 。
問 豨 將 ， 皆 故 賈 人 。 上 曰： 「 吾 知 與 之 矣 。 」 乃 多 以 金 購 豨 將 ，豨 將 多 降 。
十 一 年 冬 ， 上 在 邯 鄲 。 豨 將 侯 敞 將 萬 餘 人 游 行 ，王 黃 將 騎 千 餘 軍 曲 逆 ， 張 春 將 卒 萬 餘 人 度 河 攻 聊城 。 漢 將 軍 郭 蒙 與 齊 將 擊 ， 大 破 之 。 太 尉 周 勃 道太 原 入 定 代 地 ， 至 馬 邑 ， 馬 邑 不 下 ， 攻 殘 之 。 豨 將 趙 利 守 東 垣 ， 高 祖 攻 之 不 下 。 卒 罵 ， 上 怒 。 城降 ， 卒 罵 者 斬 之 。 諸 縣 堅 守 不 降 反 寇 者 ， 復 租 賦 三 歲 。
春 正 月 ， 淮 陰 侯 韓 信 謀 反 長 安 ， 夷 三 族 。 將 軍 柴武 斬 韓 王 信 於 參 合 。
上 還 雒 陽 。 詔 曰 ： 「 代 地 居 常 山 之 北 ， 與 夷 狄 邊， 趙 乃 從 山 南 有 之 ， 遠 ， 數 有 胡 寇 ， 難 以 為 國 。 頗 取 山南 太 原 之 地 益 屬 代 ， 代 之 雲 中 以 西 為 雲 中 郡 ， 則代 受 邊 寇 益 少 矣 。 王 、 相 國 、 通 侯 、 吏 二 千 石 擇 可 立 為代 王 者 。 」 燕 王 綰 、 相 國 何 等 三 十 三 人 皆 曰 ： 「 子 恆 賢知 溫 良 ， 請 立 以 為 代 王 ， 都 晉 陽 。 」 大 赦 天 下 。
二 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 欲 省 賦 甚 。 今 獻 未 有 程 ， 吏 或 多 賦 以 為 獻 ， 而 諸 侯 王 尤 多 ， 民 疾 之 。 令 諸 侯 王 、 通 侯 常 以 十 月 朝 獻 ， 及 郡 各 以 其 口 數 率 ， 人 歲 六 十 三 錢 ， 以 給 獻 費 。 」
又 曰 ： 「 蓋 聞 王 者莫 高 於 周 文 ， 伯 者 莫 高 於 齊 桓 ， 皆 待 賢 人 而 成 名。 今 天 下 賢 者 智 能 豈 特 古 之 人 乎 ？ 患 在 人 主 不 交故 也 ， 士 奚 由 進 ！ 今 吾 以 天 之 靈 ， 賢 士 大 夫 定 有天 下 ， 以 為 一 家 ， 欲 其 長 久 ， 世 世 奉 宗 廟 亡 絕 也 。 賢 人已 與 我 共 平 之 矣 ， 而 不 與 吾 共 安 利 之 ， 可 乎 ？ 賢 士 大 夫有 肯 從 我 游 者 ， 吾 能 尊 顯 之 。 布 告 天 下 ， 使 明 知 朕 意 。御 史 大 夫 昌 下 相 國 ， 相 國 酇 侯 下 諸 侯 王 ， 御 史 中 執 法 下 郡 守 ， 其 有 意 稱 明 德 者 ， 必 身 勸， 為 之 駕 ， 遣 詣 相 國 府 ， 署 行 、 義 、 年 。 有 而 弗 言 ， 覺 ， 免 。 年 老 癃 病 ， 勿 遣 。 」
三 月 ， 梁 王 彭 越 謀 反 ， 夷 三 族 。 詔 曰 ： 「擇 可 以 為 梁 王 、 淮 陽 王 者 。 」 燕 王 綰 、 相 國 何 等 請 立 子恢 為 梁 王 ， 子 友 為 淮 陽 王 。 罷 東 郡 ， 頗 益 梁 ； 罷 潁 川 郡， 頗 益 淮 陽 。
夏 四 月 ， 行 自 雒 陽 至 。 令 豐 人 徙 關 中 者 皆 復 終 身。
五 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 粵 人 之 俗 ， 好 相 攻 擊 ， 前 時 秦 徙中 縣 之 民 南 方 三 郡 ， 使 與 百 粵 雜 處 。 會 天下 誅 秦 ， 南 海 尉 它 居 南 方 長 治 之 ， 甚 有 文 理 ， 中縣 人 以 故 不 耗 減 ， 粵 人 相 攻 擊 之 俗 益 止 ， 俱 賴 其力 。 今 立 它 為 南 粵 王 。 」 使 陸 賈 即 授 璽 綬 。 它 稽首 稱 臣 。
六 月 ， 令 士 卒 從 入 蜀 、 漢 、 關 中 者 皆 復 終 身 。
秋 七 月 ， 淮 南 王 布 反 。 上 問 諸 將 ， 滕 公 言 故 楚 令尹 薛 公 有 籌 策 。 上 召 見 ， 薛 公 言 布 形 勢 ，上 善 之 ， 封 薛 公 千 戶 。 詔 王 、 相 國 擇 可 立 為 淮 南 王 者 ，群 臣 請 立 子 長 為 王 。 上 乃 發 上 郡 、 北 地 、 隴 西 車 騎 ， 巴蜀 材 官 及 中 尉 卒 三 萬 人 為 皇 太 子 衛 ， 軍 霸 上 。 布果 如 薛 公 言 ， 東 擊 殺 荊 王 劉 賈 ， 劫 其 兵 ， 度 淮 擊 楚 ， 楚王 交 走 入 薛 。 上 赦 天 下 死 罪 以 下 ， 皆 令 從 軍 ； 徵 諸 侯 兵， 上 自 將 以 擊 布 。
十 二 年 冬 十 月 ， 上 破 布 軍 于 會 缶 ， 布 走 ，令 別 將 追 之 。
上 還 ， 過 沛 ， 留 ， 置 酒 沛 宮 ， 悉 召 故 人 父 老 子 弟佐 酒 。 發 沛 中 兒 得 百 二 十 人 ， 教 之 歌 。 酒 酣 ， 上 擊 筑 ， 自 歌 曰 ： 「 大 風 起 兮 雲 飛 揚 ， 威 加海 內 兮 歸 故 鄉 ， 安 得 猛 士 兮 守 四 方 ！ 」 令 兒 皆 和 習 之 。 上 乃 起 舞 ， 慨 傷 懷 ， 泣 數 行 下 。 謂 沛 父 兄 曰 ： 「 游 子 悲 故 鄉 。 吾 雖 都 關 中 ， 萬 歲之 後 吾 魂 魄 猶 思 樂 沛 。 且 朕 自 沛 公 以 誅 暴 逆 ， 遂 有天 下 ， 其 以 沛 為 朕 湯 沐 邑 ， 復 其 民 ， 世 世 無 有 所與 。 」
沛 父 老 諸 母 故 人 日 樂 飲 極 歡 ， 道 舊 故 為 笑樂 。 十 餘 日 ， 上 欲 去 ， 沛 父 兄 固 請 。 上 曰 ： 「吾 人 眾 多 ， 父 兄 不 能 給 。 」 乃 去 。 沛 中 空 縣 皆 之 邑 西 獻。 上 留 止 ， 張 飲 三 日 。 沛 父 兄 皆 頓 首曰 ： 「 沛 幸 得 復 ， 豐 未 得 ， 唯 陛 下 哀 矜 。 」 上 曰 ： 「 豐者 ， 吾 所 生 長 ， 極 不 忘 耳 。 吾 特 以 其 為 雍 齒 故反 我 為 魏 。 」 沛 父 兄 固 請 之 ， 乃 并 復 豐 ， 比 沛 。
漢 別 將 擊 布 軍 洮 水 南 北 ， 皆 大 破 之 ， 追 斬布 番 陽 。
周 勃 定 代 ， 斬 陳 豨 於 當 城 。
詔 曰 ： 「 吳 ， 古 之 建 國 也 ， 日 者 荊 王 兼 有 其 地 ， 今 死 亡 後 。 朕 欲 復 立 吳 王 ， 其 議 可 者 。 」 長 沙 王臣 等 言 ： 「 沛 侯 濞 重 厚 ， 請 立 為 吳 王 。 」已 拜 ， 上 召 謂 濞 曰 ： 「 汝 狀 有 反 相 。 」 因 拊 其 背 ， 曰 ：「 漢 後 五 十 年 東 南 有 亂 ， 豈 汝 邪 ？ 然 天 下 同 姓 一家 ， 汝 慎 毋 反 。 」 濞 頓 首 曰 ： 「 不 敢 。 」 始 皇 東 巡 以 厭 氣 ， 後 劉 項 起 東 南 ， 疑 當 如 此 耳 。 」 如淳 曰 ： 「 度 其 貯 積 足 用 為 難 ， 又 吳 楚 世 不 賓 服 。 」 師 古曰 ： 「 應 說 是 也 。 拊 謂 摩 循 之 。 」
十 一 月 ， 行 自 淮 南 還 。 過 魯 ， 以 大 牢 祠 孔 子 。
十 二 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 秦 皇 帝 、 楚 隱 王 、 魏 安釐 王 、 齊 愍 王 、 趙 悼 襄 王 皆 絕 亡 後。 其 與 秦 始 皇 帝 守 冢 二 十 家 ， 楚 、 魏 、 齊 各 十 家 ， 趙 及魏 公 子 亡 忌 各 五 家 ， 令 視 其 冢 ， 復 亡 與 它 事 。 」
陳 豨 降 將 言 豨 反 時 燕 王 盧 綰 使 人 之 豨 所 陰 謀 。 上 使 辟 陽 侯 審 食 其 迎 綰 ， 綰 稱 疾 。 食 其 言 綰反 有 端 。 春 二 月 ， 使 樊 噲 、 周 勃 將 兵 擊 綰 。 詔 曰 ： 「 燕王 綰 與 吾 有 故 ， 愛 之 如 子 ， 聞 與 陳 豨 有 謀 ， 吾 以 為 亡 有， 故 使 人 迎 綰 。 綰 稱 疾 不 來 ， 謀 反 明 矣 。 燕 吏 民 非 有 罪也 ， 賜 其 吏 六 百 石 以 上 爵 各 一 級 。 與 綰 居 ， 去 來 歸 者 ，赦 之 ， 加 爵 亦 一 級 。 」 詔 諸 侯 王 議 可 立 為 燕 王 者， 長 沙 王 臣 等 請 立 子 建 為 燕 王 。
詔 曰 ： 「 南 武 侯 織 亦 粵 之 世 也 ， 立 以 為 南 海 王 。」
三 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 吾 立 為 天 子 ， 帝 有 天 下 ， 十 二 年于 今 矣 。 與 天 下 之 豪 士 賢 大 夫 共 定 天 下 ， 同 安 輯 之 。 其 有 功 者 上 致 之 王 ， 次 為 列 侯 ， 下 乃 食 邑 。而 重 臣 之 親 ， 或 為 列 侯 ， 皆 令 自 置 吏 ， 得 賦 斂 ， 女 子 公主 。 為 列 侯 食 邑 者 ， 皆 佩 之 印 ， 賜 大 第 室 。 吏 二 千 石 ， 徙 之 長 安 ， 受 小 第 室 。 入 蜀 漢 定 三 秦 者 ，皆 世 世 復 。 吾 於 天 下 賢 士 功 臣 ， 可 謂 亡 負 矣 。 其有 不 義 背 天 子 擅 起 兵 者 ， 與 天 下 共 伐 誅 之 。 布 告天 下 ， 使 明 知 朕 意 。 」
上 擊 布 時 ， 為 流 矢 所 中 ， 行 道 疾 。 疾 甚 ， 呂 后 迎良 醫 。 醫 入 見 ， 上 問 醫 。 曰 ： 「 疾 可 治 （ 不 醫 曰 可 治 ）。 」 於 是 上 嫚 罵 之 ， 曰 ： 「 吾 以 布 衣 提 三 尺 取 天 下 ， 此 非 天 命 乎 ？ 命 乃 在 天 ， 雖 扁 鵲 何 益 ！ 」 遂不 使 治 疾 ， 賜 黃 金 五 十 斤 ， 罷 之 。
呂 后 問 曰 ： 「 陛 下 百歲 後 ， 蕭 相 國 既 死 ， 誰 令 代 之 ？ 」 上 曰 ： 「 曹 參 可 。 」問 其 次 ， 曰 ：「 王 陵 可 ， 然 少 戇 ， 陳 平 可 以 助 之 。 陳 平 知 有 餘， 然 難 獨 任 。 周 勃 重 厚 少 文 ， 然 安 劉 氏 者 必 勃 也 ， 可 令為 太 尉 。 」 呂 后 復 問 其 次 ， 上 曰 ： 「 此 後 亦 非 乃 所 知 也。 」
盧 綰 與 數 千 人 居 塞 下 候 伺 ， 幸 上 疾 愈 ， 自 入 謝 。夏 四 月 甲 辰 ， 帝 崩 于 長 樂 宮 。 盧 綰 聞 之 ，遂 亡 入 匈 奴 。
呂 后 與 審 食 其 謀 曰 ： 「 諸 將 故 與 帝 為 編 戶 民 ， 北 面 為 臣 ， 心 常 鞅 鞅 ， 今 乃 事 少 主 ， 非 盡 族是 ， 天 下 不 安 。 」 以 故 不 發 喪 。 人 或 聞 ， 以 語 酈商 。 酈 商 見 審 食 其 曰 ： 「 聞 帝 已 崩 ， 四 日 不 發 喪 ， 欲 誅諸 將 。 誠 如 此 ， 天 下 危 矣 。 陳 平 、 灌 嬰 將 十 萬 守 滎 陽 ，樊 噲 、 周 勃 將 二 十 萬 定 燕 代 ， 此 聞 帝 崩 ， 諸 將 皆 誅 ， 必連 兵 還 鄉 ， 以 攻 關 中 。 大 臣 內 畔 ， 諸 將 外 反 ， 亡可 蹻 足 待 也 。 」 審 食 其 入 言 之 ， 乃 以 丁 未 發 喪 ，大 赦 天 下 。 蹻 ， 舉 足 小 高 也 』 ， 音 矯 。 」 師 古 曰 ： 「 晉 說 是 也 。」
五 月 丙 寅 ， 葬 長 陵 。 已 下 ， 皇 太 子群 臣 皆 反 至 太 上 皇 廟 。 群 臣 曰 ： 「 帝 起 細 微 ， 撥 亂 世 反之 正 ， 平 定 天 下 ， 為 漢 太 祖 ， 功 最 高 。 」 上 尊 號曰 高 皇 帝 。
初 ， 高 祖 不 脩 文 學 ， 而 性 明 達 ， 好 謀 ， 能 聽 ， 自監 門 戍 卒 ， 見 之 如 舊 。 初 順 民 心 作 三 章 之 約 。 天 下 既 定， 命 蕭 何 次 律 令 ， 韓 信 申 軍 法 ， 張 蒼 定 章 程 ， 叔孫 通 制 禮 儀 ， 陸 賈 造 新 語 。 又 與 功 臣 剖 符 作 誓 ，丹 書 鐵 契 ， 金 匱 石 室 ， 藏 之 宗 廟 。 雖 日 不 暇 給 ，規 摹 弘 遠 矣 。
贊 曰 ： 春 秋 晉 史 蔡 墨 有 言 ， 陶 唐 氏 既 衰 ， 其 後 有 劉 累 ， 學 擾 龍 ， 事 孔 甲 ， 范 氏 其 後 也 。 而 大 夫 范 宣 子 亦 曰 ： 「 祖 自 虞 以 上 為 陶 唐 氏 ， 在 夏 為 御 龍 氏 ， 在 商 為 豕 韋 氏 ， 在 周 為唐 杜 氏 ， 晉 主 夏 盟 為 范 氏 。 」 范 氏 為 晉 士 師 ， 魯 文 公 世 奔 秦 。 後 歸 于 晉 ， 其 處 者 為 劉 氏 。 劉 向 云 戰 國 時 劉 氏 自 秦 獲 於 魏 。 秦 滅魏 ， 遷 大 梁 ，都 于 豐 ， 故 周 巿 說 雍 齒 曰 「 豐 ，故 梁 徙 也 」 。 是 以 頌 高 祖 云 ： 「 漢 帝 本 系 ， 出 自 唐 帝 。降 及 于 周 ， 在 秦 作 劉 。 涉 魏 而 東 ， 遂 為 豐 公 。 」
豐 公 ， 蓋 太 上 皇 父 。 其 遷 日 淺 ， 墳 墓 在 豐 鮮 焉 。 及 高 祖 即 位 ， 置 祠 祀 官 ， 則 有 秦 、 晉 、 梁 、 荊 之 巫， 世 祠 天 地 ， 綴 之 以 祀 ， 豈 不 信 哉 ！ 由 是 推 之 ， 漢 承 堯 運 ， 德 祚 已 盛 ， 斷 蛇 著 符 ， 旗 幟 上 赤， 協 于 火 德 ， 自 然 之 應 ， 得 天 統 矣 。
Translation and Notes: Part II 1
In the fifth year, in the winter, the tenth month, the King of Han pursued Hsiang Yü to [a place] south of Yang-chia. [There] he stopped and encamped. He had arranged for a meeting with the King of Ch'i, [Han] Hsin, and with the Chancellor of State in Wei(h), [P'eng] Yüeh, to attack Ch'u; [but even] when he reached Ku-ling, they did not meet him. [The army of] Ch'u attacked the army of Han(s) and severely routed it. [So] the King of Han again went into entrenchments, digging deep his moat, and held himself on the defensive.
He said to Chang Liang, "The nobles do not follow [me], what can I do?" [Chang] Liang replied, "Altho the troops of Ch'u are almost routed, you have not yet distributed to [your followers] any territory; it is really quite natural that they did not come. If your Majesty is able to share the world with them, you can get them to come immediately. The establishment of [Han] Hsin as King of Ch'i was not your Majesty's design; [Han] Hsin is moreover not yet sure of his position. P'eng Yüeh originally subjugated the region of Liang; at first your Majesty installed [P'eng] Yüeh as Chancellor of Stat on account of Wei Pao; now [Wei] Pao is dead and [P'eng] Yüeh hopes to be king, but your Majesty did not decide [to appoint him] in good time. If now you will take [the region] north of Sui-yang to Ku-ch'eng and make P'eng Yüeh king of it all, and give the King of Ch'i, [Han] Hsin, [the region] from the east of Ch'en(2) to the ocean---[Han] Hsin's home is in Ch'u; he wants to obtain again his home town--- if you can give up these territories and promise them to these two men, making each one fight for his own [interests], then Ch'u will easily be defeated." Thereupon the King of Han dispatched a messenger to cause Han Hsin and P'eng Yüeh to come. Both came, leading their troops.
In the eleventh month, Liu Chia entered the region of Ch'u and besieged Shou-ch'un. Han(s) also sent someone to tempt the Commander-in-chief of Ch'u, Chou Yin. [Chou] Yin rebelled against Ch'u; with [forces from] Shu, he [captured and] massacred [the inhabitants of] Liu(5), raised the troops of [the kingdom of] Chiu-chiang, and welcomed [back] Ch'ing Pu; they marched together and massacred [the inhabitants of] Ch'eng-fu. In the train of 2 Liu Chia they all joined forces.
In the twelfth month they surrounded [Hsiang] Yü's [camp] at Kai-hsia. In the night [Hsiang] Yü heard the army of Han(s) on all sides singing the songs of Ch'u, 3 and thought that [the King of Han] had gained all the territory of Ch'u, [so Hsiang] Yü fled with several hundred horsemen. Because of this fact, his army was severely defeated. Kuan Ying pursued and beheaded [Hsiang] Yü at Tung-ch'eng. 4
[Thereafter] the territory of Ch'u was all subjugated, only [the state of] Lu 5 would not submit. The King of Han led the troops of the empire 6 [against it], intending to massacre its [inhabitants]. Because it was a state which had guarded itself faithfully and was [known for its] proper conduct and sense of human relationships, 7 [the King of Han had] the head of [Hsiang] Yü held up and shown to the elders [of Lu]; then Lu surrendered. Because King Huai had originally appointed [Hsiang] Yü as the Duke of Lu, and because when he died Lu was still firmly defended for him, [the King of Han had Hsiang] Yü therefore buried at Ku-ch'eng [with the title of] 8 a Duke of Lu. The King of Han proclaimed a mourning ceremony 9 for him. He wept and lamented, then left.
He appointed Hsiang Po and others, [altogether] four [of Hsiang Yü's kindred], as marquises, granting them the [imperial] surname, Liu. 10 All the people who had been captured [and kept] in Ch'u were [allowed] to return [home].
The King of Han returned to Ting-t'ao, rode into the entrenchments of the King of Ch'i, [Han] Hsin, and took away his army. 11
The King of Lin-chiang, Kung Ao, whom Hsiang Yü had originally set up, had previously died; his son [Kung] Wei had been set up [by Hsiang Yü] in succession as king, [so] he did not surrender. [The King of Han] sent Lu Wan and Liu Chia to attack him; they captured [Kung] Wei.
In the spring, the first month, [the King of Han] posthumously honored his older brother [Liu] Po, entitling him Marquis Wu-ai.
An order was given, saying, "The region of Ch'u has already been subjugated, [but] the Emperor Yi had no heirs; We wish to be solicitous for the people of Ch'u and fix upon a king for them. The King of Ch'i, [Han] Hsin, is well versed in the customs of Ch'u---let [his kingdom] be changed and [let] him be established as the King of Ch'u, ruling over [the region] north of the Huai [River], with his capital at Hsia-p'ei. The Chancellor of State at Wei(h), the Chien-ch'eng Marquis, P'eng Yüeh, has toiled diligently for the people of Wei(h); he has humbled and abased himself to his soldiers and officers. Often with a few [followers] he has attacked a more numerous [force]; several times he has routed the army of Ch'u. Let him be made king over the former territory of Wei(h), with the title, `The King of Liang.' His capital shall be at Ting-t'ao." [The order] also said, "The troops have not had rest for eight years. All the people have suffered severely. 12 Now [my efforts in settling the control] of the world have been brought to completion. Let an amnesty [be proclaimed] throughout the world [for all crimes] below [those deserving] capital punishment."
Thereupon the nobles sent up a petition to [the King of Han], saying: "The King of Ch'u, Han Hsin, the King of Han(b), [Han(w)] Hsin, the King of Huai-nan, Ying Pu, the King of Liang, P'eng Yüeh, the former King of Heng-shan, Wu Jui, the King of Chao, Chang Ao, and the King of Yen, Tsang Tu, risking death and making repeated obeisances, 13 say to your Majesty the great King: 14 In times past the Ch'in [dynasty] acted contrary to principle and the world punished it. You, great King, were the first to capture the King of Ch'in and subjugate Kuan-chung---your achievements have been the greatest in the world. You have preserved the perishing and given repose to those in danger; you have rescued those who were ruined and have continued broken [lines of descent] in order to tranquillize all the people. Your achievements are abundant and your virtue is great. You have moreover granted favors to the vassal kings who have merit, enabling them to succeed in setting up their gods of the soil and grains. 15 The division of the land has already been settled, but positions and titles are [still] confounded with one another, without the [proper] division of the superior [from] the inferior, so that the manifestation of your, the great King's, merits and virtue is not proclaimed to later generations. Risking death and making repeated obeisances, we offer to our superior the honorable title of Emperor."
The King of Han(s) replied, "I, a person of little virtue, 16 have heard that [the title of] emperor should be possessed by a man eminent in talent and virtue. An empty name without [possessing] its reality should not be adopted. Now you, vassal kings, have all highly exalted me, a person of little virtue. How could I therefore occupy [such a position]?"
The vassal kings all said, "You, great King, arose from small [beginnings]; you destroyed the seditious [dynasty of] Ch'in; your majesty stirs everything within the seas; 17 moreover, starting from a secluded and mean region, from Han-chung, you acted out your majesty and virtue, executing the unrighteous, setting up the meritorious, tranquillizing and establishing the empire. Meritorious officials all received territory and the income of towns; you did not appropriate them for yourself. Your virtue, great King, has been bestowed [even to the borders of] the four seas. We, vassal kings, [find our speech] inadequate to express it. For you to take the position of Emperor would be most appropriate. We hope that you, great King, will favor the world [by doing so]."
The King of Han replied, "Since the vassal kings would be favored [by it] and since they consider it to be an advantage to [all] the people in the world, it may be done." 18
Thereupon the vassal kings and "your servant, the Grand Commandant and Marquis of Ch'ang-an, [Lu] Wan, and others, [altogether] three hundred persons, together with the Erudit and the Chi-szu Baronet, Shu-sun T'ung, carefully selected a favorable day." In the second month, on [the day] chia-wu, 19they presented to their superior the honorable title [of Emperor] and the King of Han ascended the imperial throne upon the northern bank of the river Szu. 20 The Queen was honored and called, "The Empress"; the Heir-apparent was called "The Imperial Heir-apparent"; the deceased old dame, [the Emperor's mother], was posthumously honored and called "The Chao-ling Lady."
An imperial edict 21 read: "The former King of Heng-shan, Wu Jui, together with his two sons and his older brother's son, followed by the troops of the many Yüeh, 22 rendered very signal service in assisting the nobles in punishing the tyrannous Ch'in [dynasty]; the nobles set him up as King, [but] Hsiang Yü took away his territory by force, calling him [merely] the Baronet of P'o. Let the Baronet of P'o, [Wu] Jui, be established as King of Ch'ang-sha, [ruling over] Ch'ang-sha, Yü-chang, 23 the Hsiang Commandery, Kuei-lin, and Nan-hai." 24 It also said, "The ex-king of [Min-] Yüeh, [Tsou] Wu-chu, for a generation has been perpetuating the ancestral sacrifices of Yüeh; the Ch'in [dynasty] took away his territory by force, [so that] his gods of the soils and grains did not get any blood or food. 25 When the nobles were chastizing the Ch'in [dynasty, Tsou] Wu-chu himself led the troops of Min-chung to assist in destroying the Ch'in [dynasty]; [but] Hsiang Yü set him aside and did not set him up [as king]. Now we make him King of Min-Yüeh, ruling over the territory of Min-chung. Let them not neglect their charges."
The Emperor thereupon went west 26 and established his capital at Lo-yang. In the summer, the fifth month, the troops were all disbanded and returned to their homes. An imperial edict said, "The members of the noble families 27 in Kuan-chung are exempted [from service and taxes] for twelve years; those who have already returned [home are exempted for] half [that period]. 28 As to the people who formerly had collected to take refuge in the mountains and marshes, 29 whose names and numbers have not been enregistered---the world has now been pacified, [hence] We order that each return to his prefecture and resume his former noble rank, his fields, and his habitation. The officials, using civil laws, should teach and instruct [these people]; let it be published abroad 30 that there is to be no beating nor shaming [of them]. As to those people who because of famine or hunger have themselves sold their persons to be slaves or slave-girls, 31 let them all be freed and become common people. As to the officers and soldiers in the army who have been pardoned, those who have been without crime, but are without any noble rank, and those who have not attained [the rank of] Grandee, We grant them all the noble rank of Grandee. To all those who formerly [had the rank] of Grandee and upward, We grant a noble rank one step [higher]. Let it be ordered that all those who have [the noble rank of] Seventh [Rank] Grandee and upward are to be given the revenue of estates; 32 all those below [the noble rank of] Seventh [Rank] Grandee will themselves be personally exempted [from public service] and their households will not be required to do public service." It also said, "[The noble ranks] of Seventh [Rank] Grandee and Public Chariot and above are all high ranks. Among the members of the noble houses 33 and those who have returned from the army are very many with high noble ranks; I have several times ordered the officials to give fields and habitations to them first, and that whatever they rightfully ask of the officials should be promptly given them. There are some people with [high] noble titles as lords of men 34 whom the Emperor has honored, performed the ceremonies, and set up a long time ago, [but] about whom the officials have unexpectedly not yet reached a decision---this is utterly unspeakable. As to those among the people of Ch'in who in former days were ennobled [with the ranks] of Universal Grandee and upwards, a Chief and an Assistant 35 should respect them as their equals. Now I do not think lightly of [these] noble ranks, why should the officials alone take them thus? Moreover, according to the law, those who have some achievement and have rendered meritorious service should be given fields and habitations; [yet] at present many of the small officials who have never been with the army have been satisfied, but those who have [military] merit have nevertheless received nothing. For a [Commandery] Administrator, a [Commandery] Commandant, or a Chief Official to act contrary to public interest and for the interests of private persons is a kind of teaching and instruction that is extremely bad. Let it be ordered that the officials should treat the holders of high noble ranks properly [in order to] conform to my wishes. Moreover there will be an inspection and examination; if there are [found] any who have not acted in accordance with my edict, they will be heavily sentenced."
The Emperor held a feast in the Southern Palace at Lo-yang. The Emperor said, "Marquises and generals, do not dare to hide anything from Us. Express all your feelings. What was the reason that I have obtained the empire? What was the reason that the house of Hsiang [Yü] lost the empire?"
Kao Ch'i 36 and Wang Ling replied, "Your Majesty treats people cavalierly and is rude to them, [whereas] Hsiang Yü was kind and respected people; yet when your Majesty sent people to attack a city or overrun a region, you thereupon gave them whatever they submitted, sharing your advantages with the world. Hsiang Yü was jealous of the capable and envious of the able; he [sought to] injure whoever had accomplished anything worth while and was suspicious of those who were capable. When people were victorious in battle he did not give them any glory; when they obtained some territory, he did not give others any advantage [of it]. The foregoing is the reason that he lost the empire."
The Emperor said, "You sirs, know a part, but you do not know the whole. Now, in revolving plans in the tent and in making a victory certain at a distance of a thousand li, I am not as good as [Chang] Tzu-fang. 37 In pacifying a state, in soothing the people, in supplying pay and provisions and never permitting the communications for food to be cut, I am not as good as Hsiao Ho. In uniting a crowd of a million [men], in being sure of victory in battle, and in taking whatever [place] one attacks, 38 I am not as good as Han Hsin. [These] three are all outstanding men. I was able to make use of them--- that is the reason I took the world. Hsiang Yü had one Fan Tseng, but he could not make use of him 39 ---that was the reason he became my captive." The crowd of officials were glad to acquiesce.
Originally T'ien Heng had gone over to P'eng Yüeh. When Hsiang Yü had already been destroyed, [T'ien] Heng was afraid of being executed, [so] with his clients and guests he fled into the sea. The Emperor was afraid that if he stayed long he would create trouble, [so] sent a messenger to grant [T'ien] Heng amnesty, saying, "If [T'ien] Heng [and his party] come [and surrender], the great [person in his company will be made] a king and the lesser [persons] marquises. If [he and his following] do not come, I will immediately send out troops and punish [him and his followers] with death." [T'ien] Heng was dismayed, [so], riding a [four-horse] post-carriage, 40 he went to Lo-yang. When he was [still] thirty li away, he committed suicide. The Emperor admired his faithfulness and wept for him. He sent out two thousand soldiers to bury him with the rites of a king.
A banished man, Lou Ching, begged for an interview and said to the Emperor, "Your Majesty has taken the empire differently from [the way the] Chou [dynasty did], 41 [so that] your capital in Lo-yang is not advantageous. It is better to enter the passes and occupy the stronghold of the Ch'in [dynasty]." The Emperor asked Chang Liang about it. [Chang] Liang therefore urged the Emperor [likewise]. On that day [the Emperor] mounted the imperial chariot and went westwards to fix his capital at Ch'ang-an. He installed Lou Ching as the Fungch'un Baronet and granted him the [imperial] surname, Liu.
In the sixth month, on the day jen-ch'en, a general amnesty for the world [was proclaimed].
In the autumn, the seventh month, the King of Yen, Tsang Tu, revolted. 42 The Emperor, himself [acting as] general, marched against him. In the ninth month he captured [Tsang] Tu. An imperial edict [ordered] the vassal kings to look for a meritorious person to be made king of Yen. "The King of Ching, your servant, [Han] Hsin," and others, ten [in all], all replied, "The merits of the Grand Commadent and Marquis of Ch'ang-an, Lu Wan, are the greatest [of all]. We beg you to make him King of Yen."[The Emperor] sent his Lieutenent Chancellor [Fan] K'uai with troops to subjugate the region of Tai. 43
Li Chi rebelled; the Emperor personally [led the the army to] attack him and routed his [army]. Li Chi had been a general of Hsiang Yü; when [Hsiang] Yü was defeated, Li Chi was the magistrate of Ch'en(2). He had submitted [to Kao-tsu] and the Emperor had made him a Marquis in the Ying-ch'uan [Commandery]. When the Emperor had arrived at Lo-yang, he had summoned the whole of the marquises that were enregistered, hence Li Chi had been afraid and had rebelled.
In the intercalary ninth month, [the Emperor] removed the members of noble families to Kuan-chung. He repaired the Ch'ang-lo Palace.
In the sixth year, in the winter, the tenth month, the Emperor ordered the prefectural cities and towns of the empire to build themselves city walls. 44
A man gave information that the King of Ch'u, [Han] Hsin, was planning to revolt. The Emperor asked those around him [about it]; those around him vied [with each other], wanting to attack [Han Hsin. But the Emperor] utilized the stratagem [suggested by] Ch'en P'ing. So he feigned to make a trip to Yün-meng. In the twelfth month he assembled the nobles at Ch'en(2), and the King of Ch'u, [Han] Hsin, went to pay his respects. Thereupon [the Emperor] arrested him. 45
An imperial edict read, "Since the world has been at peace, eminent and distinguished persons who have merit have been appointed marquises. I am but newly seated [on the throne, hence] have not been able to plan a complete [reward for] their meritorious actions. They themselves have lived with the army for nine years, [so that] whether because they are not yet accustomed to the laws and ordinances, or because they formerly violated the law, [those who have committed] great [crimes] have been killed or mutilated. I pity them greatly. Let there be an amnesty granted to all the world." 46
T'ien K'en congratulated the Emperor, saying, "[Your Majesty's plans are] very good. Your Majesty has taken Han Hsin and also rules from [the region of] Ch'in. Ch'in is a country with an excellent geographical situation. It is girdled by the [Yellow] River, with mountains as barriers, separated [from the rest of the world] along a thousand li [of border] with a million lance-bearers---[the strength of] Ch'in is proportionate to double 47 that of a hundred [enemy]. Its geographical situation is convenient and favorable; when it sends down its troops [from the passes] upon the nobles, it is like [a person] on top of a high building upsetting water into a tile gutter.
Now Ch'i in the east has the richness of Lang-ya and Chi-mo; in the south are the fastnesses of Mount T'ai; in the west are the obstacles on the Muddy River; on the north it has the advantages of the P'o Sea. Its territory is two thousand li square and it has a million lance-bearers. It is marked off and separated [from the rest of the world] along more than a thousand li [of boundary---the strength of] Ch'i is proportionate to double 48 that of ten [enemy]. These are [then] an eastern and a western Ch'in. 49Only your own son or your own brother may be sent to be king over Ch'i." The Emperor replied, "Good." He gave him [the equivalent of] five hundred catties of gold. 50
The Emperor returned to Lo-yang and pardoned Han Hsin, appointing him as Marquis of Huai-yin. On the day chia-shen51 [the Emperor] first split the tallies and appointed his meritorious subjects, Ts'ao Ts'an and others, as marquises.
An imperial edict said, "Ch'i is an anciently founded state; but now it [has been broken into] commanderies [with their] prefectures. Let it again become [a state with] a nobility. General Liu Chia has several times performed great deeds; select him and some other persons who are large-hearted and kind, cultivated and pure, to rule over regions in Ch'i and Ching." In the spring, the first month, on the day ping-wu, the King of Han(h), [Han(w)] Hsin, and others memorialized [the throne], begging that Liu Chia be made King of Ching, [ruling over] the fifty-three prefectures of the former Tung-yang Commandery, the Chang Commandery, and the Wu Commandery, and that [the Emperor] set up his younger brother the Wen-hsin Baronet, [Liu] Chiao, as King of Ch'u, [ruling over] the thirty-six prefectures of the Tang Commandery, the Hsieh Commandery, and the T'an Commandery. On [the day] jen-tzu [the Emperor] set up his older brother, the Yi-hsin Marquis, [Liu] Hsi, as King of Tai, [ruling over] the fifty-three prefectures of the Yün-chung, the Yen-men, and the Tai Commanderies. He set up his son, [Liu] Fei, as King of Ch'i, [ruling] over the seventy-three prefectures of the Chiao-tung, the Chiao-si, the Lin-tzu, the Chi-pei, the Po-yang, and the Ch'eng-yang 52 commanderies. [The Emperor] made the kingdom of Han(h) out of the thirty-one prefectures of the T'ai-Yüan Commandery, and removed the King of Han(h), [Han(w)] Hsin, [to it], with his capital at Chin-yang. 53
When the Emperor had already appointed [to noble positions] twenty 54 odd men of great merit, the rest disputed over their [respective] merits, for which enfeoffments had not yet been made. When the Emperor was in the Southern Palace, from above on the double passageway, 55 he saw the generals often talking together privately. He asked Chang Liang [about it, and Chang] Liang said, "Your Majesty conquered the world together with these people. Now you are already the Son of Heaven, and those whom you have enfeoffed are all your old friends and those whom you love, while those whom you have punished with death were all enemies you have made in your life-time, against whom you held a grudge. Now the army officers are counting up those who have merits and think that the world is insufficient to enfeoff them all, so they fear that for a [trifling] fault they might meet with the punishment of death. Hence they meet and plan to rebel." The Emperor replied, "What can I do for that?" [Chang] Liang replied, "Take the persons whom your Majesty has always disliked, figuring out the one whom all your courtiers know [you dislike] the very most, and enfeoff him first in order to show your courtiers [that you really mean them well]." In the third month the Emperor held a feast and enfeoffed Yüng Ch'ih. Thereupon he urged his Lieutenant Chancellor [Hsiao Ho] to hasten and determine the merits [of the officers] and make the [due] appointments. When the feast was over, the courtiers were all glad and said, "Even Yung Ch'ih [has been made] a marquis; we have no cause at all for anxiety."
The Emperor returned to Yüeh-yang. Once every five days he would pay homage to the T'ai-kung [his father]. The Household Steward of the T'ai-kung admonished the T'ai-kung, saying, "Heaven has not two suns; the land has not two sovereigns. Although the Emperor is your son, he is the lord of men. Although you, the T'ai-kung, are his father, you are his subject. Why should you be the cause of the lord of men making obeisance before one who is his subject? In this way, his majesty and authority are then not exhibited." Afterwards when the Emperor [came to pay] homage, the T'ai-kung, holding a broom, welcomed him at the door and walked backwards. 56 The Emperor was greatly startled. He descended 57 and supported the T'ai-kung. The T'ai-kung said, "The Emperor is the lord of men, why should you overturn the principles of the world on my account?" On that account the Emperor in his heart approved the words of the Household Steward and granted him five hundred catties of actual gold.
In the summer, the fifth month, on [the day] ping-wu, an imperial edict said, "Of all the close relationships, none is closer than that of father and son. Therefore when a father possesses the world he hands it down to his son, and when a son possesses the world his dignity reverts to his father---this is the highest perfection of human principles. In former days the world was in great disturbance, armed troops arose everywhere, and all the people suffered calamities. We Ourself wore armor, wielded a pointed [weapon], and Ourself led Our officers and soldiers, braving danger and difficulty in order to put down the tyrannous and rebellious. We have set up a nobility, ended the war, and given the people rest, [so that] the world [is enjoying] a great peace. This is all [due to] the teaching and instruction of the T'ai-kung [Our father]. The kings, the marquises, the generals, the many ministers, and the Grandees have already honored Us [with the title of] Emperor; but the T'ai-kung has not yet had any title. Now We present to and honor the T'ai-kung with the title of the Grand Emperor."
In the autumn, the ninth month, the Huns besieged the King of Han(h), [Han(w)] Hsin, at Ma-yi, and [Han(w)] Hsin surrendered to the Huns.
In the seventh year, in the winter, the tenth month, the Emperor in person acting as general attacked the King of Han(h), [Han(w)] Hsin, at T'ung-ti, and beheaded his general. 58 [But Han(w)] Hsin escaped and fled to the Huns. Together with 59 his generals, Man-ch'iu Ch'en and Wang Huang, they together set up a descendant of the former king of Chao, Chao Li, as King [of Chao], collected the scattered troops of [Han(w)] Hsin [for him], and, together with the Huns, they resisted [the forces of] the Han(s) [dynasty]. 60 The Emperor, [starting] from Chin-yang, fought a succession of battles and took advantage of his victories to pursue the defeated. He went to Lou-fan, [where] he met with a severe cold spell, [so that] two or three out of every ten officers and soldiers lost fingers [or toes]. Thereupon he went to P'ing-ch'eng, [where] he was besieged by the Huns for seven days. He used the secret plan of Ch'en P'ing and succeeded in getting out. 61 [Then] he ordered Fan K'uai to stay in order to subjugate the region of Tai. In the twelfth month the Emperor returned. He passed through Chao but did not treat the King of Chao courteously. 62
In this month the Huns attacked Tai, and the King of Tai, [Liu] Hsi, abandoned his state and of his own accord returned to Lo-yang. 63 He was forgiven and made Marquis of Ho-yang. On [the day] hsin-mao64 [the Emperor] made his son, [Liu] Ju-yi, King of Tai.
In the spring [the Emperor] ordered that when a Gentleman-of-the-Palace commits a crime [deserving] a more [severe punishment] than that of shaving the whiskers, 65 [the officials] should ask [the throne's consent to the sentence], and that people who had sons born to them should be exempted from public service for two years. In the second month he went to Ch'ang-an. Hsiao Ho was building the Wei-yang Palace, and was erecting the Eastern Portal, the Northern Portal, the Front Hall, the Arsenal, and the Great Granary. The Emperor saw their greatness and elegance and was very angry. He said to [Hsiao] Ho, "The world is full of tumultuous cries; I have toiled and suffered for many years; my success or failure cannot yet be known---why are you building these palaces and halls beyond measure?" [Hsiao] Ho replied, "The world is not just yet subjugated---for that reason we should take this opportunity to complete the palaces and halls. Moreover the Son of Heaven has the four seas [and all within them] for his household. Without 66 great and elegant [buildings], you will not [be able to display] your authority and majesty. We should not moreover let it be that later generations should find anything to be despized." The Emperor was delighted, removed from Yüeh-yang, and established his capital at Ch'ang-an. He established the office 67 of the Superintendency over the Imperial House to arrange the precedence among his nine [classes of] relatives. In the summer, the fourth month, he went to Lo-yang.
In his eighth year, in the winter, the Emperor went east to attack Han(w) Hsin's 68 remaining robbers 69 at Tung-Yüan. On his return, he went thru [the state of] Chao. The Chancellor of Chao, Kuan Kao, and others [felt] humiliated [because] the Emperor did not extend any courtesy to their King, [and so] secretly plotted, wishing to assassinate the Emperor. The Emperor was going to pass the night [at a certain place, but] his spirit was moved, so he asked what the name of the prefecture was. He was answered, "Po-jen." The Emperor said, "A po-jen is a person harassed by someone." 70 He went away and did not spend the night [there].
In the eleventh month [the Emperor] ordered that the officers and soldiers who had died when with the army should be put in provisional coffins and returned to their [home] prefectures; their prefectures should supply their shrouds, their coverlets, their [permanent] coffins, their burials, their [mortuary] furnishings, and should sacrifice [to them] a ram and a pig. The chief officials should supervise their funerals.
In the twelfth month [the Emperor] went from Tung-Yüan to [the capital]. In the spring, the third month, he went to Lo-yang. He ordered that the officials and soldiers who went with the army to P'ing-ch'eng, 71 those who defended the city and the walled towns, should all be exempt from public service for life. Those whose noble rank was not above that of Public Chariot shall not be allowed to wear the Hat of the House of Liu. Merchants are not to be permitted to wear brocade, embroidery, flowered silk, crape linen, fine linen, sackcloth, or wool, carry weapons, or ride a quadriga or a horse. 72
In the autumn, the eighth month, there was a pardon granted to those officials who had committed crimes [but] had not yet been detected.
In the ninth month, [the Emperor] went from Lo-yang to [the capital]. The King of Huai-nan, [Ch'ing Pu], the King of Liang, [P'eng Yüeh], the King of Chao, [Chang Ao], and the King of Ch'u, [Liu Chiao], all accompanied him.
In the ninth year, in the winter, the tenth month, the King of Huai-nan, [Ch'ing Pu], the King of Liang, [P'eng Yüeh], the King of Chao, [Chang Ao], and the King of Ch'u, [Liu Chiao], came to court at the Wei-yang Palace [to pay their homage. The Emperor] held a feast in the Front Hall. The Emperor held up a jade wine-cup 73 and drank a toast to the health of the Grand Emperor, saying, "At first you, sire, continually thought of me, your servant, as a good-for-nothing, one who could not apply himself to any professional occupation, 74 who was not as industrious as [my brother] Chung. Now who has achieved the more, I or Chung?" The many courtiers in the Hall all called out, "Long life," They laughed loudly and made merry.
In the eleventh month [the Emperor] removed to Kuan-chung five great clans of Ch'i and Ch'u: the Chao clan, the Chu clan, the Ching clan, the Huai clan, and the T'ien clan, and gave them the advantage of its fields and dwellings. 75
In the twelfth month he went to Lo-yang. The rebellious conspiracy of Kuan Kao and his accomplices were discovered. [Kuan] Kao and his accomplices were arrested and captured; 76
the King of Chao, [Chang] Ao, was also captured and put in prison. An imperial edict [was issued to the effect that] anyone who dared to follow the king would be punished by [death and] the extermination of his three [sets of] relatives. [The king's] Gentlemen-ofthe-Palace, T'ien Shu, Meng Shu, and others, ten persons [in all], themselves shaved their heads, put on iron collars, 77 made themselves slaves of the king's household, and followed the king to prison. The king did not really know of [Kuan Kao's] conspiracy. In the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] dismissed the King of Chao, [Chang] Ao, and made him the Marquis of Hsüan-p'ing. He moved the King of Tai, [Liu] Ju-yi, to be the King of Chao, ruling over the state of Chao. Those who, before [the day] ping-yin, had committed crimes not serious enough [to deserve] the punishment of an irrevokable death sentence were all pardoned. In the second month [the Emperor] went from Lo-yang to [the capital]. [He esteemed as] capable [men] the ten courtiers of Chao, T'ien Shu, Meng Shu, and the others, summoned them to an interview, and conversed with them. None of the courtiers in the Han court were able to surpass the best 78 [efforts] of these men. The Emperor was delighted and appointed every one of them as Administrators of commanderies or Chancellors of the nobles.
In the summer, the sixth month, on [the day] yi-wei, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
In the tenth year, in the winter, the tenth month, the King of Huai-nan, [Ch'ing Pu], the King of Yen, [Lu Wan], the King of Ching, [Liu Chia], the King of Liang, [P'eng Yüeh], the King of Ch'u, [Liu Chiao], the King of Ch'i, [Liu Fei], and the King of Ch'ang-sha, [Wu Ch'eng], came to court [to render their homage.]
In the summer, the fifth month, the Grand Emperor 79 died; in the autumn, the seventh month, on [the day] kuei-mao, he was buried at Wan-nien. [The Emperor] pardoned those imprisoned at Yüeh-yang whose crimes were less than 80 those [deserving] death. In the eighth month he ordered the vassal kings all to set up temples to the Grand Emperor at the capitals of their states. 81
In the ninth month, the Chancellor of State in Tai, Ch'en Hsi, revolted. The Emperor said, "[Ch'en] Hsi has acted as my envoy; he has had my entire confidence. I have been anxious about the region of Tai, hence I appointed [Ch'en] Hsi to be a marquis, and, as Chancellor of State, to guard Tai; but now with Wang Huang and others he has seized and ravaged the region of Tai. The officials and people [of Tai] have committed no crime; those who can leave [Ch'en] Hsi and [Wang] Huang and come to return [to their allegiance to me] will all be pardoned." The Emperor reached Han-tan from the east. [Then] the Emperor was delighted and said, "[Ch'en] Hsi did not come south and hold Han-tan, in order to 82 bar [the passage up] the river Chang. I know that he is really incapable of doing anything." The Chancellor of Chao, Chou Ch'ang, memorialized [the throne to the effect that] of the twenty-five cities of Ch'ang-shan, 83 twenty cities had been lost. He begged that the Administrator and [Commandary] Commandant be sentenced to death. The Emperor said, "Have the Administrator and [Commandery] Commandant rebelled?" and was answered, "No." The Emperor [then] said, "Their strength was inadequate; they have committed no crime."
The Emperor ordered Chou Ch'ang to select some of the valiant gentlemen of Chao who could be commissioned as generals. He reported back, and [the Emperor] interviewed four men. The Emperor treated them with contempt and scolded them, saying, "You striplings, have you the stuff to be generals?" The four men blushed for shame, and all fell prostrate to the earth. The Emperor appointed for each [the income of] a thousand families and made them generals. His close associates remonstrated with him, saying, "From [the time that you] entered Shu and Han(s) and [made an expedition] to punish [the state of] Ch'u, you have never yet [given] indiscriminate [rewards]. 84 For what deeds do you now appoint these [people]?" The Emperor replied, "This is not anything that you understand. Ch'en Hsi has rebelled, and the regions of Chao and Tai are all in [Ch'en] Hsi's possession. I used a feathered call-to-arms to summon the empire's troops, but none have yet arrived. Now I can only count on the troops in Han-tan alone. Why should I be parsimonious about [the income of] four thousand families and not use it to console the young men of Chao?" They all replied, "You are right." He also sought whether Yo Yi had any descendants [living], found his grandson, [Yo] Shu, and enfeoffed him at Yo-hsiang, entitling him the Hua-ch'eng Baronet.
[The Emperor] asked about 85 the generals of [Ch'en] Hsi, [and found that] they were all former merchants. The Emperor said, "Then I know how to deal with them." So he bribed the generals of [Ch'en] Hsi with much gold, and many of [Ch'en] Hsi's generals surrendered.
In the eleventh year, in the winter, the Emperor was at Han-tan. A general of [Ch'en] Hsi, Hou Ch'ang, scouted about, leading more than ten thousand men. Wang Huang, leading more than a thousand cavalry, encamped at Ch'ü-ni. Chang Ch'un, leading more than ten thousand foot-soldiers, crossed the [Yellow] River to attack Liao-ch'eng; a general of the Han [dynasty], Kuo Meng, together with a general of [the state of] Ch'i, attacked [Chang Ch'un] and routed his [troops] severely. The Grand Commandant 86 , Chou P'o, went by way of the T'ai-Yüan [Commandery], entered and subjugated the region of Tai. He went to Ma-yi, [but] Ma-yi would not submit, [so] he attacked and massacred its [people]. A general of [Ch'en] Hsi, Chao Li, was defending Tung-Yüan. Kao-tsu attacked it, [but] did not take it. [Some of] the soldiers [of the town] cursed him. The Emperor became angry, and, when the city surrendered, those soldiers who had cursed him were beheaded. 87 Those prefectures which had been firmly defended and did not surrender to the rebellious robbers, 88 were exempted from the land tax and capitation taxes for three years.
In the spring, the first month, the Marquis of Huai-yin, Han Hsin, plotted a revolt at Ch'ang-an. He was exterminated with his three [sets of] relatives. 89
General Ch'ai Wu beheaded the King of Han(h), [Han(w)] Hsin, at Ts'an-ho. The Emperor returned to Lo-yang. An imperial edict said, "The territory of Tai is north of [that of] Ch'ang-shan, and borders on [the regions of] the barbarians. 90 Consequently, [the state of] Chao has [to control this territory] from south of the mountains. 91 It is far away [from its administrative headquarters], frequently pillaged [by] the Hu, and has difficulty in being a state. We will take a bit of the territory of the T'ai-Yüan [Commandery] south of the mountains and augment [with it the region] belonging to Tai. 92 [The part of] Tai west of Yün-chung shall become the Yün-chung Commandery. Thus Tai will be suffering less from border raids. You, kings, chancellors of states, marquises, and officials who [have the rank of] two thousand piculs, should select someone who can be made King of Tai." The King of Yen, [Lu] Wan, the Chancellor of State [Hsiao] Ho, and others, [altogether] thirty-three persons, unanimously replied, "Your son, [Liu] Heng, is capable, wise, gentle, and good. We beg that he be made King of Tai, with his capital at Chin-yang." 93 A general amnesty for all the world [was proclaimed].
In the second month, an imperial edict said, "[We] wish very much to lessen the poll-taxes, [but] now the offerings [made to Us] have no regulations, [so that] the officials sometimes make the poll-tax heavy in order to use it for offerings [to Us], and for the vassal kings [this tax] is even heavier, [with the result that] the people suffer from it. Henceforth the vassal kings and marquises shall regularly pay court and make offerings [to Us, the Emperor], in the tenth month, 94 and each commandery shall [make an offering] in accordance with 95 the total number of its people; each person per year [shall be taxed] sixty-three cash in order to provide for the expense of making offerings [to the Emperor]."
[The edict] 96 also said, "Verily [We] have heard that no [true] king was greater than [King] Wen of the Chou [dynasty] and no Lord Protector was greater than [Duke] Huan of Ch'i---both needed capable men in order to make a name for themselves. 97 At present in the world there are capable men who are wise and able; why should only men of ancient times [be capable]? The trouble is that the ruler of men does not meet them. By what means could a gentleman have access [to me]? Now I, by the spiritual power of Heaven, 98 [and by my] capable gentlemen and high officials have subjugated and possess the empire and have made it one family. I wish it to be enduring, that generation after generation should worship at my ancestral temple without cessation. Capable persons have already shared with me in its pacification. Should it be that [any capable persons] are not to share together with me in its comfort and its benefits? If there are any capable gentlemen or sirs who are willing to follow and be friends with me, I can make them honorable and illustrious. Let [the foregoing] be published to [all] the world, to make plain Our intention. Let the Grandee Secretary 99 [Chao] Yao 100 transmit it to the Chancellor of State; let the Chancellor of State [Hsiao Ho], the Marquis of Tso, transmit it to the vassal kings; the Palace Secretary for Administrating the Laws shall transmit it to the Commandery Administrators. If any [among their people] have an excellent 101 reputation and manifest virtue, [the officials] must personally urge [them to come], provide them with a quadriga, and send them to go to the courts of the Chancellor of State to have written down their accomplishments, their appearance, 102 and their age. 103 If there are [such ones] and [any official] does not report them, when [this fact] becomes known, he shall be dismissed. Those who are aged, infirm, or ill should not be sent."
In the third month, the King of Liang, P'eng Yüeh, plotted a rebellion. He was exterminated with his three [sets of] relatives. 104 The imperial edict said, "Do you select [some persons] who can be made the King of Liang and the King of Huai-yang." The King of Yen, [Lu] Wan, the Chancellor of State [Hsiao] Ho, and others begged [the Emperor] to establish his son, [Liu] K'uei, as the King of Liang, and his son, [Liu] Yu, as the King of Huai-yang. [The Emperor] reduced considerably the Tung Commandery and added a part of it to [the state of] Liang. He [also] reduced considerably 105 the Ying-ch'uan Commandery and added a part of it to [the state of] Huai-yang.
In the summer, the fourth month, [the Emperor] went from Lo-yang to [the capital]. He ordered that the people of Feng who had been moved to Kuan-chung should all be exempted [from taxes and service] for life. 106
In the fifth month an imperial edict said, "According to the customs of the people of [Nan-] Yüeh, they like to attack each other. At a previous time, the Ch'in [dynasty] moved people from the central prefectures 107 to the three commanderies of the southern quarter, and sent them to live intermixed with the many [tribes of] the Yüeh. It happened that when the world punished the Ch'in [dynasty], the [Commandery] Commandant of Nan-hai, [Chao] T'o, was living in the southern quarter and ruling it as its chieftain. He has made an excellent arrangement [of his government, so that] the people from the central prefectures have hence not diminished [in number] and the custom of the people of Yüeh to attack each other is progressively ceasing. For all [the foregoing, the region] is in debt to his ability. Now We establish [Chao] T'o as King of Nan-Yüeh and commission Lu Chia to transmit his kingly seal and [its] cord." [Chao] T'o made obeisance [to the Emperor's edict] and acknowledged himself as [Kao-tsu's] subject.
In the sixth month [the Emperor] ordered that the officers and soldiers who had followed him into Shu, Han(s), and Kuan-chung should all be exempted [from taxes and military service] for life. 108
In the autumn, the seventh month, the King of Huai-nan, [Ch'ing] Pu, revolted. The Emperor asked the generals [for a plan of campaign]. The Lord of Teng [Hsia-hou Ying] said that the former Chief Administrator of Ch'u, his excellency Hsieh, had formed a plan, and the Emperor saw 109 his excellency. His excellency Hsieh told about [Ch'ing] Pu's circumstances, and the Emperor approved his [plan] and appointed his excellency Hsieh [to the income of] a thousand families. [The Emperor next issued] an edict that the kings and the Chancellor of State should select [someone] who could be made King of Huai-nan. His subjects [the kings and chancellors] begged that he make his son, [Liu] Ch'ang, its king. The Emperor thereupon mobilized as the Imperial Heir-apparent's Guard, chariots and cavalry from the Shang commandery, from the Pei-ti [Commandery], and from the Lung-hsi [Commandery], skilled soldiers from Pa and Shu, together with thirty thousand of the soldiers [belonging to] the Palace Military Commander, and had them encamp at Pa-shang. [Ch'ing] Pu really [did] as his excellency Hsieh had said: he went eastwards, attacked and killed the King of Ching, Liu Chia, seized his troops, crossed the Huai [River], and attacked [the state of] Ch'u. 110 The King of Ch'u, [Liu] Chiao, fled to Hsieh. The Emperor granted a pardon to [everyone in] the world except [those guilty of] capital crimes, and ordered them all to enlist in the army. He summoned the troops of the nobles, and, with the Emperor in person acting as general, attacked [Ch'ing] Pu.
In his twelfth year, in the winter, the tenth month, the Emperor routed [the army of Ch'ing] Pu at Kuei-chui. [Ch'ing] Pu fled. [The Emperor] ordered a detached general to pursue him.
The Emperor, on his return, passed thru P'ei,
and stopped to make a feast in the palace at P'ei. He summoned all his friends,
elders and young people, to attend
the feast. He sent out for the children
of P'ei, secured a hundred and twenty persons, and
taught them some songs. At the height of the drinking, the Emperor struck a
and himself sang as follows:
The elders, the matrons, and his old friends at P'ei [spent their time for] days rejoicing and drinking, extremely pleased and telling of [his] former [doings] in order to laugh and rejoice. [After] more than ten days, the Emperor wished to leave, [but] the elders of P'ei insistently begged him [to stay]. 118 The Emperor said, "My people are quite numerous; you, Elders, are not able to provide [for them]." Thereupon he departed. Those who were in P'ei emptied the city and all came to the west of the town to make offerings. 119 The Emperor stopped and stayed [there], and banqueted them in a tent for three days. The elders of P'ei all knocked their heads to the ground [before Kao-tsu] and said, "P'ei has happily obtained exemption, but Feng has not obtained it---if only your Majesty would take pity upon it!" The Emperor replied, "Feng is where I was born and raised; I could never forget it. But I [cannot exempt it] because it formerly revolted against me for the sake of Yung Ch'ih [and gave its allegiance] to Wei(h)." 120 The elders of P'ei insistently begged him, so he also exempted Feng like P'ei.
The detached general of the Han [dynasty] attacked the army of [Ch'ing] Pu north and south of the River Pi, 121 and at both places routed it severely. [Then] he caught up with and decapitated [Ch'ing] Pu at P'o-yang.
Chou P'o subjugated Tai and beheaded Ch'en Hsi at Tang-ch'eng.
An imperial edict said, "Wu was an anciently established state. In the past, the King of Ching [Liu Chia] has also had its territory. Now that he has died without issue, We wish again to establish a king of Wu. Let it be discussed who is able [to occupy this position]." The King of Ch'ang-sha, [Wu] Ch'en, 122 and others said, "The Marquis of P'ei, [Liu] P'i, is dignified and sincere; we beg that you establish him as King of Wu." When he had already been installed [as King], the Emperor summoned him and said to [Liu] P'i, "Your appearance has the look of a rebel." So he patted him on the back and said, "If, [within] the coming fifty years, the Han [dynasty] has a revolt in the southeast, would it be you? The world is however [now subservient to] one house and is all one family; you must be careful not to rebel." [Liu] P'i knocked his head on the ground and said, "I would not dare [to do so]." 123
In the eleventh month, [the Emperor] travelled from Huai-nan and returned [to the capital]. He passed thru Lu and sacrificed to Confucius, offering him a suevotaurilia. 124
In the twelfth month an imperial edict said, "The [First] Emperor of the Ch'in [dynasty], King Yin of Ch'u [Ch'en Shê], King An-hsi of Wei(h), King Min of Ch'i, and King Tao-hsiang of Chao, all have had their lines of descent cut off, being without issue. Let there be twenty families as the grave-keepers of the First Emperor of Ch'in; [for] each of [these kings of] Ch'u, of Wei(h), and of Ch'i, [let there be] ten families; [for] each of [the king of] Chao and the Prince of Wei(h), Wu-chi, [let there be] five families. We order that [these families] should watch with care the tumuli [to the care of which they have been assigned] and that they should be exempted and not made to give any other service." 125
A general of Ch'en Hsi who had surrendered told that when [Ch'en] Hsi rebelled, the King of Yen, Lu Wan, had sent men to the place where [Ch'en] Hsi was, to plot secretly. When the Emperor sent the Marquis of Pi-yang, Shen Yi-chi, to go to escort [Lu] Wan [to the capital, Lu] Wan feigned sickness, [so that Shen] Yi-chi reported that there were signs that [Lu] Wan had rebelled. In the spring, the second month, [the Emperor] sent Fan K'uai and Chou P'o, with troops, to attack [Lu] Wan. The imperial edict said, "The King of Yen, [Lu] Wan, was an old friend of mine, and I loved him like a son. When I heard that he had plotted with Ch'en Hsi, I thought there was no such thing, hence I sent an envoy to escort [Lu] Wan [to the capital. But Lu] Wan feigned sickness and did not come, [so that] it is evident he has planned to rebel. The officials and people of Yen have committed no crime. I grant to each of its officials who have the rank of six hundred piculs and above, one step [in noble rank]; to those who have been [in revolt] with [Lu] Wan [but] leave him and come to return [to their allegiance to me], I will grant pardon and also add one step in noble rank." An edict [ordered that] the vassal kings should discuss who should be made King of Yen. The King of Ch'ang-sha, [Wu] Ch'en, and others begged that [the Emperor] establish his son [Liu] Chien as King of Yen.
An imperial edict said, "The Marquis of Nan-wu, Chih, is also a descendent of Yüeh; We establish him as King of Nan-hai."
In the third month an imperial edict said, "I have been made the Son of Heaven, and as Emperor have now possessed the world for twelve years until the present. Together with the brave officers and talented grandees of the empire I have subjugated the empire; together we have pacified and reunited it. Among those [of my followers] who have distinguished themselves, I have established the best as kings, the next [best] as marquises, and the least have moreover been given the income of towns. 1 Moreover some of the relatives of my important subjects have become marquises. All have been themselves authorized to establish their officials and levy taxes. Their daughters have become 126 Princesses. The marquises who have the income of towns all wear seals; we have granted them large residences. The officials [of the rank of] two thousand piculs We moved to Ch'ang-an to receive small residences. Those who went to Shu and Han(s) and subjugated the three [parts of the state of] Ch'in are all exempted [from taxes and services] from generation to generation. Towards the worthy officers and meritorious officials of the empire I may be said not to have been ungrateful. Let those who unrighteously rebel against the Son of Heaven and arbitrarily raise troops be punished by the united military forces of the empire and be executed. Let this be published and announced to the world to let it clearly understand Our intention."
When the Emperor was fighting against [Ch'ing] Pu, he had been wounded by a stray arrow; as he was traveling along he became ill. When his illness became severe the Empress [née] Lü called a good physican. When the physician entered and saw him, the Emperor asked the physician, "Can my sickness be healed?" The physician replied, "It can be healed." 127 Thereupon the Emperor scolded him, [using] disrespectful [language], "I took possession of the world as a humble citizen wielding a sword 128 ---was not this [achievement by] the Decree of Heaven? My fate is then with Heaven; altho Pien Ch'io [were here], what use could he be?" Therefore he did not let him treat his sickness, but granted him fifty catties of actual gold and dismissed him.
The Empress [née] Lü asked, "After your Majesty's decease, 129 when the Chancellor of State Hsiao [Ho] has died, 130 whom should I order to take his place?" The Emperor said, "Ts'ao Ts'an can [be chosen.]" She [then] asked who next, and he replied, "Wang Ling can [be chosen]. However he is a little stupid, [so] Ch'en P'ing can [be chosen] to assist him. Ch'en P'ing has superabundent intelligence, but he would find it difficult to bear the responsibility alone. Chou P'o is dignified and sincere, [but] he is not very polished; yet the one who will assure the peace of the house of Liu must be [Chou] P'o. He could be made Grand Commandant." The Empress [née] Lü again asked who next, and the Emperor replied, "After that you 131 too will not know [things]."
Lu Wan with several thousand men stayed at the foot of the Barrier, waiting, if by good chance the Emperor's sickness should become better, to come in person to beg for pardon. [But] in the summer, the fourth month, on [the day] chia-ch'en, the Emperor died in the Ch'ang-lo Palace. 132 When Lu Wan heard of it, he thereupon fled to the Huns.
The Empress [née] Lü plotted with Shen Yi-chi, saying, "The generals together with the Emperor formerly came from families enregistered as common people; when they faced north 133 as courtiers, in their hearts they have always felt dissatisfied, and now they [will] nevertheless [have to] serve the young lord [his son]. If they are not all completely exterminated together with their families, the empire will not be at peace." For this reason [the Empress] did not [announce the death and] proclaim a mourning. Someone heard of it and spoke to Li Shang. [Li] Shang saw Shen Yi-chi and said [to him], "I have heard that the Emperor has already been dead for four days, and that [the Empress] has not proclaimed any mourning and wishes to kill the generals. If [the situation] is really like this, the empire is certainly in danger. Ch'en P'ing and Kuan Ying, leading a hundred thousand [men], defend Jung-yang; Fan K'uai and Chou P'o, leading two hundred thousand [men], are subjugating Yen and Tai--- when these 134 [people] hear that the Emperor has died and the generals have all been killed, they will certainly turn about face with their troops in order to attack Kuan-chung. With the great ministers revolting inside [the passes] and the generals turning against [the dynasty] outside [the passes], it could await its destruction on tiptoe." 135 Shen Yi-chi entered and told these [words to the Empress]. So on [the day] ting-wei [the Empress] proclaimed a mourning and granted a general amnesty to the world.
In the fifth month, on [the day] ping-yin, [the Emperor] was buried in the Ch'ang Tomb. When [the coffin] had been put in place, the imperial heir-apparent and the courtiers all returned and went to the temple of the Grand Emperor. 136 The courtiers said, "The Emperor arose from humble [beginnings]; he established order in a troubled generation, and turned it back to the right [path]. He pacified and subjugated the world, and became the Grand Founder 137 of the Han [dynasty]. His achievements were very great. 138 We offer him the high title of Kao-huang-ti." 139
In his early life, Kao-tsu did not cultivate literary studies, but by nature he was intelligent and penetrating. He liked to make plans and was able to listen [to others]. From a superintendent of a gate or a man exiled to the frontier 140 [upwards, anyone] who came to see him [was treated] as an old [friend]. At the beginning [of his reign] he conformed to the people's wishes when he made an agreement [with them] in three articles; 141 when the empire had been subjugated, he commanded Hsiao Ho to set in order the [criminal] laws and orders, 142 Han Hsin to set forth the military methods, 143 Chang Ts'ang to fix the calendar and measures, 144 Shu-sun T'ung to establish the rites and etiquette, 145 and Lu Chia to compose the Hsin-Yü. With his meritorious followers he split tallies and made oaths, with red writing and an iron certificate, a golden box and a stone chest, and kept them in the ancestral temple. 146 Altho daily no leisure was afforded him, his designs and plans were vast and far-reaching.
In eulogy we say,
In `Spring and Autumn' [times], the historian of [the state of] Chin, Ts'ai
Mo, said, "When the T'ao and T'ang family
had lost its power, among its descendants there was a Liu Lei who learned to train dragons.
He served K'ung-chia. The Fan family were his
descendants." Moreover the Grandee Fan Hsientzu also said, "My ancestors before
[the time of] Yü [Shun] were surnamed T'ao and T'ang; in the [time of the] Hsia
[dynasty], they were surnamed Yü-lung; in [the time of] the Shang [dynasty],
they were surnamed Shih-wei; in [the time of] the Chou
[dynasty], they were surnamed T'ang and Tu; when
[the state of] Chin became the lord of China's oaths,
they were surnamed Fan. A [member of the] Fan [family] was the Supreme Judge of
Chin. In the time of Duke Wen of Lu, [the family] fled to Ch'in.
Later they returned to Chin. Those [of the Fan family] who remained [in Ch'in] became
the Liu family."
Liu Hsiang said, "In the time of the Contending States, [a member of] the Liu
family from Ch'in was made prisoner of war by Wei(h).
When [the state of] Ch'in destroyed [the
state of] Wei(h),
[the family] moved to Ta-liang and dwelt at Feng. Hence Chou Fu said to Yung Ch'ih,
`Feng was formerly a colony of Liang.' Thus the eulogy of Kao-tsu said,
The Lord of Feng was indeed the Grand Emperor's father. The period since his moving [to Feng] had been brief, [for] there are few mounds or graves [of the family] at Feng. When Kao-tsu took the throne, he established officials for the worship [of his ancestors], so there were shamans from Ch'in, Chin, Liang, and Ching. 158 For generations the worship of Heaven and Earth has been accompanied by the worship [of these ancestors]. 159 How could [these facts] be untrustworthy? From the foregoing [accounts] we infer that the Han [dynasty] succeeded to the fortunes of Yao; its virtues and the happiness recompensing it are already great. The cutting in two of the snake, 160 the auspicious omens which appeared, 161 the banners and pennons which emphasized [the color] red 162 in harmony with the virtue of fire, 163 were responses which came of their own accord, [thereby showing that Kao-tsu] secured the [dynastic] rule from Heaven.
1. In the second part of this chapter more than half of the material in the HS is not to be found in the SC ch. 7 and 8. It looks as if Pan Ku, when he used the SC for his source, made a practise of condensing that material while preserving its essential features, and then added what important new material he had gathered, especially from the imperial edicts and from memorials to the throne. In the first few pages, the HS is here excerpting its material from SC chap. 7, which gives a fuller account than SC chap. 8; a little later it turns to SC chap. 8. Cf. Mh II, 313ff.
2. The Fukien ed. (1549) follows the SC chap. 8 (Mh II, 378) in reading "Sui Ho" 隨河 instead of "in the train of" 隨. But chap. 7 of the SC, in telling of this event (cf. Mh II, 315) reads "in the train of." Sui Ho was Kao-tsu's Internuncio, not at all a military man; nowhere else is he said to have taken part in any fighting. HS 31: 22b likewise reads "in the train of"; 35: 1b, in recounting this incident has the same meaning. The word H0 in the SC ch. 8 must therefore be an interpolation.
3. These songs were a stratagem on Kao-tsu's part, to induce homesickness in Hsiang Yü's soldiers as well as to deceive him about the extent of the rebellion against him.
4. The HS is following the account in the SC chap. 8; but the SC says "killed" instead of "beheaded" (cf. Mh II, 379). Hsiang Yü committed suicide after being wounded more than ten times and being cornered; then Wang Yi, a cavalryman, cut off his head, and there was a fight among some of Kao-tsu's generals and soldiers over his body and the reward for it. Cf. Mh II, 320. For the splendid account of his final stand, parting speeches, and death, cf. Mh II, 316-320, also HS ch. 31; Glossary, sub Hsiang Chi.
5. Hsiang Yü had been made a Duke of Lu (cf. 1A: 13b) and had spent some time there (cf. 1A: 33a).
6. Lit. "of the world" 天下, indicating that he was now master of the then known world, China.
7. This curious statement, worthy of a Confucian historian, is taken from SC 7: 33a. Cf. Mh II, 321; HS 88: 3a.
8. Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) says that, since the SC and chap. 31 of the HS add 號 "with the title of" at this point, the word should be in the text here too.
9. Reading 喪 with the official ed. (1739) instead of the present 葬. The two words here seem practically interchangeable.
10. Hsiang Po was the person who defended Kao-tsu when he was in danger of assassination at Hung-men. Cf. 1A: 22.These four marquises were: Liu Chan (Hsiang Po), Marquis of She-yang; Liu T'o, Marquis of P'ing-kao; Liu Hsiang, Marquis of T'ao-an; the fourth is not listed in HS chap. 18, (p. 10b, 33a, and 58a, which furnish the preceding three names) nor elsewhere; the SC merely gives his name as the Marquis of Hsüan-wu 玄武; cf. Mh II, 322. The granting of the imperial surname, Liu, was an especial honor.
11. Kao-tsu was uncertain of the loyalty of Han Hsin.
12. Wang Nien-sun explains that 與 is here a meaningless auxiliary word. Cf. 4: 19b.
13. 昧死再拜. In the time of the Ch'in dynasty the phrase 昧犯死罪 "blindly risking the commission of a crime worthy of capital punishment" (cf. Mh II, 126) was used in a memorial to the emperor. Chou Shou-ch'ang tells that the former Han dynasty followed the Ch'in customs, so continued the use of this phrase, merely altering its words slightly, as in the text. When Wang Mang came to the throne, he loved to follow ancient practises, so he had officials use the phrase 稽首, "I bow my head to the earth," which is found in the Book of History. His courtiers however thought this phrase was not sufficiently humble, so wrote 稽首再拜. "I bow my head to the earth, making repeated obeisances," (found in Mencius V, II, vii, 4; Legge, p. 386.) Liu Chao (fl. first half of the vi. cent A.D.) in his comment on chap. 11 of the HHS, quotes a memorial of Ts'ai Yung (133-192), written when he was on frontier duty, which begins, "Your servant Yung, bowing his head to the earth and making repeated obeisances, memorializes Your Majesty the Emperor " 臣邕稽首再拜上書皇帝陛下and ends, "Your servant, knocking his head on the earth as one who is worthy of capital punishment, bowing his head to the earth and making repeated obeisances, brings [this matter] to your hearing 臣頓首死罪稽首再拜以聞." Thus the Later Han dynasty combined the phraseology introduced by Wang Mang with that used earlier.The memorial in the text uses all the stock phraseology of address to an emperor except the word, "Emperor." This memorial is not in the SC, altho Kao-tsu's reply is quoted there; the mention of the names of the kings presenting it leads us to think that it is genuine.
14. Lit. "the steps below [the throne of] the great king." The Emperor is often addressed as 陛下, which phrase is equivalent to the European "Your Majesty," but is much more humble.
15. I.e., to establish their own state and dynasty. Cf. H. Maspero, La Chine antique, pp. 167-171.
16. The term regularily used for himself by the Emperor or by a king, when speaking to his subjects. It may usually be translated merely "I." Here it seems to have a special significance.
17. I.e., everyone in the (Chinese) world.
18. The SC tells that Kao-tsu declined the title for the customary three times before accepting. Cf. Mh, II, 380.
19. The HS has corrected the SC here. Cf. Mh, II, 381, n. 1.
20. This is not the River Szu 汜 in Honan, but the one in Shantung. Cf. Mh II, 381, n. 2. SC ch. 99, HS 43: 14b tell that Kao-tsu ascended the throne at Ting-t'ao, which is on this river Szu. Lü Shen (prob. fl. dur. 265-330) says, "Formerly after [the Emperor Kao-]tsu of the Han [dynasty] had subjugated the world, he ascended the imperial throne at Ting-t'ao on the northern bank of the Szu River."
21. Ju Shun says, "From the time of the Ch'in and Han [dynasties] on, only the Son of Heaven alone employed [the word 詔]." It was also used by an Empress Dowager, cf. 11: 1b, 98: 10b.
22. The SC writes 越 where the HS writes 粵. These words were interchangeable.
23. Yü-chang is later said to belong to the kingdom of Huai-nan; HS chap. 34 says it belonged to Ying Pu---the inclusion of this name here may be a copyist's addition.
24. Hsiang, Kuei-lin, and Nan-hai belonged at that time to Chao T'o, who, four years after this edict (196 B.C.) was confirmed by Kao-tsu as King Wu of Nan-Yüeh (cf. 1B: 19a and SC chap. 113); hence the appointment of Wu Jui as king of these three regions was largely an empty gesture. The troops of Min-Yüeh had come in the train of Wu Jui, hence he is made overlord of Nan-Yüeh! His kingdom was really confined to Ch'ang-sha.
25. Yen Shih-ku says, "In sacrifice blood and raw food 血腥 are preferred."
26. He had taken the throne at Ting-t'ao, which is in the present Shantung.
27. Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) shows that the 諸侯子 were the 支屬 of the nobles, the offshoots of the noble families. This phrase is also used in 1A: 34a, which fixes its meaning.
28. The SC adds that they were also to receive a year's supplies 食之一嵗.
29. Brigands and outlaws.
30. Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) says that 辨 was anciently written for 班.
31. This passage shows that there were private slaves in addition to those enslaved to the government as a punishment.
32. Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) says that according to the regulations of the Ch'in dynasty, marquises (the highest rank in the aristocratic hierarchy) had been given the revenue of estates. Now the seventh rank and upward are so honored. Cf. Glossary, sub Marquis.
33. Cf. p. 103, n. 5. This passage especially indicates the correct meaning of this phrase, showing that they were distinct from the other soldiers.
34. Yen Shih-ku explains, "If their noble ranks were high and they had kingdoms or estates, they themselves acted as lords to their people, hence it says, `Some who were lords of men.' "
35. The heads of government bureaux were entitled Chiefs 令, their assistants were called Assistants 丞. Prefects and their assistants were also called chiefs and assistants, respectively. Cf. Mh II, Appendix I. Two personages with the same rank greet each other with a long bow without any prostration, according to Ying Shao.
36. The words "Kao Ch'i" may be an interpolation. Cf. Glossary, sub voce.
37. The use of Chang Liang's style by the emperor (who usually uses a person's given name) was an extremely courteous form of address.
38. The Southern ed. (ca. x-xii cent.), the SC, the Han-chi (ii cent.), and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) read, "in being sure of obtaining the victory in battle and being sure of taking and getting booty from whatever [place] one attacks."
39. Cf. Mh II, p. 303f, HS 1A: 35b.
40. Ju Shun comments, "According to the Code, [a carriage with] four horses having long limbs is a chih-chuan 置傳 ("post carriage"); with four horses having medium limbs it is a ch'ih-chuan 馳傳 ("galloping carriage"); with four horses having short limbs it is a sheng-chuan 乗傳 ("riding carriage"); with one or two horses it is a yao-chuan 軺傳 ("small carriage"). One who is in haste rides a sheng-chuan." The Shuo-wen explains 傳 as 遽 "post-carriage." Cf. also 12: n. 9.3.
41. According to the Book of History, the Chou dynasty took the empire without a serious struggle; Kao-tsu had to fight for his position. Cf. HS 43: 10b-11b.
42. On this date, cf. Mh II, 384, n. 5. Hsün Yüeh (lived 148209) in the Ch'ien-han-chi, following SC 16: 29, dates this rebellion in the eighth month. The SC ch. 8 (Mh II, 384) mistakenly dates it in the tenth month. Tsang Tun had been set up as king by Hsiang Yü and moreover was guilty of murdering the previous king of Yen, so, fearing punishment, he revolted first.
43. The SC (Mh II, 384) tells that Tsang Tu had conquered Tai after revolting. The HS leaves this statement out and so leaves Fan K'uai's expedition motiveless.
44. The First Emperor had destroyed the inner and outer walls of cities (Mh II, 165); Kao-tsu allowed them to be rebuilt. But this edict was probably merely legalizing what had been done previously, for we hear of fortified cities before this time, even in Ch'in times; cf. 1A: 16b.
45. For this stratagem, cf. Mh II, 386, n. 3. A vassal must visit the emperor when he arrives in the vassal's territory; in this way Kao-tsu was able to capture Han Hsin without a battle.
46. The SC merely says (Mh II, 386) that on the same day that Han Hsin was arrested a general amnesty was proclaimed; the HS quotes the proclamation, but leaves out its date.
47. Reading 二 to mean 倍, as in Analects XII, ix, 3 and the 墨子經說. This sentence is far from clear; Chavannes translates quite differently.
48. Cf. p. 110, n. 3.
49. I.e., Ch'i on the east is similar to Ch'in on the west.
50. Gifts of this sort are sometimes said to be of 金 and sometimes of 黃金, "real gold." For the distinction, cf. p. 175, n. 2. Silver was not coined until 125 B.C. (Cf. HS 24B: 12b in the comment.) HS chap. 24B: 3b says, "When the Ch'in ]dynasty] united the world, its money 幣 was of two sorts: actual gold made into yi 溢 [Meng K'ang, prob. ca. 180-260, says a yi was 20 ounces weight] was called the superior [kind of] money, and copper cash made like the Chou [dynasty] cash. [On them] is the inscription, `Half ounce'; their weight is the same as the inscription. But pearls, jade, tortoise-shells, cowries, silver, tin, and the like were used for vessels, ornaments, and valuable treasures, not made into currency." Page 1b of the same chapter says, "Actual gold an inch square weighs a catty 斤. Cash 錢 are round with square holes; their weight is in terms of shu [1/24 of an ounce, cf. ch. IV, App. I]."
51. HS 16: 4b to 9b records ten appointments on this date, including that of Ts'ao Ts'an.
52. Of the preceding commanderies, Tung-yang, Chang, Wu, T'an, Chiao-tung, Chiao-hsi, Lin-tzu, Chi-pei, Po-yang, and Ch'eng-yang were not among the thirty-six commanderies of Ch'in times. They were created in the period of Ch'u and Han, after the downfall of the Ch'in dynasty.
53. The kingdom of Han(h) had been in Honan; it was now moved to a new region, in Shansi. In this way a possibly rebellious noble was moved out of central China to the northern border.
54. The present text says "thirty"; but the Han-chi says "twenty"; HS 40: 7b and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) say the same; in the table in HS chap. 16, twenty-seven appointments are recorded before the first month of Kao-tsu's sixth year---the character 三 is plainly a copyist's error for 二.
55. The "double passageways" 復道 were covered eleva d passageways between the various palaces. The T'ai-p'ing Yü-Lan, ch. 181, p. 4b says that between the Northern and Southern Palaces there was a distance of 7 li; in between there was a "double passageway" with three lanes: the central one for the Emperor and the other two for the high officials. Cf. Glossary.
56. These actions: holding a broom, welcoming him at the door, and walking backwards, indicated that T'ai-kung was acting as a subject, paying respect to the Emperor. SC 74: 3a tells that when Tsou Yen "went to Yen, King Chao of Yen, holding a broom, ran before him [to clear the way]." In the Chuang-tzu it is said that "The duty of disciples is to shake [their master's] skirts and sweep his mat."
57. The Emperor probably descended from his seat in his chariot and lifted up T'ai-kung, who was bending down, sweeping the path where the Emperor was to tread.
58. HS 33: 7b says that this general's name was Wang Hsi 王喜. For this event, cf. that passage.
59. Chu Tzu-wen (before 1198) argues that in this passage and in the parallel sentence in the biography of Han(w) Hsin, the word 與, which has been translated "together with," is not in the original text, because it does not make sense to say that these generals, together with their king, set up another person as king and then collected their king's troops for this new king. It is quite true that if we retain the word translated "together with," Han(w) Hsin cannot be included in the subject of the sentence regarding the collection of the scattered troops. Chu Tzu-wen thinks that after Han(w) Hsin had fled, his troops caused trouble, not knowing where their king was. His generals thereupon set up another king and gathered up the troops, then made a league with the Huns to resist the forces of Han(s). He may be right; Wang Hsien-ch'ien agrees with him.However, on the principle that, other things being equal, a more difficult reading is to be preferred, the word translated "together with" has been retained in the translation, understanding that the construction is merely a loose one. Then Han(w) Hsin, from his refuge with the Huns, gave his consent and aid in setting up Chao Li as king, but remained there, allowing the two generals to collect his scattered troops.
60. In the time of the Chou dynasty, the state of Chao had occupied the region to which Han(w) Hsin had been appointed. Kao-tsu had also appointed Chang Ao as King of Chao, but had given him only part of the territory of the former kingdom of Chao, dividing it with the new kingdom of Han(h). Now that Han(w) Hsin had been driven out of this region, a scion of the former Chao kings was set up in his place, making two kings of Chao, with different territories, a rebellious and a legitimate kingdom. Possibly Chao Li had indifferent success as king, for on 1B: 16b a Chao Li is mentioned as a general of Ch'en Hsi, but this may have been a different person.
61. The SC ch. 110 says that he heavily bribed the Yen-chih 閼氏, who was the Empress, the wife of the Shan-Yü, the Hun emperor; HS 40: 16b says, "His plan is secret, the world has not succeeded in hearing [what it was]." But Huan T'an (prob. died 29 A.D.) in his Hsin-lun, writes, "Someone said, `Ch'en P'ing dissolved the siege at P'ing-ch'eng for Kao-tsu, but it is said that this affair is secret, that the world has not succeeded in hearing [what it was]. He used workmanship that was marvellous and surpassingly good, hence it was kept hidden and not transmitted. Have you been able, by considering the circumstances, to understand this affair?' I answered him [thus]: This stratagem was on the contrary shabby, mean, awkward, and evil, hence it was hidden and not reported. When Kao-tsu had been besieged for seven days, Ch'en P'ing went and pursuaded the Yen-chih. The Yen-chih spoke to the Shan-Yü and [Kao-tsu] was let out. From this we can know what he used to persuade her. At that time Ch'en P'ing must have said, `The Han [Emperor] has such fine and beautiful women that no one in the world can express [the beauty] of their forms and countenances. Now he is seriously distressed and has already sent a fast messenger to get and bring them, intending to present them to the Shan-Yü. When the Shan-Yü sees these women, he will certainly love and desire them greatly. If he loves and desires them, then you, the Yen-chih, will daily be [more and more] separated from him and [will see him] infrequently. It is better to take advantage of the fact that [these women] have not yet arrived and order that the Han [Emperor] should be allowed to escape and go. If he is gone, he will not bring [these] women here.' The Yen-chih was a woman who had a jealous disposition, which necessarily made her all the more hate [that such things should happen], so she mixed in [the affair and the Han Emperor was allowed] to go. This explanation is simple and necessary. When [this stratagem] was employed, [Ch'en P'ing] wanted to make [people think that it was] a supernatural marvel, hence it was kept hidden and secret and not divulged. Liu Tzu-chün [Liu Hsin, d. 23 B.C.] heard of my saying and at once called it good." P'ei Yin (fl. 465-472) adds the further detail that Ch'en P'ing had some painters first paint pictures of these women.
62. This was Chang Ao, not Chao Li. This slight almost cost Kao-tsu his life. Cf. 1B: 13a and the Glossary, sub Chang Ao.
63. The SC (Mh II, 393) reports this event in the next (eighth) year; its Table puts it in the ninth year, probably because of the confusion about the day. Cf. n. 3.
64. According to Chavannes' calendar (T'oung Pao, vol. VII, p. 24) and that in Variétés Sinologiques vol. 29, there could have been no hsin-mao day in the twelfth month of Kao-tsu's seventh year. Chavannes' calendar puts such a day in the twelfth months of the eighth and ninth years; Variétés Sinologiques vol. 29 allows such a day only in the twelfth month of the ninth year. In view of the length of time required for Liu Hsi to travel to Lo-yang and have his successor appointed, it seems probable that this appointment occurred in the following (the first) month. The tenth day of the first month of Kao-tsu's seventh year---Feb. 15, 200 B.C.---was a hsin-mao day; this appointment was probably made on that date. But the next sentence mentions "the spring," which means the first month: either the HS believed that the appointment was made in the twelfth month (not noticing that then "hsin-mao" must be a mistake) or the historian is completing his account of a sequence of events that began in the twelfth month before he mentions another month, therefore omitting to say "first month" because he had trespassed into it.
65. Since all punishments involved some mutilation, the lightest sentence was that of cutting off the beard. It carried a two year sentence of penal servitude. Cf. 8: 24b.
66. Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that the word 令 is redundant; the SC and the Han-chi do not have it; it is a dittography for the next occurrence of this word.
67. We read 官 for the 宮 of the text at the suggestion of Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813); the Official ed. (1739) also reads thus.
68. The SC in this passage and the HS in the preceding and following passages mentions Han(w) Hsin; the word "Wang" has evidently dropped out here.
69. The orthodox historian calls the army of a rebel, "robbers."
70. He is making a play on words. The name of the city, Po-jen 柏人, sounds the same as the words 迫人, which mean "a harassed person." This association saved him from assassination.
71. Cf. 1B: 12a. At P'ing-ch'eng Kao-tsu was besieged at a neighboring walled hill.
72. Hu San-hsing (1230-1287) defines 錦 as 織文 "with woven ornaments."Hu San-hsing defines 繡 as 刺文而五綵備者也 "with pricked designs in all five colors."Yen Shih-ku defines 綺 as 文繒也卽今之細綾也 "ornamented silk, the same as the present flowered silk." Fine satin is also called by this name.Wang Hsien-ch'ien defines 縠 as 縐紗 "crape linen made out of Pueraria phaseoloïdes."Yen Shih-ku defines 絺 as 細葛也 "fine linen made out of Pueraria phaseoloïdes."Yen Shih-ku defines 紵 as 織紵為布及疏也 "woven fibres of Sida or hemp abutilon, Boehmeria nivea or Urtica nivea, made into cloth and coarse."Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) says that 罽 is defined in the Shuo-wen as a "fish-net." He says the word here should be ###, which he defines as 西胡毳布 "a cloth made of hair [imported from] the western [nomads of central Asia or Mongolia by the name of the] Hu." Yen Shih-ku says it is 織毛若今毼及氍毹之類 "woven hair, like the present rugs and the mat used by the Emperor in worshipping Shang-ti." This sumptuary law has become famous.The indication of a person's position in society by his clothing was a common practice of the time. The word 褐 denoted not only a coarse woolen cloth, but also "clothes of the common people." The Emperor Ching ordered his officials to wear certain kinds of clothes and certain decorations on their carriages to indicate their rank. Cf. 5: 8a. The Shang-shu Ta-chuan (supposed to have been recited by Master Fu, who was 99 years old in 179-157 B.C.; the passage translated below is referred to in the HHS, Treatise 29: 2a, written by Ssu-ma Piao, prob. ca. 240-304, and in HHS 49: 5b, by Fan Yeh, 398-445) ch. 1, p. 2, says, "The ancient Emperors [referring to the time of Yao] had to [know how to] command the people. Those people who were able to respect their elders and take pity upon orphans, who knew what to take and what to reject, what to be attracted to and what to yield [to others] and who could perform their parts with all their might [were allowed to ask for] a commandment from their prince. If they secured the commandment, then only could they obtain [the privilege of] riding in an ornamented carriage with a pair of horses or wear a pair of embroidered brocade [collars]. Those who did not secure [the prince's] commandment did not get to wear [such clothes] nor get to ride [in such carriages]. If they did ride [in such carriages] or wear [such clothes], they were fined. Common people had wooden carriages with a single horse and wore linen or plain silk." (Another ed. puts this passage in ch. 2, p. 27b.) While the above passage is probably rationalizing on the basis of Han practises, it shows that the sentiment underlying such sumptuary distinctions was ancient. The Li-chi gives detailed rules for a gentleman's clothing (cf. ch. x, xxxvi, Couvreur's trans. I, 620-2, II, 587-90; Legge, I, 449ff: II, 395f).
73. Ying Shao says, "It is a ceremonial utensil for drinking wine. Anciently they were made of a horn and held four sheng 升." [Shen Ch'in-han says he was mistaken, anciently they held three sheng.Han Fei-tzuzu 13: 7a, sect. 34 says, "Now if you have a jade wine-cup (chih) [worth] a thousand [catties] of gold, and it is open through, without a base, can it hold water?" Thus the chih 巵 was a vessel for pouring, with a base. The Po-ku T'u-lu has pictures of four of these chih dating from Han times. One (seemingly typical) is said to be 2.5 inches high, with a rounded square mouth, 3.9 inches in its longest diameter and 3.1 inches in its shorter diameter, weighing 12(1/2); ounces, and holding 9/100 of a wine-ladle (tou).
74. Cf. 1A: 3a.
75. This transportation was at the advice of Lou Ching, to fill up the land, and to prevent their rebelling. They were the kingly clans of the feudal states, Ch'i, Ch'u, Yen, Chao, Han(h), and Wei(h). Cf. HS 43: 13b. More than 100,000 people were thus moved. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says that the word 屈 should here be given the ancient pronounciation for chu(5).
76. Liu Pin (1022-1088) distinguished these words: tai 逮 is directly going after and taking a man who does not run away 逮者其人存直追取之; pu 捕 is searching for and seizing a man who has run away 捕者其人亡當討捕也. Or tai is simply calling a person by name and summoning him; pu is to tie and bind him 逮徒呼名召之捕加束縛矣 .
77. This action consisted in giving themselves the treatment criminals and slaves received, in order to enable them to go to prison with their king. Cf. p. 118, n. 1. Chi Pu, a general of Hsiang Yü, was hunted, after Hsiang Yü was killed. A price was on his head. He similarily shaved his head, put an iron collar around his neck, and sold himself into slavery in order to escape. Cf. HS 37: 1.
78. Lit. "surpass their right." Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Anciently the right was considered the more honorable," contrary to the practice in the Ch'ing court. The Han dynasty regularly esteemed the right the more honorable. Cf. Mh II, 415, n. 1.But such was not always the case in ancient times. Liu Pin (1022-1088) said, "Those who are at peace and at home consider the left more honorable, whereas those who are at war consider the right more honorable. Honoring the right was a custom of the time of the Warring Kingdoms (iii and iv cent. B.C.)." Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) said, "[The statement], `Those who use weapons honor the right,' comes from the book of [the philosopher] Lao-tzu [sect. 31]. Anciently in inauspicious matters the right was esteemed; weapons are inauspicious instruments and so the right was esteemed, probably because they were treated with inauspicious ceremonies. In the Li-chi it says, `In riding in a prince's chariot we dare not leave the left [place] empty,' and the commentator says that in a carriage the left is considered more honorable. In a traveling carriage the left is more honorable, [whereas] in a war chariot the right is more honorable. The Prince of Wei(h) left his chariot and rode a horse, emptying the left [place in the chariot], and himself invited Hou Sheng [to occupy that place]; hence at the time of the Warring Kingdoms at times the left was esteemed. The Li-chi, chap. 35, in discussing carriages and war chariots, says, `In the army the left is esteemed.' In the Tso-chuan it says, `Han Chüeh 韓厥 acting as charioteer took his place in the middle,' and the commentator Tu [Yü, 222284] said, `Except for the commander-in-chief, the charioteer always was in the center [place in the chariot], the general was on the left.' [Hence we] know that according to the proprieties of the war chariot, only the prince and the commander-in-chief esteemed the right. Among the rest of the generals the left was esteemed. Yen Shih-ku, in a comment on chap. 14, wrote, `The Han [dynasty] followed the principles of court procedure of the highest antiquity in honoring the right; hence those officials who were serving the nobles who held office were called "left officials." ' According to the saying of Szu Wei, `Now we divide the land and establish officials for it; this is to "left" it,' then the name of `left officials' was already in use in the Ch'un-ch'iu period (722-486 B.C.)" Ch'üan Tsu-wang (1705-1755 A.D.) said, "Chung Hui was the `left' chancellor 左相 of T'ang, Yi-yin as `right' chancellor preceded him; Ch'ing Feng was the `left' chancellor of Ch'i, Ts'ui Shu as `right' chancellor preceded him, not necessarily in accordance with military etiquette. In their military etiquette only the people of Ch'u esteemed the left; hence `the king rode with the left cohorts.' [Tso-chuan, Legge, p. 319.] In the state of Lu [the most cultured in ancient China] the position in the center of the army was left vacant and Chi [the chancellor] commanded from the left division---then accordingly in Lu the left was also esteemed--- it is difficult to explain away these contradictory facts. Probably in matters of precedence, those who esteemed the right were the more numerous." In popular usage today, the right is the more esteemed.
79. The present text reads, "the Grand Empress" 太上皇后 , who would be Kao-tsu's mother. But this reading is certainly wrong. On 1B: 4a Kao-tsu's mother is spoken of as "deceased" and is given a posthumous title. Ju Shun quotes the comment in the Han-chiu-yi (supposedly by Wei Hung, fl. dur. 25-57) as saying, "The mother of the Emperor Kao-[tsu] died in the time of the wars at [a place] north of Hsiao-huang; later a funerary temple [for her] was made at Hsiao-huang." When Kao-tsu's father was given the title, "the Grand Emperor," his mother should also have been given a title, if she were living; and since the historian quotes the edict granting the title, the title would have been mentioned; its absence is proof that she was dead. The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 12: 4a, written by one of China's keenest historians, reads, "In the fifth month the Grand Emperor died at the Yüeh-yang palace; in the seventh month on [the day] kuei-mao, the Grand Emperor was buried at Wan-nien." The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien Kao-yi 1:3a (also by Szu-ma Kuang) says, "The Han-chi [4:2b] in the fifth month has not the word hou and in the seventh month has not the word `died.' " We have adopted this reading and omit these two characters.On the other hand, the SC (Mh II, 393) writes, "In the spring and summer nothing happened," from which it might be inferred that the SC puts both the death and the burial of Kao-tsu's father in the seventh month. SCHC 7:65; 8:48, 60 ( Mh II, 313, 365, 377) say that Hsiang Yü returned to the King of Han(s) his father, his mother, his wife and children. But earlier, after the battle at P'eng-ch'eng, it says merely that he sent to seek for his father and his wife, and that these two were captured by Hsiang Yü ( Mh II, 300, 301). Chao Yi (1727-1814), in his Nien-erh Shih Ta-chi 1:13b, 14a, argues that it is not exact to explain "father, mother, wife, and children" as merely a general term for "family." Kao-tsu's father had a concubine in addition to the wife who was Kao-tsu's mother, and Kao-tsu had children by concubines in addition to the two by his wife, so that Kao-tsu's step-mother and his children by concubines were among those captured and returned by Hsiang Yü.Yen Shih-ku quotes the San-fu Huang-t'u (probably written iii to vi cent.) as saying (at present this passage is a note to 6: 4b), "Kao-tsu first lived in Yüeh-yang, hence the Grand Emperor also [lived] at Yüeh-yang. In the tenth year, the Grand Emperor died and was buried on the plain north [of that place] and there was established the town of Wan-nien." The HHS, Mem. 23: 10a says, Kuang-wu "travelled east and passed Hsiao-huang, where is the park and mound of the Emperor Kao-[tsu]'s mother, the Empress Chao-ling." Hence Kao-tsu's father and mother were not buried together, as they would undoubtedly have been if they had died at the same place or in close succession.
80. The Official ed. (1739) writes 已 for 以, and Sung Ch'i says the former should be corrected to the latter.
81. These were temples to the Han dynastic house. Since a goodly number of the kings were already members of the Liu family and eventually all of them were to be members of that house, this act was quite appropriate, altho Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) says that it was "the beginning of impropriety," and that Wei Hsüan-ch'eng and Kung Yü (q.v. in Glossary) first detected its wrongfulness.
82. Sung Ch'i (998-1061) says, "The old text [before vi cent.] writes 北 for 而. The Han-shu K'an-wu  has changed it in accordance with the SC. Moreover the Chang River is not to the north."
83. HS 28 Ai: 53a enumerates only 18 prefectures in the Ch'ang-shan commandery; the territory of Ch'ang-shan was evidently later curtailed.
84. Lit. "acted universally"; i.e., rewards had always been given for some particular reason.
85. The SC has 聞 "heard," instead of the HS 問 "asked about."
86. He was given this title only for this campaign.
87. The SC tells that only those who had cursed and insulted him were executed. Cf. Mh II, 395.
88. Cf. p. 119, n. 2.
89. He was accused of rebellion by a man of his suite whose brother had offended him and feared he would be executed. The Empress nee Lü (in the absence of Kao-tsu) tricked Han Hsin into coming to the court and had him executed in the palace. Cf. HS 34: 13a; Glossary, sub Han Hsin.
90. Lit. "the Yi and Ti." The SC, dealing with the time of the legendary emperor Shun, speaks of the Yi 夷 as the eastern barbarians (Mh I, 68 and n. 1), but the SC in chap. 116 and the HS in chap. 95 uses this same word to refer to the barbarians in the west and south (including the peoples of the Tarim basin). The word became a general term for barbarians, altho earlier it was restricted to those in the east. Ti 狄 was the word used in early times to refer to the barbarians to the north of China (Mh I, 68 and n. 1).
91. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says, "Formerly when [Liu] Ju-yi was king of Tai and Chang Ao was king of Chao, each had their own [territory] as their state. But after [Chang] Ao was removed, [Liu] Ju-yi was moved to be king of Chao and then also governed the region of Tai. Moreover Ch'en Hsi, as the Chancellor of State in Tai, was ordered to superintend the borders of both Tai and Chao. When [Ch'en] Hsi rebelled, Chou Ch'ang was the Chancellor of [Liu] Ju-yi's state, but Ch'ang-shan lost twenty cities, [showing that] the state of Chao could not care for all [that territory]. Hence Chao and Tai were again divided to be two states."
92. In the earlier part of the HS, T'ai-Yüan is said to have 31 prefectures; 28 Bi: 38b however mentions only 18.
93. It had been the capital of Han(w) Hsin's Shansi state of Han(h). HS 4: 1b states that Liu Heng's capital was at Chung-tu, so evidently he too, like Han(w) Hsin, moved his capital away from Chin-yang.
94. Ch'u Shao-sun (fl. 47-7 B.C.) in his supplement to SC 58: 8b, writes, "When the vassal kings come to court and appear before the Son of Heaven, [according to] the regulations of the Han [dynasty], each one must attend only four audiences. When they first come they attend a semiformal reception 小見. At dawn on the first day of the first month they bring the formal congratulations of the New Year at the regular audience, offering furs [or leather 皮] and presenting jade circlets 璧 and jade to offer New Year's congratulations, which was a formal audience. The third day after, a feast was given for the kings and they were granted gold, cash, and valuables. The second day after they again attended a semi-formal audience, took their leave, and departed. The whole stay [of the nobles] at Ch'ang-an was no more than twenty days. The semi-formal audiences were semi-formal banquets 燕, audiences in the forbidden apartments 禁門内; the drinking was in the inner apartments 省中, where people who were not eunuchs were not allowed to enter." This practice then began with Kao-tsu; he celebrated the tenth month as New Year's; in the time of the Emperor Wu, New Year's day was changed to the first month; the court reception was possibly continued in the tenth month, another was added in the first month.
95. Wang Nien-sun shows by the citation of parallel passages that 率 here means 計.
96. The following part of this edict is translated in G. Margouliès, Le Kou-wen Chinois, p. 49f. This is one of the edicts leading up to the establishment of the examination system.
97. King Wen had Chiang Tzu-ya as his chancellor, and Duke Huan had Kuan-chung as his.
98. This phrase is more than a conventional expression of gratitude; it implies the theory that the Han dynasty attained the throne by supernatural means, which helped it greatly in continuing on the throne. Cf. HS 100A: 8b, 9a.
99. According to Shen Ch'in-han, in Kao-tsu's time there was not yet a Master of Writing, hence all edicts and ordinances were drafted by the Secretaries, who transmitted them outside the palace; the Grandee Secretary was the chief of the Secretaries, hence he directly transmitted the edict to the Chancellor of State.
100. The text writes, "[Chou] Ch'ang," but that name is mistaken, for at this time Chou Ch'ang was Chancellor of Chao. According to HS 19B: 3a, the Grandee Secretary at this time was Chao Yao. He had been Secretary of the Tallies and Imperial Seals and was appointed Grandee Secretary in 197. In 188, when Empress née Lü took the throne, he was dismissed. His biography is in HS ch. 42.
101. Reading 懿 instead of the present 意 with a quotation of this passage in a comment by Li Shan (649-689) on the preface to Wang Yung's Ch'ü-shui Shih in the Wen-hsüan. In addition to the fact that this reading restores the parallelism of the sentence, there is ample evidence given by Ch'ien Ta-hsin that 懿, 抑, 意 and 噫 were interchanged. Yen Shih-ku, who commented on the whole HS, does not remark on this character; evidently in his time the true reading was still understood.
102. Reading 儀 with Liu Pin (1022-1088) and others for the 義 in the text.
103. The Ku-wen-Yüan 10: 3b (a collection of literature made in T'ang or Sung times) tells that Tung Chung-shu (ii cent. B.C.) sent a letter to the secretary of Kung-sun Hung (the Lieutenant Chancellor in 128-123 B.C.) saying, "I wish that you, sir marquis, would open wide the road [opened by] the Chancellor of State Hsiao [Ho for the purpose of] seeking for capable men, and would keep narrow the gate for their selection and presentation [to the Emperor]." Hence Hsiao Ho probably urged and approved of the edict in the text. The task of selecting capable and able officials was the duty of the Chancellor, so that the persons recommended by the various magistrates went to him. In HS chap. 58, p. 6a we find the statement, Kung-sun Hung "opened the Tung-ko 東閣 [a small eastern hall in the palace] for the reception of capable men." Hsieh Hsüan said to Chu Yün (in HS 67: 7a), "Stay a while longer at the Tung-ko in order to interview the strange gentlemen [sent up] from all quarters." In this passage we find the earliest stage of the Chinese examination system.
104. The SC tells that P'eng Yüeh was first transferred to Shu after it was heard that he planned to revolt; when he planned to revolt a second time, he was exterminated. Cf. Mh II, 395.
105. Ch'ien Ta-hsin (1728-1804) remarks that the Tung and the Ying-ch'uan Commanderies were not disestablished; parts of them were merely given to Liang and to Huai-yang.
106. Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) tells that Kao-tsu's father was homesick and wanted to return home to Feng, but Kao-tsu built another city with its walls, its official residences, its markets, and its wards like those of Feng, calling it Hsin-feng, lit. "the New Feng," and moved the people of Feng to fill it up. Yen Shih-ku says this was "the old city of Hsin-feng." It is natural that Kao-tsu should have given special privileges to people from his home town. A similar exemption was granted to the old Feng, cf 1B: 20b.
107. I.e., the Chinese, the people of the Yellow and Yangtze river basins, which was then China proper. The SC (Mh II, 168) says that the First Emperor sent inveterate vagabonds, parasites, and shop-keepers to conquer the territory of Lu-liang (present Kuang-tung), and made out of it the commanderies of Kuei-lin, Hsiang, and Nan-hai.
108. Kao-tsu had previously granted other favors to his old soldiers. In 202 B.C. (1B: 4b) the members of the noble houses in Kuan-chung were exempted for twelve years and the soldiers were granted honorary titles and they and their households exempted from public service (no period specified). Officers were given a step in rank and high officers were granted pensions. In 200 B.C. (1B: 13a) those who were besieged with him in P'ing-ch'eng, on his ill-fated campaign against the Huns, were given life-long exemption from public service. Soldiers killed in battle were to be sent home and buried at public expense. Now (196 B.C.) those soldiers who had been with him thru his whole victorious campaign from the time he started as a mere King of Han(s) and who helped him to conquer Kuan-chung were given life-long exemption. In 195 B.C. (1B: 22b) their descendants were also granted exemption. These last two grants seem to have been made in order to forestall possible rebellions and to tie their interests to those of the house of Liu.
109. The Southern Academy ed. (1528), the Fukien ed. (1549), and the Official ed. (1739) read 召 instead of the text's 見, thereby making the passage say that the Emperor "summoned" him---a statement more in accordance with Chinese ideas of propriety. I have retained the more difficult reading.
110. Ch'ing Pu started from his capital at the present Shou-hsien on the Huai River in northern Anhui and struck at Kao-tsu's cousin, whose capital was at the present Wu-hsien (Soochow) in southern Kiangsu, then went north to attack the Emperor's brother, whose capital was at the present T'ung-hsien (Suchow) in northern Kiangsu. Liu Chiao fled north into the present Shantung. Ch'ing Pu fled from Kao-tsu south thru Anhui, probably past his capital, and was routed near the present Chao Hu in central Anhui. He turned west, was again routed in central western Anhui on the Pi River, and fled towards Ch'ang-sha in Hunan. He was caught and killed at P'o-yang in Kiangsi.
111. It was Kao-tsu's home.
112. Lit. "to assist at the feast."
113. Ying Shao says, "Its shape is like a sê 瑟 [ch'in 琴 is written in the text, but it is a mistake for sê. The SC Cheng-yi (737) quotes this remark with sê] with a large head. It is strung with strings and they are struck with a bamboo [plectrum]." Yen Shih-ku adds that it has a narrow neck.
114. This poem became after his death a ritual chant, sung and danced in the imperial ancestral temple by young people from P'ei. Cf. Mh III, 234. This song has become famous. Parker says it is "among the most remarkable specimens of genuine ancient poetry." In addition to Chavannes' translation (Mh I, clxi and II, 397), this poem has been translated by E. H. Parker in the New China Review, I (1919), p. 630, and in E. von Zach, übersetzungen aus dem Wen Hsüan, p. 74. It was written out in seal character by Ts'ai Yung (133-192) and engraved on a stone tablet at the Ko-feng-t'ai (lit. "the Terrace [where Kao-tsu] sang [about] the wind") and is still preserved at P'ei.
115. The Official ed. (1739) reads 家 "its home," and quotes a remark of Sung Ch'i that it should read lo 樂; the SC inverts to read lo-思.
116. According to the Feng-su T'ung-yi (written by Ying Shao), 其 was an expletive in the region of Ch'u; that may be its meaning here. But this word is used constantly as a sign of the imperative mood, especially at the beginning of a phrase in edicts, so that it seems to be straining the passage to give it any other meaning here.
117. Lit. "the town that provides hot water for washing the hair." On such estates the lords paid no taxes to the Emperor; revenues from them went for the private expenses of the lord. Cf. Mh I, 287, n. 1, ad fin.
118. The SC adds the words 留高祖 "[they begged] Kao-tsu to stay."
119. Ju Shun says, "They presented cattle and wine" to their departing guest.
120. Cf. 1A: 10b, 11a, 12a, and 1B: 10b.
121. At the suggestion of Ch'üan Tsu-wang (1705-1755) we read 沘 for 洮 the Chao in the text. The Chao River was in the Ling-liang Commandery (present Kuangsi), a place which does not fit in with the preceding and following locations. The Pi River was in the Chiu-chiang Commandery; the two characters look alike and could easily have been exchanged. This emendation makes Ch'ing Pu's course logical. Cf. p. 135, n. 2. Ku Tsu-Yü (ca. 1631-1693) says however that the "Chao Shui" was the Chao Hu 洮湖 of the T'ai-hu (between Chekiang and Kiangsu), with which Wang Hsien-ch'ien agrees. His interpretation does not require any emendation of the text and may be correct.
122. Yen Shih-ku says, "Some of the present texts have 芮 after the `Ch'en' [making it read, `Your subject, [Wu] Jui']; the popular copies have corruptly interpolated it."
123. Kao-tsu did have an uncanny ability to size up a person's character, and this statement may be merely logical reasoning on his part, but it looks like a prophecy post factum. Ying Shao says, "Kao-tsu was wise in planning [for the future]. `The look of a rebel' could even be known. That there would be a revolt in the southeast and to be capable of fixing upon `fifty years' is [however] what [only] a diviner would know." Thus even he does not think that Kao-tsu could have on the spur of the moment known the future except thru a previous divination. In 154 B.C. Liu P'i did lead a rebellion of six kingdoms, was defeated, trapped, killed, and his kingdom abolished. Cf. HS 5: 4a; ch. 35; Glossary, sub Liu P'i.
124. In this sacrifice, Kao-tsu seems to have been following the same policy that he followed in ennobling Yo Yi's descendant (cf. 1B: 16a)---to conciliate his people by honoring their heroes. This was probably the first time Confucius had been sacrificed to by anyone outside his own descendants. Cf. J. K. Shryock, The State Cult of Confucius, ch. VI. This passage is very likely unhistorical, for (1) there were no other imperial sacrifices to Confucius until 29 A.D., when the Emperor Kuang-wu merely sent a minister to sacrifice, and Kao-tsu's precedent, if he really sacrificed in person, would have been followed by his successors, and (2) this tradition that Kao-tsu sacrificed to Confucius is based on a passage in SC ch. 47 which contains some other rather doubtful statements (cf ibid. p. 95), while Kao-tsu's Annals in SC ch. 8 omit this tradition. Kao-tsu's wound (cf. 1B: 32b) might not have troubled him seriously at this time; he did not die until almost half a year later. Cf. Duyvendak in Jour. of Am. Or. Soc'y, Sept. 1935, 55: 333-6.
125. The care of the tomb involved the making of regular offerings to the spirits of the deceased as well as cleaning the mound, etc. Such offerings were expensive, hence the provision of a number of families and their exemption from other taxes---the amount they would otherwise pay as rent or taxes was to go for the provision of offerings, etc. In ordering these sacrifices Kao-tsu was following his general policy of conciliating his people in order to prevent further rebellions.
126. Wang Hsien-ch'ien thinks that the character 為, which now follows the phrase 公主, should precede it. We have followed his suggestion. There is probably some mistake in the text at this point.
127. The Sung Ch'i ed. tells that the old text (before vii cent.) and the Yüeh ed. (ca. xi-xii cent.) omit the reply of the physician. The Ching-yu ed. (1034) also omits it. The physician's reply is found in SC 8: 35b and is needed for the narrative.
128. Lit. "[wearing] clothes of [plain] cloth, and wielding a three foot [sword]." Common persons were compelled to wear plain cloth; three feet was the common length of a two-edged sword. The SC has here the word 劍, "sword"; the HS has omitted it in condensing. Yen Shih-ku tells that the vulgar copies have this word. Three ancient Chinese feet was about 27 inches long, English measure.
129. Lit. "after the `hundred years' "; previously in speaking of his decease, Kao-tsu had said, "after my `ten-thousand years,' " cf. 1B: 20a.
130. Here there is used the word at present often tabooed: 死.
131. Kao-tsu uses the pronoun nai 乃. Shen Ch'in-han says that "originally nai was the pronoun used by a husband in speaking to his wife," quoting the Hsi-ching Tsa-chi (vi cent.). Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that it is merely a word of familiar address.
132. The Han-chiu-yi written by Wei Hung (fl. 25-57), says, "When the Emperor Kao-[tsu] died, on the third day, the first clothes were put on the corpse in his room below the window. There was made of chestnut wood a spirit tablet, eight inches long, square in front and round behind, a foot in circumference, which was placed in the window, facing outwards from inside [the room]. Silk floss was spread out as a screen. In front of it were four sticks of white wood as thick as a finger and three feet long, bound with white fur, set in the four directions in the window with the spirit tablet in their center. On the seventh day the corpse was completely clothed, put into the coffin, and sacrificed to in the window, [using] pap made of glutinous millet and sheep tongues. When he had already been buried, the spirit tablet was taken up, enclosed in a wooden cover, and kept in the great hall of the temple, in a niche in the western wall."
133. Since the throne always faces south, courtiers always face north.
134. The Fukien ed. (1549) writes 比; the SC, the Han-chi (ii cent.) and other HS texts write 此.
135. I.e., destruction would come in a moment.
136. The ancestral temple of the imperial family.
137. 太祖. The word became his temple name; cf. 5:2b.
138. 高; this word is made his title.
139. 高皇帝, lit. "the Great Emperor." This is his posthumous name. He is usually known as Han Kao-tsu, from the name of the dynasty and words taken partly from his posthumous title and partly from the phrase in note 4.
140. Referring to Li Yi-chi and Lou Ching. Cf. 1A: 15b; 1B: 7a.
141. Regarding legal punishments. Cf. 1A: 20a, b.
142. Cf. HS ch. 23; Glossary sub Hsiao Ho. The following clauses are taken from SC 130:28.
143. HS 30: 60a lists "Han Hsin, in three chapters" among the books on war and strategy. 30: 65a reads, "When the Han [dynasty] arose, Chang Liang and Han Hsin arranged and ordered its military methods."
144. Ju Shun interprets this phrase as referring to the calendar and to weights and measures; Yen Shih-ku says the second part of this phrase refers to the standard models [for weights and measures]. Cf. 42: 5a.
145. He fixed the etiquette and laws of the Han ancestral temple and to some extent the general etiquette and laws of the Han dynasty. Cf. Glossary sub Shu-sun T'ung; Hu Shih's account in Jour. N. C. Br. R. A. S. 60: 24-5.
146. The foregoing items are used in connection with the ceremonies of enfeoffing nobles. Cf. Glossary, sub Marquis.
147. This stock phrase "in eulogy" introduces a summary by the author. The practise of introducing an opinion by the historian, as distinguished from the recital of facts, began with the Tso-chuan, which uses the phrase 君子曰 for that purpose. The SC uses the phrase 太史公曰 and the HS uses 贊曰 ——each marks a summary and expression of personal opinion.The practise of introducing a quotation into the historian's summary is copied from the SC, which frequently does that, one famous quotation extending over many pages.
148. The ancient distinction between the clan name 姓 and the family name 氏 is kept in the following passage in the text---family names changed from time to time, since they were based on incidental historical events, such as the possession of a particular fief; clan names were inherited and did not change. But in Han times that distinction was lost. Pan Ku seems to have known that distinction and to have realized that in his time it was no longer pertinent. Szu-ma Ch'ien does not even seem to know of this distinction, and confuses the two.
149. Ying Shao says that he not only made them obey his will but also nourished and reared them. This passage is also quoted in the SC (Mh I, 168).
150. This literary phrase refers to Duke Wen of Chin (reigned 636-628 B.C.), who became Lord Protector, the professed leader of the Chinese feudal states. The word here translated China is 夏.
151. Yen Shih-ku, basing his account on the Tso-chuan, says that in 621 B.C. Duke Hsiang of Chin died and Szu Hui with Hsien-mieh 先蔑 travelled to the state of Ch'in where they went to meet the Prince Yung 公子雍, intending to make him the heir of Chin. In 620 B.C., using a Ch'in army, they brought Yung into Chin. But when Hsüan-tzu of Chao set up Duke Ling 靈公 and fought with the Ch'in army, defeating it at K'u-shou 刳首, Hsien-mieh fled to Ch'in and Szu Hui followed him. Cf. Legge, Tso-chuan, p. 243(5), 246(16).
152. Yen Shih-ku continues that in 614 B.C. some people of Chin got Shou-Yü of Wei(h) to pretend to revolt against Wei(h), and lured Szu Hui to welcome him. The state of Ch'in returned to him his wife and children. The rest of his family remained in Ch'in, but, since they had no official rank or fief, they took again the family name previously used by Liu Lui.The sentence in the text about the family again taking the Liu surname is quoted from the Tso-chuan, Duke Lu, 13th year (Legge's translation, vol. I, p. 264, par. 2). On that sentence Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) quotes a remark of K'ung Ying-ta (574648) in his Tso-chuan Su, doubting the authenticity of this sentence in the Tso-chuan. Szu Hui's family attained no prominence in the state of Ch'in in his lifetime nor did they later do anything worthy of remark. Hence there was no reason for the Tso-chuan to notice their surname. Moreover, the sentence about their surname does not fit in with the subject matter of the preceding or following. He thinks it was not originally in the Tso-chuan, but was added by some scholar when the Han dynasty arose, as a means of gaining their favor.In the time of the Han Emperor Ming (58-75 A.D.), Chia K'uei petitioned the throne saying, "The five classics offer no proof or prophecy showing that the Liu family is the descendant of Yao; only Tso has any definite statement." The sentence about the Liu family was probably added to the Tso-chuan however before the time of Chia K'uei; in 78 B.C. Kuei Hung 眭弘 (HS 75: 1b) memorialized the throne, saying, "The house of Han carries on the line of Yao," so that in his time the Tso-chuan may have already contained this sentence. Later Liu Hsiang (76-6 B.C.) praised Kao-tsu saying that he had "descended from the Emperor T'ang [Yao]," and Wang Mang (ruled 6-23 A.D.) called the Han dynasty "the descendants of Yao." Pan Piao himself in his Wang-ming-lun (cf. HS 100A: 10b) said, "[They are the] descendants of the Emperor Yao." This spurious geneology had great political importance. Cf. HS 100A: 7a-11a.
153. Wen Yin (fl. ca. 196-220) said that when, in the time of the Six States (468-246 B.C.), the state of Ch'in made an expedition against Wei(h), a Mr. Liu was with the army and was captured by Wei(h), so that the family was thus made to live in Wei(h).
154. The state of Wei(h) was destroyed by Ch'in in 225 B.C., but Yen Shih-ku thinks that this sentence refers to the time when King Chao of Ch'in (306-266 B.C.) made an expedition against Wei(h) and the King of Wei(h) left the city of An-yi 安邑 and moved eastwards to Ta-liang, calling his state Liang. Liu Ch'ang (1019-1068) thinks Yen Shih-ku is mistaken.
155. Cf. 1A: 11a.
156. These six lines are of four words each and rime.
157. 靈公. This is the first occurrence of this title in the book. It seems as if someone had thought that since Kao-tsu was at first known as "the Lord of P'ei," his grandfather must have been known as "the Lord of" at least the town he lived in. Cf. p. 40, n. 1.
158. The four regions in which Kao-tsu's supposed ancestors had lived. The Fan family had held office in Chin, hence Chin shamans were necessary to worship their ancestral spirits; a branch of Fan Hui's descendants were supposed to have remained in Ch'in, where they took the surname Liu, so that Ch'in shamans were needed for them; the Liu family went to Wei(h) (which was also called Liang, from the name of its capital city), hence Liang shamans were needed; later the family moved to Feng, which was in Ching (Ch'u), so that Ching shamans were also needed. The principle was that ghosts need the sort of worship peculiar to the region where they lived and were buried.
159. The ancestors were taken as the surrogate or representative of Heaven or as those who introduce the worshipers to Heaven and so are worshiped simultaneously with Heaven. Cf. "The Works of Hsüntze," chap. xix, 20; H. H. Dubs, "Hsüntze," p. 114.
160. Cf. 1A: 6b, 7a.
161. The wonderful sights, the physiognomization, and the emanation. Cf. 1A: 3b, 5b, 7b.
162. Cf. 1A: 9b.
163. Cf. p. 35, n. 2. This last sentence condenses Pan Piao's essay on "The Discussion of the Destiny of Kings," found in HS 100A: 8a-11b.
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