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漢 書 八
宣 紀 第 八
孝 宣 皇 帝 ， 武 帝 曾 孫 ， 戾 太 子 孫 也 。太 子 納 史 良 娣 ， 生 史 皇 孫 。
皇 孫 納 王 夫 人， 生 宣 帝 ， 號 曰 皇 曾 孫 。 生 數 月 ， 遭 巫 蠱 事 ， 太 子 、 良娣 、 皇 孫 、 王 夫 人 皆 遇 害 。 語 在 太 子 傳 。 曾 孫 雖 在 襁 褓， 猶 坐 收 繫 郡 邸 獄 。 而 邴 吉 為 廷 尉 監 ， 治 巫 蠱 於 郡 邸 ， 憐 曾 孫 之 亡 辜 ， 使 女 徒 復 作 淮 陽 趙徵 卿 、 渭 城 胡 組 更 乳 養 ， 私 給 衣 食 ， 視 遇 甚 有 恩。
巫 蠱 事 連 歲 不 決 。 至 後 元 二 年 ， 武 帝 疾 ， 往 來 長楊 、 五 柞 宮 ， 望 氣 者 言 長 安 獄 中 有 天 子 氣 ， 上 遣使 者 分 條 中 都 官 獄 繫 者 ， 輕 重 皆 殺 之 。 內 謁 者 令郭 穰 夜 至 郡 邸 獄 ， 吉 拒 閉 ， 使 者 不 得 入 ， 曾 孫 賴吉 得 全 。 因 遭 大 赦 ， 吉 乃 載 曾 孫 送 祖 母 史 良 娣 家 。 語 在吉 及 外 戚 傳 。
後 有 詔 掖 庭 養 視 ， 上 屬 籍 宗 正 。 時 掖 庭 令張 賀 嘗 事 戾 太 子 ， 思 顧 舊 恩 ， 哀 曾 孫 ， 奉 養 甚 謹， 以 私 錢 供 給 教 書 。 既 壯 ， 為 取 暴 室 嗇 夫 許 廣 漢 女 ， 曾 孫 因 依 倚 廣 漢 兄 弟 及 祖 母 家 史 氏 。
受 詩 於東 海 澓 中 翁 ， 高 材 好 學 ， 然 亦 喜 游 俠 ， 鬥雞 走 馬 ， 具 知 閭 里 奸 邪 ， 吏 治 得 失 。 數 上 下 諸 陵 ，周 遍 三 輔 ， 常 困 於 蓮 勺 鹵 中 。 尤 樂 杜 、鄠 之 間 ， 率 常 在 下 杜 。 時 會 朝 請 ， 舍長 安 尚 冠 里 。
身 足 下 有 毛 ， 臥 居 數 有 光 燿 。 每 買 餅 ， 所 從 買 家 輒 大 讎 ， 亦 以 自 是 怪 。
元 平 元 年 四 月 ， 昭 帝 崩 ， 毋 嗣 。 大 將 軍 霍 光 請 皇后 徵 昌 邑 王 。 六 月 丙 寅 ， 王 受 皇 帝 璽 綬 ， 尊 皇 后 曰 皇 太后 。 癸 巳 ， 光 奏 王 賀 淫 亂 ， 請 廢 。 語 在 賀 及 光 傳 。
秋 七 月 ， 光 奏 議 曰 ： 「 禮 ， 人 道 親 親 故 尊 祖 ， 尊祖 故 敬 宗 。 大 宗 毋 嗣 ， 擇 支 子 孫 賢 者 為 嗣 。
孝 武 皇 帝 曾孫 病 已 ， 有 詔 掖 庭 養 視 ， 至 今 年 十 八 ， 師 受 詩 、論 語 、 孝 經 ， 操 行 節 儉 ， 慈 仁 愛 人 ， 可 以 嗣 孝 昭 皇 帝 後， 奉 承 祖 宗 ， 子 萬 姓 。 」 奏 可 。
遣 宗 正 德 至 曾 孫尚 冠 里 舍 ， 洗 沐 ， 賜 御 府 衣 。 太 僕 以 軨 獵 車 奉 迎 曾 孫 ，就 齊 宗 正 府 。 庚 申 ， 入 未 央 宮 ， 見 皇 太 后 ， 封 為陽 武 侯 。 已 而 群 臣 奉 上 璽 綬 ， 即 皇 帝 位 ， 謁 高 廟。
八 月 己 巳 ， 丞 相 敞 薨 。 九 月 ， 大 赦 天 下 。 十 一 月 壬 子 ， 立 皇 后 許 氏 。 賜 諸 侯 王 以 下 金 錢 ，至 吏 民 鰥 寡 孤 獨 各 有 差 。 皇 太 后 歸 長 樂 宮 。 初 置 屯 衛 。
本 始 元 年 春 正 月 ， 募 郡 國 吏 民 訾 百 萬 以 上 徙 平 陵。 遣 使 者 持 節 詔 郡 國 二 千 石 謹 牧 養 民 而 風 德 化 。
大 將 軍 光 稽 首 歸 政 ， 上 謙 讓 委 任 焉 。 論 定 策 功 ，益 封 大 將 軍 光 萬 七 千 戶 ， 車 騎 將 軍 光 祿 勳 富 平 侯 安 世 萬戶 。詔 曰 ： 「 故 丞 相 安 平 侯 敞 等 居 位 守 職 ， 與 大將 軍 光 、 車 騎 將 軍 安 世 建 議 定 策 ， 以 安 宗 廟 ， 功 賞 未 加而 薨 。 其 益 封 敞 嗣 子 忠 及 丞 相 陽 平 侯 義 、 度 遼 將軍 平 陵 侯 明 友 、 前 將 軍 龍 雒 侯 增 、 太 僕 建平 侯 延 年 、 太 常 蒲 侯 昌 、諫 大 夫 宜 春 侯 譚、 當 塗 侯 平 、 杜 侯 屠 耆 堂 、長 信 少府 關 內 侯 勝 邑 戶 各 有 差 。 封 御 史 大 夫 廣 明 為 昌水 侯 ， 後 將 軍 充 國 為 營 平 侯 ， 大 司 農延 年 為 陽 城 侯 ， 少 府 樂 成 為 爰 氏 侯 ，光 祿 大 夫 遷 為 平 丘 侯 。 賜 右 扶 風 德 、典 屬 國 武 、 廷 尉 光 、 宗 正 德 、 大 鴻 臚 賢 、 詹 事 畸 、 光 祿 大 夫 吉 、 京 輔 都 尉 廣 漢 爵 皆 關 內 侯 。 德 、 武 食邑 。 」
夏 四 月 庚 午 ， 地 震 。 詔 內 郡 國 舉 文 學 高 第 各 一 人。
五 月 ， 鳳 皇 集 膠 東 、 千 乘 。 赦 天 下 。 賜 吏 二 千 石、 諸 侯 相 、 下 至 中 都 官 、 宦 吏 、 六 百 石 爵 ， 各 有 差 ， 自 左 更 至 五 大 夫 。 賜 天 下 人 爵 各 一 級 ， 孝 者二 級 ， 女 子 百 戶 牛 酒 。 租 稅 勿 收 。
六 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 故 皇 太 子 在 湖 ， 未 有 號 諡 。歲 時 祠 ， 其 議 諡 ， 置 園 邑 。 」 語 在 太 子 傳 。
秋 七 月 ， 詔 立 燕 剌 王 太 子 建 為 廣 陽 王 ， 立廣 陵 王 胥 少 子 弘 為 高 密 王 。
二 年 春 ， 以 水 衡 錢 為 平 陵 ， 徙 民 起 第 宅 。
大 司 農 陽 城 侯 田 延 年 有 罪 ， 自 殺 。
夏 五 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 朕 以 眇 身 奉 承 祖 宗 ， 夙 夜 惟 念孝 武 皇 帝 躬 履 仁 義 ， 選 明 將 ， 討 不 服 ， 匈 奴 遠 遁 ， 平 氐、 羌 、 昆 明 、 南 越 ， 百 蠻 鄉 風 ， 款 塞 來 享 ； 建 太 學 ， 修 郊 祀 ， 定 正 朔 ， 協 音 律 ； 封 泰 山 ， 塞 宣 房， 符 瑞 應 ， 寶 鼎 出 ， 白 麟 獲 。 功 德 茂 盛 ， 不 能 盡宣 ， 而 廟 樂 未 稱 ， 其 議 奏 。 」
有 司 奏 請 宜 加 尊 號。 六 月 庚 午 ， 尊 孝 武 廟 為 世 宗 廟 ， 奏 盛 德 、 文 始 、 五 行之 舞 ， 天 子 世 世 獻 。 武 帝 巡 狩 所 幸 之 郡 國 ， 皆 立廟 。 賜 民 爵 一 級 ， 女 子 百 戶 牛 酒 。
匈 奴 數 侵 邊 ， 又 西 伐 烏 孫 。 烏 孫 昆 彌 及 公 主 因 國使 者 上 書 ， 言 昆 彌 願 發 國 精 兵 擊 匈 奴 ， 唯 天 子 哀憐 ， 出 兵 以 救 公 主 。 秋 ， 大 發 興 調 關 東 輕 車 銳 卒 ， 選 郡 國 吏 三 百 石 伉 健 習 騎 射 者 ， 皆 從 軍 。 御 史大 夫 田 廣 明 為 祁 連 將 軍 ，後 將 軍 趙 充 國 為 蒲 類 將軍 ， 雲 中 太 守 田 順 為 虎 牙 將 軍 ， 及 度 遼 將 軍 范 明友 、 前 將 軍 韓 增 ， 凡 五 將 軍 ， 兵 十 五 萬 騎 ， 校 尉 常 惠 持節 護 烏 孫 兵 ， 咸 擊 匈 奴 。
三 年 春 正 月 癸 亥 ， 皇 后 許 氏 崩 。
戊 辰 ， 五 將 軍 師發 長 安 。 夏 五 月 ， 軍 罷 。 祁 連 將 軍 廣 明 、 虎 牙 將 軍 順 有罪 ， 下 有 司 ， 皆 自 殺 。 校 尉 常 惠 將 烏 孫 兵 入 匈 奴右 地 ， 大 克 獲 ， 封 列 侯 。
大 旱 。 郡 國 傷 旱 甚 者 ， 民 毋 出 租 賦 。 三 輔 民 就 賤者 ， 且 毋 收 事 ， 盡 四 年 。
六 月 己 丑 ， 丞 相 義 薨 。
四 年 春 正 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 蓋 聞 農 者 興 德 之 本 也 ， 今歲 不 登 ， 已 遣 使 者 振 貸 困 乏 。 其 令 太 官 損 膳 省 宰 ， 樂 府 減 樂 人 ， 使 歸 就 農 業 。 丞 相 以 下 至 都 官 令 丞 上 書 入 穀 ， 輸 長 安 倉 ， 助 貸 貧 民 。 民 以 車 船 載 穀 入 關者 ， 得 毋 用 傳 。 」
三 月 乙 卯 ， 立 皇 后 霍 氏 。 賜 丞 相 以 下 至 郎 吏 從 官金 錢 帛 各 有 差 。 赦 天 下 。
夏 四 月 壬 寅 ， 郡 國 四 十 九 地 震 ， 或 山 崩 水 出 。 詔曰 ： 「 蓋 災 異 者 ， 天 地 之 戒 也 。 朕 承 洪 業 ， 奉 宗 廟 ， 託于 士 民 之 上 ， 未 能 和 群 生 。 乃 者 地 震 北 海 、 琅 邪 ， 壞 祖宗 廟 ， 朕 甚 懼 焉 。
丞 相 、 御 史 其 與 列 侯 、 中 二 千 石 博 問經 學 之 士 ， 有 以 應 變 ， 輔 朕 之 不 逮 ， 毋 有 所 諱 。令 三 輔 、 太 常 、 內 郡 國 舉 賢 良 方 正 各 一 人 。 律 令 有 可 蠲除 以 安 百 姓 ， 條 奏 。 被 地 震 壞 敗 甚 者 ， 勿 收 租 賦 。 」 大赦 天 下 。 上 以 宗 廟 墮 ， 素 服 ， 避 正 殿 五 日 。 五 月 ， 鳳 皇 集 北 海 安 丘 、 淳 于 。
秋 ， 廣 川 王 吉 有 罪 ， 廢 遷 上 庸 ， 自 殺 。
地 節 元 年 春 正 月 ， 有 星 孛 于 西 方 。 三 月 ， 假 郡 國 貧 民 田 。
夏 六 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 蓋 聞 堯 親 九 族 ， 以 和 萬 國 。 朕 蒙 遺 德 ， 奉 承 聖 業 ， 惟 念 宗 室 屬 未 盡 而 以 罪 絕 ，若 有 賢 材 ， 改 行 勸 善 ， 其 復 屬 ， 使 得 自 新 。 」 冬 十 一 月 ， 楚 王 延 壽 謀 反 ， 自 殺 。 十 二 月 癸 亥 晦 ， 日 有 蝕 之 。
二 年 春 三 月 庚 午 ， 大 司 馬 大 將 軍 光 薨 。 詔 曰 ： 「大 司 馬 大 將 軍 博 陸 侯 宿 衛 孝 武 皇 帝 三 十 餘 年 ， 輔孝 昭 皇 帝 十 有 餘 年 ， 遭 大 難 ， 躬 秉 義 ， 率 三 公 、 諸 侯 、九 卿 、 大 夫 定 萬 世 策 ， 以 安 宗 廟 。
天 下 蒸 庶 ， 咸 以 康 寧， 功 德 茂 盛 ， 朕 甚 嘉 之 。 復 其 後 世 ， 疇 其 爵 邑 ， 世 世 毋 有 所 與 。 功 如 蕭 相 國 。 」
夏 四 月 ， 鳳 皇 集 魯 郡 ， 群 鳥 從 之 。大 赦 天下 。
五 月 ， 光 祿 大 夫 平 丘 侯 王 遷 有 罪 ， 下 獄 死 。
上 始 親 政 事 ， 又 思 報 大 將 軍 功 德 ， 乃 復 使 樂 平 侯山 領 尚 書 事， 而 令 群 臣 得 奏 封 事 ， 以 知 下 情 。 五日 一 聽 事 ， 目 下 各 奉 職 奏 事 ， 以 傅 奏 其 言 ， 考 試 功 能 。 侍 中 尚 書 功 勞 當 遷 及 有 異 善 ， 厚 加 賞賜 ， 至 于 子 孫 ， 終 不 改 易 。 樞 機 周 密 ， 品 式 備 具， 上 下 相 安 ， 莫 有 苟 且 之 意 也 。
三 年 春 三 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 蓋 聞 有 功 不 賞 ， 有 罪 不 誅， 雖 唐 虞 猶 不 能 以 化 天 下 。 今 膠 東 相 成 勞 來 不 怠 ， 流 民 自 占 八 萬 餘 口 ，治 有 異 等 。 其 秩 成中 二 千 石 ， 賜 爵 關 內 侯 。 」
又 曰 ： 「 鰥 寡 孤 獨 高 年 貧 困 之 民 ， 朕 所 憐 也 。 前下 詔 假 公 田 ， 貨 種 、 食 。 其 加 賜 鰥 寡 孤 獨 高 年 帛。 二 千 石 嚴 教 吏 謹 視 遇 ， 毋 令 失 職 。 」 令 內 郡 國 舉 賢 良 方 正 可 親 民 者 。
夏 四 月 戊 申 ， 立 皇 太 子 ， 大 赦 天 下 。 賜 御 史 大 夫爵 關 內 侯 ， 中 二 千 石 爵 右 庶 長 ，天 下 當 為 父 後 者爵 一 級 。 賜 廣 陵 王 黃 金 千 斤 ， 諸 侯 王 十 五 人 黃 金 各 百 斤， 列 侯 在 國 者 八 十 七 人 黃 金 各 二 十 斤 。
冬 十 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 乃 者 九 月 壬 申 地 震 ， 朕 甚 懼 焉。 有 能 箴 朕 過 失 ， 及 賢 良 方 正 直 言 極 諫 之 士 以 匡朕 之 不 逮 ， 毋 諱 有 司 。
朕 既 不 德 ， 不 能 附遠 ， 是 以 邊 境 屯 戍 未 息 。 今 復 飭 兵 重 屯 ， 久 勞 百 姓 ， 非 所 以 綏 天 下 也 。 其 罷 車 騎 將 軍 、 右 將 軍 屯 兵 。 」
又 詔 曰 ： 「 池 未 御 幸 者 ， 假 與 貧 民 。郡 國 宮 館， 勿 復 修 治 。 流 民 還 歸 者 ， 假 公 田 ， 貸 種 、 食 ， 且 勿 算 事 。 」
十 一 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 朕 既 不 逮 ， 導 民 不 明 ，反 側 晨 興 ， 念 慮 萬 方 ， 不 忘 元 元 。 唯 恐 羞 先 帝 聖 德 ， 故 並 舉 賢 良 方 正 以 親 萬 姓 ， 歷 載 臻 茲 ， 然 而 俗 化 闕焉 。 傳 曰 ： 『 孝 弟 也 者 ， 其 為 仁 之 本 與 ！ 』其 令 郡 國 舉 孝 弟 有 行 義 聞 于 鄉 里 者 各 一 人 。 」
十 二 月 ， 初 置 廷 尉 平 四 人 ， 秩 六 百 石 。 省 文 山 郡 ， 并 蜀 。
四 年 春 二 月 ， 封 外 祖 母 博 平 君 ， 故 酇 侯 蕭 何 曾 孫建 世 為 侯 。
詔 曰 ： 「 導 民 以 孝 ， 則 天 下 順 。 今 百 姓 或 遭 衰 絰凶 災 ， 而 吏 繇 事 ， 使 不 得 葬 ， 傷 孝 子 之 心， 朕 甚 憐 之 。 自 今 諸 有 大 父 母 ﹐ 父 母 喪 者 勿 繇 事 ， 使 得收 斂 送 終 ， 盡 其 子 道 。 」
夏 五 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 父 子 之 親 ， 夫 婦 之 道 ， 天 性 也。 雖 有 患 禍 ， 猶 蒙 死 而 存 之 。 誠 愛 結 于 心 ， 仁 厚之 至 也 ， 豈 能 違 之 哉 ！
自 今 子 首 匿 父 母 ， 妻 匿 夫 ， 孫 匿大 父 母 ， 皆 勿 坐 。 其 父 母 匿 子 ， 夫 匿 妻 ， 大 父 母匿 孫 ， 罪 殊 死 ， 皆 上 請 廷 尉 以 聞 。 」
立 廣 川 惠 王 孫 文 為 廣 川 王 。
秋 七 月 ， 大 司 馬 霍 禹 謀 反 。 詔 曰 ： 「 乃 者 ， 東 織室 令 史 張 赦 使 魏 郡 豪 李 竟 報 冠 陽 侯 霍 雲 謀為 大 逆 ， 朕 以 大 將 軍 故 ， 抑 而 不 揚 ， 冀 其 自 新 。今 大 司 馬 博 陸 侯 禹 與 母 宣 成 侯 夫 人 顯 及 從 昆 弟 冠 陽 侯 雲、 樂 平 侯 山 、諸 姊 妹 婿 度 遼 將 軍 范 明 友 、 長 信 少府 鄧 廣 漢 、 中 郎 將 任 勝 、 騎 都 尉 趙 平 、 長 安 男 子 馮 殷 等 謀 為 大 逆 。 顯 前 又 使 女 侍 醫 淳 于 衍 進 藥 殺 共 哀 后， 謀 毒 太 子 ， 欲 危 宗 廟 。 逆 亂 不 道 ， 咸 （ 服 ） 〔伏 〕 其 辜 。 諸 為 霍 氏 所 詿 誤 未 發 覺 在 吏 者 ， 皆 赦 除 之 。」 八 月 己 酉 ， 皇 后 霍 氏 廢 。
九 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 朕 惟 百 姓 失 職 不 贍 ， 遣 使 者 循 行郡 國 問 民 所 疾 苦 。 吏 或 營 私 煩 擾 ， 不 顧 厥 咎 ， 朕甚 閔 之 。
今 年 郡 國 頗 被 水 災 ， 已 振 貸 。鹽 ， 民 之食 ， 而 賈 咸 貴 ， 眾 庶 重 困 。其 減 天 下 鹽 賈。 」
又 曰 ： 「 令 甲 ， 死 者 不 可 生 ， 刑 者 不 可 息。 此 先 帝 之 所 重 ， 而 吏 未 稱 。 今 繫 者 或 以掠 辜 若 飢 寒 瘐 死 獄 中 ， 何 用 心 逆 人 道 也 ！ 朕 甚 痛之 。
其 令 郡 國 歲 上 繫 囚 以 掠 笞 若 瘐 死 者 所 坐 名 、 縣 、 爵、 里 ， 丞 相 御 史 課 殿 最 以 聞 。 」
十 二 月 ， 清 河 王 年 有 罪 ， 廢 遷 房 陵 。
元 康 元 年 春 ， 以 杜 東 原 上 為 初 陵 ， 更 名 杜 縣 為 杜陵 。 徙 丞 相 、 將 軍 、 列 侯 、 吏 二 千 石 、 訾 百 萬 者 杜 陵 。
三 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 乃 者 鳳 皇 集 泰 山 、 陳 留 ， 甘 露 降未 央 宮 。 朕 未 能 章 先 帝 休 烈 ， 協 寧 百 姓 ， 承 天 順地 ， 調 序 四 時 ， 獲 蒙 嘉 瑞 ， 賜 茲 祉 福 ， 夙 夜 兢 兢 ， 靡 有驕 色 ， 內 省 匪 解 ， 永 惟 罔 極 。 書 不 云 乎 ？ 『 鳳 皇來 儀 ， 庶 不 允 諧 。 』
其 赦 天 下 徒 ， 賜勤 事 吏 中 二 千 石 以 下 至 六 百 石 爵 ， 自 中 郎 吏 至 五 大 夫 ，佐 史 以 上 二 級 ， 民 一 級 ， 女 子 百 戶 牛 酒 。 加 賜 鰥寡 孤 獨 、 三 老 、 孝 弟 力 田 帛 。 所 振 貸 勿 收 。 」
夏 五 月 ， 立 皇 考 廟 。 益 奉 明 園 戶 為 奉 明 縣 。
復 高 皇 帝 功 臣 絳 侯 周 勃 等 百 三 十 六 人 家 子 孫 ， 令奉 祭 祀 ， 世 世 勿 絕 。 其 毋 嗣 者 ， 復 其 次 。
秋 八 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 朕 不 明 六 藝 ， 鬱 于 大 道 ， 是 以 陰 陽 風 雨 未 時 。 其 博 舉 吏 民 ， 厥 身 修 正 ， 通 文 學， 明 於 先 王 之 術 ， 宣 究 其 意 者 ， 各 二 人 ，中 二 千石 各 一 人 。 」
冬 ， 置 建 章 衛 尉 。
二 年 春 正 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 書 云 『 文 王 作 罰 ， 刑 茲 無赦 』 ， 今 吏 修 身 奉 法 ， 未 有 能 稱 朕 意 ， 朕 甚 愍 焉。 其 赦 天 下 ， 與 士 大 夫 厲 精 更 始 。 」
二 月 乙 丑 ， 立 皇 后 王 氏 。 賜 丞 相 以 下 至 郎從 官 錢 帛 各 有 差 。
三 月 ， 以 鳳 皇 甘 露 降 集 ， 賜 天 下 吏 爵 二 級 ， 民 一級 ， 女 子 百 戶 牛 酒 ， 鰥 寡 孤 獨 高 年 帛 。
夏 五 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 獄 者 萬 民 之 命 ， 所 以 禁 暴 止 邪， 養 育 群 生 也 。 能 使 生 者 不 怨 ， 死 者 不 恨 ， 則 可 謂 文 吏矣 。
今 則 不 然 。 用 法 或 持 巧 心 ， 析 律 貳 端 ， 深 淺 不 平 ， 增 辭 飾 非 ， 以 成 其 罪 。 奏 不 如 實 ， 上 亦 亡 繇 知 。
此 朕 之 不 明 ， 吏 之 不 稱 ， 四 方 黎 民 將 何 仰 哉 ！ 二千 石 各 察 官 屬 ， 勿 用 此 人 。 吏 務 平 法 。
或 擅 興 繇 役 ， 飾廚 傳 ， 稱 過 使 客 ， 越 職 踰 法 ， 以 取 名 譽 ， 譬 猶 踐薄 冰 以 待 白 日 ， 豈 不 殆 哉 ！
今 天 下 頗 被 疾 疫 之 災， 朕 甚 愍 之 。 其 令 郡 國 被 災 甚 者 ， 毋 出 今 年 租 賦 。 」
又 曰 ： 「 聞 古 天 子 之 名 ， 難 知 而 易 諱 也 。 今 百 姓多 上 書 觸 諱 以 犯 罪 者 ， 朕 甚 憐 之 。 其 更 諱 詢 。 諸 觸 諱 在令 前 者 ， 赦 之 。 」
冬 ， 京 兆 尹 趙 廣 漢 有 罪 ， 要 斬 。
三 年 春 ， 以 神 爵 數 集 泰 山 ， 賜 諸 侯 王 、 丞 相 、 將軍 、 列 侯 、 二 千 石 金 ， 郎 從 官 帛 ， 各 有 差 。 賜 天 下 吏 爵二 級 ， 民 一 級 ， 女 子 百 戶 牛 酒 ， 鰥 寡 孤 獨 高 年 帛 。 三 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 蓋 聞 象 有 罪 ， 舜 封 之 。 骨肉 之 親 粲 而 不 殊 。 其 封 故 昌 邑 王 賀 為 海 昏 侯 。 」
又 曰 ： 「 朕 微 眇 時 ， 御 史 大 夫 丙 吉 、 中 郎 將 史 曾、 史 玄 、 長 樂 衛 尉 許 舜 、 侍 中 光 祿 大 夫 許 延 壽 皆 與 朕 有舊 恩 。 及 故 掖 庭 令 張 賀 輔 導 朕 躬 ， 修 文 學 經 術 ， 恩 惠 卓異 ， 厥 功 茂 焉 。 詩 不 云 乎 ？ 『 無 德 不 報 。 』
封 賀所 子 弟 子 侍 中 中 郎 將 彭 祖 為 陽 都 侯 ， 追 賜 賀 諡 曰陽 都 哀 侯 。 吉 、 曾 、 玄 、 舜 、 延 壽 皆 為 列 侯 。 故 人 下 至郡 邸 獄 復 作 嘗 有 阿 保 之 功 ， 皆 受 官 祿 田 宅財 物 ， 各 以 恩 深 淺 報 之 。 」
夏 六 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 前 年 夏 ， 神 爵 集 雍 。 今春 ， 五 色 鳥 以 萬 數 飛 過 屬 縣 ， 翱 翔 而 舞 ， 欲 集 未下 。 其 令 三 輔 毋 得 以 春 夏 擿 巢 探 卵 ， 彈 射 飛 鳥 。 具 為 令 。 」
立 皇 子 欽 為 淮 陽 王 。
遣 大 中 大 夫 彊 等 十 二 人 循 行 天 下 ， 存 問 鰥寡 ， 覽 觀 風 俗 ， 察 吏 治 得 失 ， 舉 茂 材 異 倫 之 士 。
二 月 ， 河 東 霍 徵 史 等 謀 反 ， 誅 。
三 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 乃 者 ， 神 爵 五 采 以 萬 數 集 長 樂 、未 央 、 北 宮 、 高 寢 、 甘 泉 泰 畤 殿 中 及 上 林 苑 。 朕 之 不 逮， 寡 于 德 厚 ， 屢 獲 嘉 祥 ， 非 朕 之 任 。 其 賜 天 下 吏 爵 二 級， 民 一 級 ， 女 子 百 戶 牛 酒 。 加 賜 三 老 、 孝 弟 力 田 帛 ， 人二 匹 ， 鰥 寡 孤 獨 各 一 匹 。 」
秋 八 月 ， 賜 故 右 扶 風 尹 翁 歸 子 黃 金 百 斤 ， 以 奉 其祭 祀 。 又 賜 功 臣 適 後 黃 金 ， 人 二 十 斤 。
丙 寅 ， 大 司 馬 衛 將 軍 安 世 薨 。
比 年 豐 ， 穀 石 五 錢 。
神 爵 元 年 春 正 月 ， 行 幸 甘 泉 ， 郊 泰 畤 。 三月 ， 行 幸 河 東 ， 祠 后 土 。
詔 曰 ： 「 朕 承 宗 廟 ， 戰 戰 栗 栗， 惟 萬 事 統 ， 未 燭 厥 理 。 乃 元 康 四 年 嘉 穀 玄 稷 降于 郡 國 ， 神 爵 仍 集 ，金 芝 九 莖 產 于 函 德 殿銅 池 中 ， 九 真 獻 奇 獸 ， 南 郡 獲 白 虎 威 鳳 為寶 。 朕 之 不 明 ， 震 于 珍 物 ， 飭 躬 齋 精 ， 祈為 百 姓 。 東 濟 大 河 ， 天 氣 清 靜 ， 神 魚 舞 河 。 幸 萬歲 宮 ， 神 爵 翔 集 。 朕 之 不 德 ， 懼 不 能 任 。
其 以五 年 為 神 爵 元 年 。 賜 天 下 勤 事 吏 爵 二 級 ， 民 一 級 ， 女 子百 戶 牛 酒 ， 鰥 寡 孤 獨 高 年 帛 。 所 振 貸 物 勿 收 。 行 所 過 毋出 田 租 。 」
西 羌 反 ， 發 三 輔 、 中 都 官 徒 弛 刑 ，及 應 募佽 飛 射 士 、 羽 林 孤 兒 ， 胡 、 越 騎 ， 三 河 、潁 川 、 沛 郡 、 淮 陽 、 汝 南 材 官 ， 金 城 、 隴 西 、 天 水 、 安定 、 北 地 、 上 郡 騎 士 、 羌 騎 ， 詣 金 城 。 夏 四 月 ， 遣 後 將軍 趙 充 國 、 彊 弩 將 軍 許 延 壽 擊 西 羌 。 六 月 ， 有 星 孛 于 東 方 。 即 拜 酒 泉 太 守 辛 武 賢 為 破 羌 將 軍 ，與 兩 將軍 並 進 。
詔 曰 ： 「 軍 旅 暴 露 ， 轉 輸 煩 勞 ， 其 令 諸侯 王 、 列 侯 、 蠻 夷 王 侯 君 長 當 朝 二 年 者 ， 皆 毋 朝 。 」
秋 ， 賜 故 大 司 農 朱 邑 子 黃 金 百 斤 ， 以 奉 祭 祀 。
後將 軍 充 國 言 屯 田 之 計 ， 語 在 充 國 傳 。
二 年 春 二 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 乃 者 正 月 乙 丑 ， 鳳 皇 甘 露降 集 京 師 ， 群 鳥 從 以 萬 數 。 朕 之 不 德 ， 屢 獲 天 福 ， 祗 事不 怠 ， 其 赦 天 下 。 」
夏 五 月 ， 羌 虜 降 服 ， 斬 其 首 惡 大 豪 楊 玉 、 酋 非 首。置 金 城 屬 國 以 處 降 羌 。
秋 ， 匈 奴 日 逐 王 先 賢 撣 將 人 眾 萬 餘 來 降 。使 都 護 西 域 騎 都 尉 鄭 吉 迎 日 逐 ， 破 車 師 ， 皆 封 列 侯 。
九 月 ， 司 隸 校 尉 蓋 寬 饒 有 罪 ， 下 有 司 ， 自 殺 。
匈 奴 單 于 遣 名 王 奉 獻 ， 賀 正 月 ， 始 和 親 。
三 年 春 ， 起 樂 游 苑 。
三 月 丙 午 ， 丞 相 相 薨 。
秋 八 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 吏 不 廉 平 則 治 道 衰 。 今 小 吏 皆勤 事 ， 而 奉 祿 薄 ， 欲 其 毋 侵 漁 百 姓 ， 難 矣 。 其 益 吏 百 石 以 下 奉 十 五 。 」
四 年 春 二 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 乃 者 鳳 皇 甘 露 降 集 京 師 ，嘉 瑞 並 見 。 修 興 泰 一 、 五 帝 、 后 土 之 祠 ， 祈 為 百 姓 蒙 祉福 。 鸞 鳳 萬 舉 ， 蜚 覽 翱 翔 ， 集 止 于 旁 。 齋戒 之 暮 ， 神 光 顯 著 。 薦 鬯 之 夕 ， 神 光 交 錯 。 或 降于 天 ， 或 登 于 地 ， 或 從 四 方 來 集 于 壇 。 上 帝 嘉 嚮 ， 海 內承 福 。 其 赦 天 下 ， 賜 民 爵 一 級 ， 女 子 百 戶 牛 酒 ，鰥 寡 孤 獨 高 年 帛 。 」
夏 四 月 ， 潁 川 太 守 黃 霸 以 治 行 尤 異 秩 中 二 千 石 ， 賜 爵 關 內 侯 ， 黃 金 百 斤 。 及 潁 川 吏 民 有 行 義 者 爵， 人 二 級 ， 力 田 一 級 ， 貞 婦 順 女 帛 。
令 內 郡 國 舉 賢 良 可 親 民 者 各 一 人 。
五 月 ， 匈 奴 單 于 遣 弟 呼 留 若 王 勝 之 來 朝 。
冬 十 月 ， 鳳 皇 十 一 集 杜 陵 。
十 一 月 ， 河 南 太 守 嚴 延 年 有 罪 ， 棄 巿 。
十 二 月 ， 鳳 皇 集 上 林 。
五 鳳 元 年 春 正 月 ， 行 幸 甘 泉 ， 郊 泰 畤 。
皇 太 子 冠 。 皇 太 后 賜 丞 相 、 將 軍 、 列 侯 、 中 二 千石 帛 ， 人 百 匹 ， 大 夫 人 八 十 匹 。 又 賜列 侯 嗣 子 爵 五 大 夫 ， 男 子 為 父 後 者 爵 一 級 。
夏 ， 赦 徒 作 杜 陵 者 。
冬 十 二 月 乙 酉 朔 ， 日 有 蝕 之 。左 馮 翊 韓 延 壽 有 罪 ， 棄 巿 。
二 年 春 三 月 ， 行 幸 雍 ， 祠 五 畤 。
夏 四 月 己 丑 ， 大 司 馬 車 騎 將 軍 增 薨 。
秋 八 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 夫 婚 姻 之 禮 ， 人 倫 之 大 者 也 ；酒 食 之 會 ， 所 以 行 禮 樂 也 。 今 郡 國 二 千 石 或 擅 為 苛 禁 ，禁 民 嫁 娶 不 得 具 酒 食 相 賀 召 。 由 是 廢 鄉 黨 之 禮 ， 令 民 亡所 樂 ， 非 所 以 導 民 也 。 詩 不 云 乎 ？ 『 民 之 失 德 ， 乾 餱 以愆 。 』 勿 行 苛 政 。 」
冬 十 一 月 ， 匈 奴 呼 累 單 于 帥 眾 來 降 ， 封為 列 侯 。
十 二 月 ， 平 通 侯 陽 惲 坐 前 為 光祿 勳 有 罪 ， 免 為 庶 人 。 不 悔 過 ， 怨 望 ， 大 逆 不 道 ， 要 斬。
三 年 春 正 月 癸 卯 ， 丞 相 吉 薨 。
三 月 ， 行 幸 河 東 ， 祠 后 土 。
詔 曰 ： 「 往 者 匈 奴 數為 邊 寇 ， 百 姓 被 其 害 。 朕 承 至 尊 ， 未 能 綏 定 匈 奴 。 虛 閭權 渠 單 于 請 求 和 親 ， 病 死 。 右 賢 王 屠 耆 堂 代 立 。 骨 肉 大臣 立 虛 閭 權 渠 單 于 子 為 呼 韓 邪 單 于 ， 擊 殺 屠 耆 堂 。 諸 王並 自 立 ， 分 為 五 單 于 ， 更 相 攻 擊 ， 死 者 以 萬 數 ，畜 產 大 耗 什 八 九 ， 人 民 飢 餓 ， 相 燔 燒 以 求 食 ， 因 大 乖 亂 。 單 于 閼 氏 子 孫 昆 弟 及 呼 累 單 于、 名 王 、 右 伊 秩 訾 、 且 渠 、 當 戶 以 下 將 眾 五 萬 餘人 來 降 歸 義 。 單 于 稱 臣 ， 使 弟 奉 珍 朝 賀 正 月 ， 北 邊 晏 然， 靡 有 兵 革 之 事 。
朕 飭 躬 齊 戒 ， 郊 上 帝 ， 祠 后 土， 神 光 並 見 ， 或 興 于 谷 ， 燭 燿 齊 宮 ， 十 有 餘 刻 。 甘 露 降 ， 神 爵 集 。 已 詔 有 司 告 祠 上 帝 、 宗 廟 。 三 月 辛 丑， 鸞 鳳 又 集 長 樂 宮 東 闕 中 樹 上 ， 飛 下 止 地 ， 文 章五 色 ， 留 十 餘 刻 ， 吏 民 並 觀 。
朕 之 不 敏 ， 懼 不 能 任 ， 婁蒙 嘉 瑞 ， 獲 茲 祉 福 。 書 不 云 乎 ？ 『 雖 休 勿 休 ， 祗事 不 怠 。 』 公 卿 大 夫 其 勗 焉 。減 天 下口 錢 。 赦 殊 死 以 下 。 賜 民 爵 一 級 ， 女 子 百 戶 牛 酒 。 大 酺五 日 。 加 賜 鰥 寡 孤 獨 高 年 帛 。 」
置 西 河 、 北 地 屬 國 以 處 匈 奴 降 者 。
四 年 春 正 月 ， 廣 陵 王 胥 有 罪 ， 自 殺 。
匈 奴 單 于 稱 臣 ， 遣 弟 谷 蠡 王 入 侍 。 以 邊 塞亡 寇 ， 減 戍 卒 什 二 。
大 司 農 中 丞 耿 壽 昌 奏 設 常 平 倉 ， 以 給 北 邊 ， 省 轉 漕 。 賜 爵 關 內 侯 。
夏 四 月 辛 丑 晦 ， 日 有 蝕 之 。 詔 曰 ： 「 皇 天 見 異 ，以 戒 朕 躬 ， 是 朕 之 不 逮 ， 吏 之 不 稱 也 。 以 前 使 使者 問 民 所 疾 苦 ， 復 遣 丞 相 、 御 史 掾 二 十 四 人 循 行 天 下 ， 舉 冤 獄 ， 察 擅 為 苛 禁 深 刻 不 改 者 。 」
甘 露 元 年 春 正 月 ， 行 幸 甘 泉 ， 郊 泰 畤 。
匈 奴 呼 韓 邪 單 于 遣 子 右 賢 王 銖 婁 渠 堂 入 侍 。
二 月 丁 巳 ， 大 司 馬 車 騎 將 軍 延 壽 薨 。
夏 四 月 ， 黃 龍 見 新 豐 。 丙 申 ， 太 上 皇 廟 火 。 甲 辰 ， 孝 文 廟 火 。 上 素 服 五日 。
冬 ， 匈 奴 單 于 遣 弟 左 賢 王 來 朝 賀 。
二 年 春 正 月 ， 立 皇 子 囂 為 定 陶 王 。
詔 曰 ： 「 乃 者 鳳 皇 甘 露 降 集 ， 黃 龍 登 興 ， 醴 泉 滂流 ， 枯 槁 榮 茂 ，神 光 並 見 ， 咸 受 禎 祥 。 其赦 天 下 。 減 民 算 三 十 。 賜 諸 侯 王 、 丞 相 、 將 軍 、列 侯 、 中 二 千 石 金 錢 各 有 差 。 賜 民 爵 一 級 ， 女 子 百 戶 牛酒 ， 鰥 寡 孤 獨 高 年 帛 。 」
夏 四 月 ， 遣 護 軍 都 尉 祿 將 兵 擊 珠 崖 。
秋 九 月 ， 立 皇 子 宇 為 東 平 王 。
冬 十 二 月 ， 行 幸 萯 陽 宮 屬 玉 觀 。
匈 奴 呼 韓 邪 單 于 款 五 原 塞 ， 願 奉 國 珍 朝 三年 正 月 。 詔 有 司 議 。
咸 曰 ： 「 聖 王 之 制 ， 施 德 行禮 ， 先 京 師 而 後 諸 夏 ， 先 諸 夏 而 後 夷 狄 。 詩 云 ： 『 率 禮不 越 ， 遂 視 既 發 。 相 土 烈 烈 ， 海 外 有 。 』 陛 下聖 德 ， 充 塞 天 地 ， 光 被 四 表 。 匈 奴 單 于 鄉 風 慕 義， 舉 國 同 心 ， 奉 珍 朝 賀 ， 自 古 未 之 有 也 。 單 于 非正 朔 所 加 ， 王 者 所 客 也 ， 禮 儀 宜 如 諸 侯 王 ， 稱 臣 昧 死 再拜 ， 位 次 諸 侯 王 下 。 」
詔 曰 ： 「 蓋 聞 五 帝 三 王 ， 禮 所 不施 ， 不 及 以 政 。 今 匈 奴 單 于 稱 北 藩 臣 ， 朝 正 月 ，朕 之 不 逮 ， 德 不 能 弘 覆 。 其 以 客 禮 待 之 ， 位 在 諸 侯 王 上。 」
三 年 春 正 月 ， 行 幸 甘 泉 ， 郊 泰 畤 。
匈 奴 呼 韓 邪 單 于 稽 侯 來 朝 ， 贊 謁 稱 藩 臣而 不 名 。 賜 以 璽 綬 、 冠 帶 、 衣 裳 、 安 車 、 駟 馬 、 黃 金 、錦 繡 、 繒 絮 。
使 有 司 道 單 于先 行 就 邸 長 安 ， 宿 長 平 。 上 自 甘 泉 宿 池 陽 宮 。 上登 長 平 阪 ， 詔 單 于 毋 謁 。 其左 右 當 戶 之 群皆 列 觀 ， 蠻 夷 君 長 王 侯 迎 者 數 萬 人 ， 夾 道 陳 。 上登 渭 橋 ， 咸 稱 萬 歲 。 單 于 就 邸 。 置 酒 建 章 宮 ， 饗 賜 單 于， 觀 以 珍 寶 。
二 月 ， 單 于 罷 歸 。 之 長樂 衛 尉 高 昌 侯 忠 、車 騎 都 尉 昌 、 騎 都 尉 虎 將 萬 六 千 騎 送 單 于 。 單 于 居 幕 南 ， 保 光 祿 城 。 詔 北 邊 振 穀 食 。 郅 支 單 于 遠 遁 ， 匈 奴 遂定 。
詔 曰 ： 「 乃 者 鳳 皇 集 新 蔡 ， 群 鳥 四 面 行 列 ， 皆 鄉鳳 皇 立 ， 以 萬 數 。 其 賜 汝 南 太 守 帛 百 匹 ， 新 蔡 長吏 、 三 老 、 孝 弟 力 田 、 鰥 寡 孤 獨 各 有 差 。 賜 民 爵 二 級 。毋 出 今 年 租 。 」
三 月 己 丑 ， 丞 相 霸 薨 。
詔 諸 儒 講 五 經 同 異 ， 太 子 太 傅 蕭 望 之 等 平 奏 其 議， 上 親 稱 制 臨 決 焉 。 乃 立 梁 丘 易 、 大 小 夏 侯 尚 書 、 穀 梁春 秋 博 士 。
冬 ， 烏 孫 公 主 來 歸 。
四 年 夏 ， 廣 川 王 海 陽 有 罪 ， 廢 遷 房 陵 。
冬 十 月 丁 卯 ， 未 央 宮 宣 室 閣 火 。
黃 龍 元 年 春 正 月 ， 行 幸 甘 泉 ， 郊 泰 畤 。
匈 奴 呼 韓 邪 單 于 來 朝 ， 禮 賜 如 初 。 二 月 ， 單 于 歸國 。
詔 曰 ： 「 蓋 聞 上 古 之 治 ， 君 臣 同 心 ， 舉 措 曲 直 ，各 得 其 所 。 是 以 上 下 和 洽 ， 海 內 康 平 ， 其 德 弗 可及 已 。
朕 既 不 明 ， 數 申 詔 公 卿 大 夫 務 行 寬 大 ， 順 民 所 疾 苦 ， 將 欲 配 三 王 之 隆 ， 明 先 帝 之 德也 。
今 吏 或 以 不 禁 姦 邪 為 寬 大 ， 縱 釋 有 罪 為 不 苛 ， 或 以酷 惡 為 賢 ， 皆 失 其 中 。 奉 詔 宣 化 如 此 ， 豈 不 繆 哉！
方 今 天 下 少 事 ， 繇 役 省 減 ， 兵 革 不 動 ， 而 民 多 貧 ， 盜賊 不 止 ， 其 咎 安 在 ？ 上 計 簿 ， 具 文 而 已 ， 務 為 欺謾 ， 以 避 其 課 。 三 公 不 以 為 意 ， 朕 將 何 任 ？
諸 請 詔 省 卒 徒 自 給 者 皆 止 。 御 史 察 計 簿 ， 疑 非實 者 ， 按 之 ， 使 真 偽 毋 相 亂 。 」
三 月 ， 有 星 孛 于 王 良 、 閣 道 ， 入 紫 宮 。
夏 四 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 舉 廉 吏 ， 誠 欲 得 其 真 也 。 吏 六百 石 位 大 夫 ， 有 罪 先 請 ， 秩 祿 上 通 ， 足 以 效 其 賢 材 ， 自今 以 來 毋 得 舉 。 」
冬 十 二 月 甲 戌 ， 帝 崩 于 未 央 宮 。 癸 巳 ， 尊皇 太 后 曰 太 皇 太 后 。
贊 曰 ： 孝 宣 之 治 ， 信 賞 必 罰 ， 綜 核 名 實 ，政 事 文 學 法 理 之 士 咸 精 其 能 ， 至 于 技 巧 工 匠 器 械 ， 自 元、 成 間 鮮 能 及 之 ， 亦 足 以 知 吏 稱 其 職 ， 民 安 其 業也 。
遭 值 匈 奴 乖 亂 ， 推 亡 固 存 ， 信 威 北 夷 ， 單 于 慕 義 ， 稽 首 稱 藩 。 功 光 祖 宗 ， 業 垂 後 嗣 ， 可 謂 中興 ， 侔 德 殷 宗 、 周 宣 矣 。
Translation and Notes
The Eighth [Imperial Annals]
The Annals of [Emperor Hsiao]-Hsüan
Emperor Hsiao-hsüan was the great-grandson of Emperor Wu and the grandson of Heir-apparent Li, [Liu Chü]. The Heir-apparent married 1 the Sweet Little Lady [née] Shih, who bore [Liu Chin], the Imperial Grandson [whose mother was née] Shih. The Imperial Grandson married the Lady [née] Wang, who bore Emperor Hsüan. He was [at that time] called the Imperial Great-grandson. Several months after his birth, there happened the witchcraft and black magic case, and the Heir-apparent, his Sweet Little Lady, the Imperial Grandson, and the Lady [née] Wang all met with [the extreme] misfortune. A discussion is in the "Memoir of the Heir-apparent".
Although the [Imperial] Great-grandson was [a babe] carried on the back wrapped up, 2 he was nevertheless sentenced and was arrested and held in the Prison at the Lodge for the Commanderies. 3 But Ping Chi, who was a Superintendent to the Commandant of Justice and had charge of the witchcraft and black magic [cases] at the Lodge for the Commanderies, pitied the [Imperial] Great-grandson because he was innocent, and directed [some] female convicts who had been exempted and were serving [their sentences, 4 including] Chao Cheng-ch'ing of Huai-yang [Commandery] and Hu Tsu of Wei-ch'eng, in turn to suckle and care for him. [Ping Chi] privately provided his clothing and food, looked after him, and treated him with extreme kindness.
The witchcraft and black magic case was not definitely [ended] for many consecutive years. In the second year of [the period] Hou-Yüan, Emperor Wu was ill and went back and forth between Ch'ang-yang [Palace] and Wu-tso Palace. 5 A person who watched for emanations said that in the prisons at Ch'ang-an there was the emanation of a Son of Heaven, so the Emperor sent messengers separately to [each of] the prisons at the offices in the imperial capital to kill all those who were held [in prison, whether their crimes were] light or serious. The Chief of the Internuncios in the Inner [Courts], Kuo Jang, came by night to the Prison at the Lodge for Commanderies. [Ping] Chi resisted [him and] closed [the gates of the prison, so that] the messenger could not enter. [Thus], through the assistance of [Ping] Chi, the [Imperial] Great-grandson was saved alive. Thereupon there occurred a general amnesty. 6 [Ping] Chi hence sent the [Imperial] Great-grandson in a carriage to the home of his [deceased] grandmother, the Sweet Little Lady [née] Shih. A discussion is in the "Memoirs of [Ping] Chi" and "of the [Imperial] Relatives by Marriage."
Later there was an imperial order that [the Imperial Great-grandson] should be reared and cared for in the Lateral Courts [of the Imperial Palace] and should be entered upon the register of members [of the imperial house by] the Superintendent of the Imperial House. At that time the Chief of the Lateral Courts, Chang Ho, who had formerly served Heir-apparent Li, [Liu Chü], thought and reflected upon the kindness formerly [shown him by the Heir-apparent, and so] had compassion upon the [Imperial] Great-grandson and served and reared him very attentively. Out of his own money he furnished and provided for teaching him the writings. 7 When he was grown, [Chang Ho provided for] marrying him to a daughter of the Bailiff in the Drying House, Hsü Kuang-han. The [Imperial] Great-grandson was therefore attached to and relied upon [Hsü] Kuang-han and his brothers, together with his grandmother's family, the Shih clan.
He studied the Book of Odes with Fu Chung-weng of Tung-hai [Commandery]. He showed great ability and loved studying. He also delighted in roving braves, in cock-fighting, and in horse-racing. He was acquainted with all the undesirable elements of the hamlets and villages and with the accomplishments and defects in the government of the minor officials. He several times [participated in] the ascending and descending of the various imperial tombs, 8 going all about the three capital commanderies. He was once in trouble at the salt beds of Lien-shao. He especially enjoyed himself in the region of Tu(4a) and Hu(3), and he was very commonly at Hsia-tu. At the times when the spring and autumn courts were held, he dwelt in Shang-kuan Ward of Ch'ang-an. 9
On his [whole] body and [even] on the bottoms of his feet there was hair. 10 Where he slept and dwelt there were frequently lights and shinings. Whenever he bought cakes, each time the shop from which he bought made great sales. Because of these things, even he marvelled at himself. 11
In the first year of [the period] Yüan-p'ing, in the fourth month, Emperor Chao died without an heir. The General-in-chief, Ho Kuang, begged 12 the Empress [née Shang-kuan] to summon the King of Ch'ang-yi, [Liu Ho(4b)]. In the sixth month, on [the day] ping-yin, the King, [Liu Ho(4b)], received the Emperor's imperial seals and seal cords. He honored the Empress [née Shang-kuan] with the title, Empress Dowager. On [the day] kuei-szu, [Ho] Kuang memorialized that the King, [Liu] Ho(4b), had committed fornication and disorderly conduct, and begged that he be dismissed. 13 A discussion is in the "Memoir of [Liu] Ho(4b)" together with that "of [Ho] Kuang."
In the autumn, the seventh month, [Ho] Kuang memorialized [the results of the officials'] deliberations, saying, "According to the Rites, the Way of mankind is to love [especially] one's relatives. 14 Hence people honor the founder of the house. Because they honor the founder of the house, they respect his successors. When the chief successor has no heirs, they select to be the heir a capable person from among the sons and grandsons of collateral branches [of the house].
"[Concerning] the great-grandson of Emperor Hsiao-wu, [Liu] Ping-yi, there was an imperial edict [ordering] that he be reared and cared for in the Lateral Courts. At present, he is in his eighteenth year. His teachers have taught him the Book of Odes, the Analects, and the Classic of Filial Piety. He has held to moderation and economy in his conduct; he is kind and benevolent and loves others, [so that] he is capable of serving as an heir to Emperor Hsiao-chao, of worshipping and serving the founder of the house and his successors, and of treating [the people of] the ten thousand families as his children." The memorial was approved [by the Empress Dowager née Shang-kuan].
The Superintendent of the Imperial House, [Liu] Tê(5b), was sent to the residence of the [Imperial] Great-grandson in Shang-kuan Ward to bathe his body and wash his hair and grant him the [proper] garments from the imperial Wardrobe. The Grand Coachman [was sent] with a hunting chariot 15 to fetch the [Imperial] Great-grandson respectfully. [The latter] went to and purified himself in the yamen belonging to the Superintendent of the Imperial House. On [the day] keng-shen, he entered the Wei-yang Palace and visited the Empress Dowager [née Shang-kuan, who] enfeoffed him as Marquis of Yang-wu. 16 After [these ceremonies] had been completed, the various courtiers memorialized that she should deliver up to him the imperial seals and seal-cords and he ascended the imperial throne and paid his respects in the Temple of [Emperor] Kao.
In the eighth month, on [the day] chi-szu, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Yang] Ch'ang, died. In the ninth month, a general amnesty [was granted] to the empire. In the eleventh month, on [the day] jen-tzu, the Empress née Hsü was established [as Empress] and gold and cash were granted to the vassal kings and to those [ranking] below them, down to the [minor] officials and common people, and to widowers, widows, orphans, and childless, to each proportionately. The Empress Dowager [née Shang-kuan] returned to Ch'ang-lo Palace 17 and for the first time there was established a garrison guard in Ch'ang-lo Palace. 18
In [the period] Pen-shih, the first year, in the spring, the first month, officials and common people whose property was one million [cash] and over were solicited to move to P'ing-ling. 19 [The Emperor] sent messengers bearing credentials [to carry] an imperial edict to the [officials] in the commanderies and kingdoms [ranking at] two thousand piculs, [ordering them] diligently to shepherd and nurture the common people and cause them to develop in virtue through the "Odes of the States." 20
The General-in-chief, [Ho] Kuang, bent his head to the ground and returned the rule, [offering his resignation, but] the Emperor respectfully refused to accept it and delegated to him [again] the charge [of the government]. The merits [of those who] made the plan 21 [for enthroning Emperor Hsüan] were discussed, [and so] seventeen thousand families were added to the enfeoffment of the Generalin-chief, [Ho] Kuang, and ten thousand families to [that of] the General of Chariots and Cavalry and Superintendent of the Imperial Household, the Marquis of Fu-p'ing, [Chang] An-shih. The imperial edict said, "The former Lieutenant Chancellor, the Marquis of An-p'ing, [Yang] Ch'ang, and others, while performing their duties in their [respective] positions, together with the General-in-chief, [Ho] Kuang, and the General of Chariots and Cavalry, [Chang] An-shih, initiated the proposal and fixed upon the plan [for the succession to the throne] in order to bring tranquillity to the [imperial] ancestral temples. Before a reward could be made for the merits [of the former person], he died. Let there be added to the enfeoffment of [Yang] Chung, the son and heir of [Yang] Ch'ang; to [the enfeoffments of] the Lieutenant Chancellor, the Marquis of Yang-p'ing, [Ts'ai] Yi; of the General Who Crosses the Liao [River], the Marquis of P'ing-ling, [Fan] Ming-yu; of the General of the Van, the Marquis of Lung-lo, [Han] Tseng; of the Grand Coachman, the Marquis of Chien-p'ing, [Tu] Yen-nien(a); of the Grand Master of Ceremonies, the Marquis of P'u, [Su] Ch'ang; of the Grandee-remonstrant, the Marquis of Yi-ch'un(a), [Wang] T'an(2a); of the Marquis of Tang-t'u, [Wei] P'ing; of the Marquis of Tu(4b), [Fu-lu] T'u-ch'i; 22 and of the Privy Treasurer of the Ch'ang-hsin [Palace], the Kuan-nei Marquis, [Hsia-hou] Sheng;" to the estates and households of each proportionately. [The Emperor] enfeoffed the Grandee Secretary, [T'ien] Kuang-ming, as Marquis of Ch'ang-shui; the General of the Rear, [Chao] Ch'ung-kuo, as Marquis of Ying-p'ing; the Grand Minister of Agriculture, [Tien] Yen-nien, as Marquis of Yang-ch'eng; the Privy Treasurer, [Shih] Lo-ch'eng, as Marquis of Yüan-shih; and the Imperial Household Grandee, [Wang] Ch'ien(1), as Marquis of P'ing-ch'iu. He granted to the Western Sustainer, [Chou] Tê; to the Director of Dependent States, [Su] Wu; to the Commandant of Justice, [Li] Kuang(1); to the Superintendent of the Imperial House, [Liu] Tê(5b); to the Grand Herald, [Wei] Hsien; to the Supervisor of the Household, [Sung] Chi; to Imperial Household Grandee [Ping] Chi; and to the Chief Commandant to the Governor of the Capital, [Chao] Kuang-han, the noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis. [Chou] Tê and [Su] Wu were given the income of estates.
In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day] keng-wu, there was an earthquake. An imperial edict [ordered] the inner commanderies and kingdoms 23 each to recommend one Literary Scholar and one Person of High Standing.
In the fifth month, male and female phoenixes perched in [the commanderies of] Chiao-tung and Ch'ien-ch'eng; an amnesty was granted to the empire and noble ranks, from [the rank of] Junior [Chieftain of] Conscripts to that of Fifth [Rank] Grandee, 24 were granted to the officials [ranking at] two thousand piculs, to the chancellors of the nobles, and to those [ranking] lower, down to the officials and eunuchs in the offices at the imperial capital [ranking at] six hundred piculs, to each proportionately. The common people 25 of the empire were each granted one step in noble rank, the Filially Pious [were granted] two steps, the women of a hundred households [were granted] an ox and wine, and the land tax and tax on produce were not to be collected.
In the sixth month, an imperial edict said, "The former Heir-apparent, [Liu Chü, who is buried] at Hu, has not yet any title nor posthumous name [for use at his] yearly and seasonal sacrifices. Let it be discussed [what would be a proper] posthumous name, and let there be established a park and [funerary] town [for him]." A discussion is in the "Memoir of the Heir-apparent."
In the autumn, the seventh month, an imperial edict set up [Liu] Chien(4d), the Heir-apparent of King La of Yen, [Liu Tan(4a)], to be King of Kuang-yang, and [Liu] Hung(2), a younger son of the King of Kuang-ling, [Liu] Hsü, to be King of Kao-mi. 26
In the second year, in the spring, the cash [in possession of the Chief Commandant of] Waters and Parks [was ordered to be used] for the P'ing Tomb; common people were moved [there] and residences were built.
The Grand Minister of Agriculture, the Marquis of Yang-ch'eng(b), T'ien Yen-nien, who had committed crimes, killed himself. 27
In the summer, the fifth monthm an imperial edict said, "We, with [our} insignificant person, have respectfully succeeded to [the throne of Our] ancestors. Early and late [We] have been thinking and reflecting that Emperor Hsiao-wu personally practised benevolence and righteousness and selected brilliant generals to punish those who did not submit, [so that] the Huns fled afar. [Those generals] pacified the Ti-ch'iang, [so that] the [states of] K'un-ming, Nan-Yüeh, and the many southern barbarians turned towards his influence, knocked at the barriers, and brought tribute. He established the [Imperial] University, renewed the suburban and other sacrifices, fixed the beginning of the year, harmonized the [musical] notes and musical tubes, performed the [sacrifice] feng upon Mount T'ai, and made the Hsüan-fang [dyke]. Auspicious portents and presages [came in] response, the precious three-legged cauldron appeared, and the white unicorn was captured. 28 His merits and virtue are glorious and abundant, so that they cannot be completely related. Yet the music in his temple is not adequate [to glorify him properly]. Let [this matter] be discussed [and the results of the discussion] memorialized."
The [high] officials memorialized, begging that it would be proper to give to him a more honorable title. [Consequently,] in the sixth month, on [the day] keng-wu, 29 the Temple of [Emperor] Hsiao-wu was honored and was made the Temple of the Epochal Exemplar. [It was ordered that] there should be performed [in it] the dances of Abundant Virtue, of the Peaceful Beginning, and of the Five Elements; 30 that the Son of Heaven should from generation to generation make offerings [there]; that the commanderies and kingdoms which Emperor Wu favored [by a visit] in making a tour of inspection should all erect temples [to him]; and that there should be granted to the common people one step in rank and to the women of a hundred households an ox and wine. 31
The Huns had several times invaded the [Chinese] borders and also were making expeditions westwards against the Wu-sun. The K'un-mi32 of the Wu-sun, together with the [Chinese] Princess, [his wife], took the opportunity [offered by a Chinese] envoy to that state, [who was returning], to send the Emperor a letter saying that the K'un-mi was willing to mobilize the choice troops of his state to attack the Huns, if only the Son of Heaven would have compassion and pity and send out his troops to rescue the Princess. In the autumn, there was a great mobilization, raising, and appointment of light chariots and valiant soldiers from east of the [Han-ku] Pass. Selections were made from the officials [ranking at] three hundred piculs in the commanderies and kingdoms, and the stout, strong, and experienced horsemen and archers were all [sent] to go with the army. The Grandee Secretary, T'ien Kuang-ming, was made the General of the Ch'i-lien [Mountains]; the Ge Grand Administrator of Yün-chung [Commandery], T'ien Shun, was made the Tiger's Teeth General. Together with the General Who Crosses the Liao [River], Fan Ming-yu, and the General of the Van, Han Tseng, [there were] altogether five generals with an army of one hundred fifty thousand horsemen. Colonel Ch'ang Hui, bearing credentials, [was sent] to aid the army of the Wu-sun. All [were to] attack the Huns.
In the third year, in the spring, the first month, on [the day] kuei-hai, the Empress née Hsü died.
On [the day] mou-ch'en, the five generals and their armies started from Ch'ang-an. In the summer, the fifth month, the armies were disbanded. The General of the Ch'i-lien [Mountains, T'ien] Kuang-ming, and the Tiger's Teeth General, [T'ien] Shun, had committed crimes and were given into the charge of the [high] officials. Both killed themselves. 33 Colonel Ch'ang Hui, leading the army of the Wu-sun, penetrated into the western [part of] the Hun territory and made great conquests and captures, so he was enfeoffed as a marquis.
There was a great drought. 34 In those commanderies and kingdoms that suffered greatly from the drought, the people [were permitted] not to pay the land tax or capitation taxes, and those among the common people of the three capital commanderies who had reached the lowest [conditions] were temporarily not to have [taxes] collected [from them] nor to be made to serve. [This remission] was to be ended in the fourth year [of Pen-shih].
In the sixth month, on [the day] chi-ch'ou, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ts'ai] Yi, died.
In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month, an imperial edict said, "Verily, [We] have heard that agriculture is the fundamental thing in making virtue flourish. [But] this year there has not been a good harvest. [We] have already sent messengers to aid and make loans to those who are distressed and indigent. Let it be ordered that the Grand Provisioner shall diminish the food [for the imperial table] and reduce the [number of] butchers. 35 The Bureau of Music shall lessen [the number of] musicians, and send them home, so that they may turn to the profession of agriculture. The Lieutenant Chancellor and lower [officials], down to the Chiefs and Assistants in the offices at the capital, shall inform Us [concerning the amount of] grain they will contribute and pay into the Ch'ang-an granaries to assist and loan to the poor people. 36 Common people who transport grain by cart or by boat through the [customs] barriers shall be permitted not to use passports." 37
In the third month, on [the day] yi-mao, the Empress née Ho was established [as Empress], and there were granted to the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Wei Hsien], and to those [ranking] below him, down to the Gentlemen and [minor] officials and their attendants, gold, cash, and silk, to each proportionately. An amnesty [was granted] to the empire.
In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day] jen-yin, in forty-nine commanderies and kingdoms, there was an earthquake, [in which] mountains collapsed and water came forth. 38 The imperial edict said, "Verily, [calamitous] visitations and prodigies are warnings from Heaven and Earth. We have inherited [Our] vast patrimony, are upholding [the sacrifices in the imperial] ancestral temples, and have been entrusted [with a position] above that of gentlemen and common people, [but We] have not yet been able to harmonize the many living beings. Recently an earthquake in Po-hai and Lang-yeh [Commanderies] has ruined the Temples of the [Eminent] Founder, [Emperor Kao], and of the [Epochal] Exemplar, [Emperor Hsiao-wu]. We are greatly dismayed.
"Let the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Wei Hsien], and the [Grandee] Secretary, [Wei Hsiang], together with the marquises and [officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, widely question those gentlemen who are learned in the Classics [to see whether there is anything] to do in response to this calamity 39 and [thereby] assist Our inadequacies. Let nothing be hidden [from Us. We] order that the Three Adjuncts, the Grand Master of Ceremonies, and the inner commanderies and kingdoms should each recommend one Capable and Good person who is Sincere and Upright. If in the Code or ordinances there is anything that should be abolished and done away with, in order to give peace to the people, [let those] articles [of the law] be memorialized [to Us. At those places] which have been the most ruined or demolished by the earthquake, let the land-tax and the capitation-taxes not be collected. [Let] a general amnesty [be granted] to the empire." Because the ancestral temples had been destroyed, the Emperor wore mourning garments and shunned the Main Hall [of the Palace] for five days. In the fifth month, male and female phoenixes perched at An-ch'iu and Shun-Yü in Po-hai [Commandery].
In the autumn, the King of Kuang-ch'uan, [Liu] Chi(5), 40 who had committed crimes, was dismissed, and exiled to Shang-yung. He killed himself.
In [the period] Ti-chieh, 41 the first year, in the spring, the first month, a comet appeared in the western quarter. 42 In the third month, fields [for cultivation] were loaned to poor people from the commanderies and kingdoms. 43
In the summer, the sixth month, an imperial edict said, "Verily, [We] have heard that Yao loved his nine [classes of] relatives in order that he might thereby harmonize the myriad states [of his empire]. 44 We have received and inherited the virtue [of Our ancestors] and have been put in charge of maintaining the sacred imperial patrimony. [We] have been thinking and reflecting that in the imperial house [there are some whose] registration has not yet lapsed [because their relationship is not yet too distant], but who have been cut off because of their crimes; if they have any fine talents, correct their conduct, and make great efforts toward goodness, let them again be enregistered [as members of the imperial house, in order to] cause them to have an opportunity to renew themselves." In the winter, the eleventh month, the King of Ch'u, [Liu] Yen-shou, who had plotted rebellion, [was made to] commit suicide. In the twelfth month, on [the day] kuei-hai, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. 45
In the second year, in the spring, the third month, on [the day] keng-wu, the Commander-in-chief and General-in-chief, [Ho] Kuang, died. The imperial edict said, "The Commander-in-chief and Generalin-chief, the Marquis of Po-lu, 46 was constantly on guard for Emperor Hsiao-wu for more than thirty years and acted as assistant to Emperor Hsiao-chao for more than ten years. He met with the greatest difficulties, [but] he himself held firmly to his fealty. He led the three highest ministers, the nobles, the nine high ministers, and the grandees in determining upon the plan [for enthroning Us, the Emperor, which is to determine the imperial succession for] ten thousand generations, and thereby gave peace to the [imperial] ancestral temples. The multitude of common people in the empire have all as a result [enjoyed] tranquillity and peace.
"His merits and virtues were abundant and great, [so that] We have esteemed him most highly. [We] exempt his posterity [from taxes and service] and grant to them [in perpetuity] the same estate for their noble rank [as that possessed by the founder of the house]. 47 From generation to generation they [shall] not [be required] to pay [anything to the Emperor]. His merits [shall be ranked] the same as [those of] the Chancellor of State, Hsiao [Ho]." 48
In the summer, the fourth month, phoenixes perched in [the kingdom 49 of] Lu and a crowd of birds followed them. 50 [Consequently], a general amnesty [was granted] to the empire.
In the fifth month, the Imperial Household Grandee, the Marquis of P'ing-ch'iu, Wang Ch'ien(1), who had committed crimes, was sent to prison and died. 51
The Emperor for the first time [attended] in person to governmental affairs. He moreover meditated on rewarding the merit and virtues of the General-in-chief, [Ho Kuang], so he furthermore employed the Marquis of Lo-p'ing, [Ho] Shan, as the Intendant of the Affairs of the Masters of Writing; but he ordered that the various courtiers were to be permitted to memorialize state affairs in [single] sealed [envelopes], 52 in order that [the Emperor] might know the sentiments of his subjects. [Every] five days he held one audience for state affairs. From the Lieutenant Chancellor 53 on down, each [official], in performing his duties, memorialized matters [concerning his office], in order to "express [their ideas] in words" [so that the Emperor] might examine and "test them by their deeds" 54 and abilities. The Palace Attendants and Masters of Writing, who had distinguished themselves by their labor and who deserved to be promoted, together with those [officials] who showed unusual excellences, were given rich rewards and grants, and [rewards were even bestowed] upon their sons and grandsons, [but their positions] were not at any time changed or altered. 55 The pivot-pins and [crossbow] trigger mechanism [levers] everywhere fitted each other; the instrument and its form was complete and entire. 56 Superiors and inferiors were at peace with each other, and there was no thought of treating [any matter] lightly. 57
In the third year, in the spring, the third month, an imperial edict said, "Verily, [We] have heard that if anyone has merits and is not rewarded, or if anyone has committed crimes and is not punished, although [the ruler were] T'ang [Yao] or Yü [Shun], he would on that account not be able to improve the country. Now the Chancellor in [the kingdom of] Chiao-tung, [Wang] Ch'eng, has treated [his people] kindly and has cared for them without reposing. 58More than eighty thousand wandering people voluntarily reported themselves [for registration]. 59 His government is of an extraordinarily [high] grade. Let [Wang] Ch'eng be ranked at fully two thousand piculs and be granted the noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis."
[The edict] also said, "The poor or distressed common people who are widowers, widows, orphans, childless, or in advanced years are those whom We [especially] pity. Previously [We] issued an edict [ordering that the officials should] lend them public fields for cultivation and lend them seed and food. Let there be added grants of silk to widowers, widows, orphans, childless, and those in advanced years. [Let the officials ranking at] two thousand piculs severely instruct their officials carefully to care for and visit [these persons] and not permit them to lose their status [as occupants of government land. We] order the inner commanderies and kingdoms to recommend capable and good persons who are sincere and upright and are able `to cherish the common people'." 60
In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day] mou-shen, the Imperial Heir-apparent, [Liu Shih], was established [as heir-apparent]. A general amnesty was granted to the empire and there were granted: to the Grandee Secretary, [Wei Hsiang], the noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis; to [officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, the noble rank of Senior Chief of the Multitude; and to those in the empire who would become the successors of their fathers, one step in noble rank. 61 There were granted: to the King of Kuang-ling, [Liu Hsü(a)], a thousand catties of actual gold; to each of the fifteen [other] vassal kings, a hundred catties of actual gold; and to each of the eighty-seven full marquises who were at their states, twenty catties of actual gold.
In the winter, the tenth month, an imperial edict said, "Recently, when there was an earthquake in the ninth month on [the day] jen-shen, We were very much dismayed. If there are any [persons] who can remonstrate with Us for [Our] faults or errors or [any] capable and good, sincere and upright gentlemen, [who are able] to speak frankly and admonish unflinchingly, in order to correct Our inadequacies, let them not keep silent because of respect for the high officials, [but speak out].
"Since We are not virtuous, We have not been able to transmit [Our influence] to distant [regions]. For this reason, at the borders, the frontier garrisons and frontier guards have not yet been dismissed. If now [We] again make the troops labor and increase the frontier garrisons, [We] will lengthen out the toil of the people, which is not what would give rest to the empire. Let the garrison troops of the General of Chariots and Cavalry, [Chang An-shih], and of the General of the Right, [Ho Yü], be abolished." 62
There was also an edict [ordering] that the reservoirs [for rearing fish] and the preserves 63 which had not yet been favored by the Emperor [with a visit] should be loaned to poor people, that the palaces and lodges in the commanderies should not again be repaired, and that when wandering people return [to their former homes], they should be loaned public fields, should be loaned seed and food, and temporarily should not [be made to pay] poll-taxes or [to do public] service.
In the eleventh month, an imperial edict said, "Since We are inadequate and are not wise in leading the people, [We] turn over from side to side [in bed] and rise at dawn, thinking and reflecting about the myriad parts [of the empire] and not forgetting the great multitude [of common people], especially fearing that [We] shall bring disgrace to the sage virtue of [Our] imperial predecessors. Hence for many years down to the present, [We] have had [the different parts of the empire] at the same time recommend [to Us] persons who are capable and good, sincere and upright, in order that they might `cherish' 64 the myriad clans [of the empire]. Yet the customs and culture [of the empire] are [still] inadequately [developed]. The Memoir says, `Are not filial devotion and brotherly respect the very foundation of an unselfish life?' 65 Let each commandery or kingdom recommend one person of filial devotion and brotherly respectfulness whose actions and principles are renowned in his village or hamlet."
In the twelfth month, [the Emperor] first established the four Commandant of Justice's Referees, who were ranked at six hundred piculs. 66 The commandery of Wen-shan was abolished and [its territory and administration] were united with [that of] Shu [Commandery].
In the fourth year, in the spring, the second month, [the Emperor] enfeoffed his maternal grandmother, [Wang Wang-jen], as the Baronetess of Po-p'ing. [Hsiao] Chien-shih, a [great-]great-grandson of the former Marquis of Tso, Hsiao Ho, was made a Marquis.
An imperial edict said, "If the people are led in accordance with [the principle of] filial devotion, the whole world will be submissive. [But] it now happens that sometimes when the people are suffering the misfortunes and calamities [which cause them to wear] mourning badges and girdles, the [minor] officials nevertheless require their service, so that they are not able to bury [their parents, thus] saddening the hearts of filial sons. We pity them very greatly. From the present [time on], let whoever is in mourning for his grandfather, grandmother, father, or mother not [be] required to do [forced] service, so that he can care for [the deceased], dress the corpse, and accompany it to the grave, [thus] carrying out to the full the duties of a son." 67
In the summer, the fifth month, 68 an imperial edict said, "The love between parents and children and the relationship between husband and wife are Heaven-[endowed qualities of human] nature. Even though [one of these persons] should suffer calamitous trouble, [the other] would nevertheless expose himself to death, in order to preserve [his father or husband]. Indeed love knotted about the heart is the extreme of benevolence and generosity. How can [anyone] go contrary to it?
"From now [on], if a son takes the lead in hiding his father or mother, or a wife in hiding her husband, or a grandson in hiding his grandfather or grandmother, let them all not be condemned [for crime]. If a father or mother should hide their son, or a husband hide his wife, or a grandfather or grandmother hide their grandson, and if their punishment should be death, let all [such cases] be referred to the Commandant of Justice in order that they may be reported [to Us]." 69
[Liu] Wen(a), the grandson of King Hui of Kuang-ch'uan, [Liu Yüeh], was set up as the King of Kuang-ch'uan.
In the autumn, the seventh month, since the Commander-in-chief, Ho Yü, had plotted to rebel, an imperial edict said, "Recently Chang Shê, a Clerk to the Prefect of the Eastern Weaving Chamber, sent the bravo 70 Li Ching, [a man from] Wei Commandery, to inform the Marquis of Kuan-yang, Ho Yün, [how his cabal should] plot to commit treason. Because of the [former] General-in-chief, [Ho Kuang], We repressed [the matter] and did not take action, hoping that [Ho Yü and his friends] would reform themselves. [But] now the Commander-in-chief, the Marquis of Po-lu, [Ho] Yü, and his mother, [Ho] Hsien, the Lady 71 cousins, the Marquis of > Kuan-yang, [Ho] Yün, and the Marquis of Lo-p'ing, [Ho] Shan; also the husbands of his elder and younger sisters, the General Who Crosses the Liao [River], Fan Ming-yu; the Privy Treasurer of the Chang-hsin [Palace], Teng Kuang-han; the General of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Jen Sheng; the Chief Commandant of Cavalry, Chao P'ing; and a man 72 of Ch'ang-an, Feng Yin, have [actually] plotted to commit treason. [Ho] Hsien moreover previously had the female attendant physician, Shun-Yü Yen, give poison to and murder Empress Kung-ai [née Hsü], and plotted to poison [Our] Heir-apparent, [Liu Shih, thereby] intending to endanger the [imperial] ancestral temples. [This conduct was] treasonable, rebellious, and inhuman, 73 and they have all suffered for their crimes. [Let] all those who have been deceived and led into error by the Ho clan, [whose crimes] have not yet become known [so as to come] into [the hands of] the officials, be all pardoned and freed." In the eighth month, on [the day] chi-yu, the Empress née Ho was dismissed.
In the ninth month, an imperial edict said, "We have been reflecting that those people who have lost their occupations have not enough [to live on, and so We] have sent messengers to travel about among the commanderies and kingdoms to ask the common people about what they are pained by or suffer from. The officials sometimes seek for private profit, [thus making] trouble and difficulties for [Our subjects], not considering their calamities. We pity [these suffering people] greatly.
"This year the commanderies and kingdoms have suffered considerably from inundations. [We] have already given assistance and loans [to them]. Salt is the food of the common people, yet its price is everywhere [too] high, [so that] the multitude of common people are heavily distressed. Let the price of salt be reduced all over the empire." 74
It also said, "It is the first ordinance 75 [of Heaven] that the dead cannot become alive [again] and that a mutilating punishment cannot be undone. This is what the preceding emperors have been greatly concerned about, yet the officials have not conformed to [the imperial intentions. But] now, those who are held sometimes die in prison because they have been flogged for their crimes or because of hunger, cold, or illness. 76 Why should the intentions [of prison officials be so] contrary to human nature? We are very much saddened by it.
"Let it be ordered that the commanderies and kingdoms shall yearly report the offence, name, prefecture, noble rank, and hamlet of those who have been held as prisoners and have died because of beatings or illness; when the Lieutenant Chancellor and [Grandee] Secretary examine the relative merits [of the officials], they shall thereupon report [such cases to Us]." 77
In the twelfth month, the King of Ch'ing-ho, [Liu] Nien, who had committed crimes, was dismissed and exiled to Fang-ling. 78
In [the period] Yüan-k'ang, 79 the first year, in the spring, on the plain east of Tu(4a), the Emperor's tomb was made, 80 and the name of Tu(4a) Prefecture was changed to Tu-ling [Prefecture. The residences of] the Lieutenant Chancellor, generals, marquises, and officials [ranking at] two thousand piculs whose property [amounted to] a million [cash] were moved to Tu-ling.
In the third month, an imperial edict said, "Recently phoenixes have perched in T'ai-shan and Ch'en-liu [Commanderies] and sweet dew 81 has descended in Wei-yang Palace. We have not yet been able to manifest the excellent and glorious [deeds of Our] imperial predecessors, in harmonizing and giving rest to the people, in serving Heaven and obeying Earth, and in tempering and ordering the four seasons. [Yet We] have obtained and received these favorable presages and have been granted this [supernatural] favor and happiness. Morning and evening, [We] have been circumspect without any pride [in Our achievements. We] examine Ourself [to take care that We] be not lax, and continually reflect without end. Does not the Book of History say, `The male and female phoenixes come and dance in pairs and all the chiefs are truly harmonious?' 82
"Let an amnesty be granted to the convicts of the empire; [let] noble ranks [be] granted to officials who are diligent in their business, [to those ranking] from fully two thousand piculs down to six hundred piculs, from the [noble rank of] Ordinary Chieftain of Conscripts 83 to [that of] Fifth [Rank] Grandee; to the Accessory Officials and those [ranking] above, two steps [in aristocratic rank]; to the common people, one step; and to the women of a hundred households, an ox and wine. We add grants of silk to widowers, widows, orphans, childless, the Thrice Venerable, the Filially Pious, the Brotherly Respectful, and the [Diligent] Cultivators of the Fields. Let what has been given as assistance and loans be not collected [again]."
In the summer, the fifth month, there was established the Temple of the Deceased Imperial Father, [Liu Chin; the number of] the households [whose taxes supported] Feng-ming [Funerary] Park, [where he was buried], was increased; and [the place] was made Feng-ming Prefecture.
The families of the descendants of 136 persons who were meritorious subjects of Emperor Kao, [such as] the Marquis of Chiang, Chou P'o, were exempted [from taxes and forced service] and were ordered to uphold the sacrifices [to their ancestors, the meritorious subjects of Emperor Kao], from generation to generation without end. If [these meritorious subjects] had no descendants, their next [of kin] were exempted. 84
In the autumn, the eighth month, an imperial edict said, "We are not versed in the six classics and are ignorant regarding the great Way [of the universe]. For this reason the yin and yang, the winds and the rain have not yet been timely. Let [the Lieutenant Chancellor, the Grandee Secretary and the Commander-in-chief] 85 each recommend generally, [from among] the officials and common people, two persons who have cultivated and corrected their persons, who are learned Literary Scholars, and who are [not only] intelligent concerning the political methods of the ancient Kings, [but can also] thoroughly manifest the intentions [of those rulers. Let the officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs [also] each [recommend] one [such] person."
In the winter, there was established [the office of] Commandant of the [Palace] Guard at Chien-chang [Palace].
In the second year, in the spring, the first month, an imperial edict said, "The Book of History says, `[You must deal speedily with them according to] the penal laws made by King Wen, punishing them [severely] and not pardoning them.' 86 [But] now the officials, in cultivating their persons and in upholding the laws, have not yet conformed to Our conceptions. We are very much troubled [by it]. Let an amnesty [be granted] to the empire, [so as to] give [these] gentlemen and grandees [an opportunity] to do their utmost and start anew."
In the second month, on [the day] yi-ch'ou, the Empress née Wang was appointed [as Empress], and cash and silk weo him, down] to the Gentlemen and the [imperial] retmue, to each proportionately.
In the third month, because phoenixes had perched and sweet dew had descended 87 [the Emperor] granted: to the officials of the empire, two steps [in noble rank]; to the common people, one step; to the women of a hundred households, an ox and wine; and to widowers, widows, orphans, childless, and aged, silk.
In the summer, the fifth month, an imperial edict said, "Criminal trials are that [on which] the fate of the myriad common people [hangs]. They are the means of arresting violence and of stopping evil, of rearing and developing all living beings. If anyone can make the living be without cause of resentment [against him] and the dead [whom he has sentenced] be without hatred [for him], he may indeed be called an accomplished official.
"But the present [officials] are not such [persons]. In applying the law, some of them cherish deceptive intentions, juggling the law in either direction [that suits them, making their] unjust [decisions too] heavy or [too] light, adding statements to cover up [their own] wrong-doing, using [such statements] to encompass the guilt [of the accused]. When they memorialize what is not according to the facts, the Emperor has moreover no means of knowing [the truth]. 88
"This [fact is due to] Our lack of intelligence and to the inappropriateness of the officials. Upon whom [then] would the common people in the four quarters [of the empire be able] to rely? [Let the officials ranking at] two thousand piculs each investigate their official subordinates and not employ this [sort of] person, and [let the minor] officials bend their efforts to make the law impartial.
"Some [officials] arbitrarily levy forced laborers to decorate their kitchens and post [relay stations], in order to please [their superiors'] messengers and guests who pass by, going beyond their duties and transgressing the laws in order to gain fame and renown. [Such conduct] is like walking on thin ice 89 while waiting for the bright sun. How could it not be dangerous?
"The empire has now suffered considerably from visitations of sickness and epidemics, and We are much troubled by them. Let it be ordered that [those] commanderies and kingdoms which have suffered greatly from [these] visitations be not [required] to pay this year's land-tax or capitation taxes."
It also said, "[We] have heard that anciently the personal name of the Son of Heaven was difficult to know and easy to avoid. [But] now many people, when they send in memorials, violate the tabus and thereby commit crimes. We pity them very much. Let there be a change [in Our personal name and let the word] Hsün(2) be tabued. 90 [Let] all those who have violated the tabu previous to this ordinance be amnestied."
In the winter, the Governor of the Capital, Chao Kuang-han, who had committed crimes, was executed by being cut in two at the waist. 91
In the third year, in the spring, because super-natural birds 92 had several times perched in T'ai-shan [Commandery, the Emperor] granted gold to the vassal kings, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Wei Hsiang], the generals, the full marquises, and [officials ranking at] two thousand piculs; and silk to the Gentlemen and the [imperial] retinue, to each proportionately. [He also] granted two steps in noble rank to the officials of the empire, one step to the common people, an ox and wine to the women of a hundred households, and silk to widowers, widows, orphans, childless, and aged. In the third month, an imperial edict said, "Verily, [We] have heard the [although] Hsiang committed the crime [of trying to kill Shun, yet] Shun enfeoffed him [as a prince]. People related by flesh and blood may be dispersed, 93 but [the relationship] cannot be destroyed. Let the former King of Ch'ang-yi, [Liu] Ho(4b), be enfeoffed as the Marquis of Hai-hun."
It also said, "When We were an unimportant and insignificant [person], the Grandee Secretary, Ping Chi, the Generals of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Shih Ts'eng and Shih Hsüan, the Commandant of the Palace Guard at the Ch'ang-lo [Palace], Hsü Shun, and the Palace Attendant and Imperial Household Grandee, Hsü Yen-shou, all previously showed us kindness. In addition, the former Chief of the Lateral Courts, Chang Ho, assisted and guided Our person, [and arranged for Us] to study literature and the Classics, [so that] his grace and kindness were surpassing and outstanding, and his merit was very great. Does not the Book of Odes say, 'Every good deed should have its recompense?" 94
The son of [Chang] Ho's younger brother, the Palace Attendant and General of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, [Chang] P'eng-tsu, whom [Chang Ho had adopted as] his son, was enfeoffed as Marquis of Yang-tu and [Chang] Ho was posthumously granted the title, Marquis Ai of Yang-tu. [Ping] Chi, [Shih] Ts'eng, [Shih] Hsüan, [Hsü] Shun, and [Hsü] Yen-shou [were all enfeoffed] as marquises. The [wo]men who had formerly been sent to the Prison at the Lodge for the Commanderies, who had been exempted and had served [their sentences] 95 and had formerly acquired merit by nursing and protecting [the Emperor], all received government salaries, fields, residences, and precious things; each was rewarded according to the depth of her kindness.
In the summer, the sixth month, an imperial edict said, "In the preceding year, in the summer, supernatural birds 96 perched in Yung, and this spring vari-colored birds, by the ten-thousands in number, flew past the surrounding prefectures, flying, soaring, and leaping [for joy]. They wished to perch, [but] did not come down. Let it be ordered that in the three capital commanderies [people] shall not be allowed in the spring and summer to remove nests, to try to find eggs, or to shoot pellets or arrows at flying birds. 97 Let this be a statutory ordinance." 98
The Imperial Son [Liu] Ch'in was established as King of Huai-yang.
In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month, an imperial edict said, "We have been reflecting that when aged peoples' hair and teethhave dropped away and fallen out, and when their blood and breath have become enfeebled and delicate, they moreover have no heart for violence and cruelty. Some are now suffering [because] the letter of the law [has been applied to them] and they have been arrested and are held in prison, so that they will not end [their days according to] the fate [granted them by] Heaven. We pity them very greatly. From the present time onward, whoever is in his eightieth year or over, except for falsely accusing, killing, or injuring others, shall not be sentenced for any other crime."
[The Emperor] sent the Grand Palace Grandee, [Li] Ch'iang, and others, twelve persons [in all], to travel about and inspect the empire, to visit and bring presents to widowers and widows, to examine and observe customs, to investigate the success and failure of the officials' administration, and to recommend gentlemen who [were] Accomplished Talents of Unusual Degree. 99
In the second month, Ho Cheng-shih of Ho-tung [Commandery] and others, who had plotted to rebel, were executed. 100
In the third month, an imperial edict said, "Recently the supernatural birds have been vari-colored, and have perched by the ten-thousands in Ch'ang-lo [Palace], Wei-yang [Palace], the Northern Palace, the Funerary Chamber of [Emperor] Kao, the Hall at the Altar to the Supreme [One] in Kan-ch'üan Palace, and also [at various places] in Shang-lin Park. Our [actions] do not come up to [Our words, 101 and We] are lacking in virtue and generosity, [yet We] have often obtained favorable omens, of which We are not worthy. Let there be granted to the empire: to the officials, two steps in noble rank; to the common people, one step; and to the women of a hundred households, an ox and wine. [Let there be] added grants of silk to the Thrice Venerable, the Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, and the [Diligent] Cultivators of the Fields, two bolts to [each] person; and to widowers, widows, orphans, and childless, one bolt to each."
In the autumn, the eighth month, a hundred catties of actual gold were granted to the son of the former Western Sustainer, Yin Weng-kuei, for upholding the sacrifices to his [father]. Twenty catties of actual gold were also granted to each of the heirs of descendants of [Emperor Kao's] meritorious subjects. 102
On [the day] ping-yin, the Commander-in-chief and General of the Guard, [Chang] Ain-shih, died.
For successive years there had been abundant [harvests, so that] grain [reached the price of] five cash per picul. 103
In [the period] Shen-chüeh, 104 the first year, in the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] traveled and favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where he] made the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the Supreme [One]. In the third month, he traveled and favored Ho-tung [Commandery with a visit, where he] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth.
His imperial edict said, "We have inherited [the care of the imperial] ancestral temples; tremblingly and circumspectly [We] have reflected upon the ordering of the myriad affairs [of the government, but We] have not yet understood perfectly its principles. Recently in the fourth year of [the period] Yüan-k'ang, auspicious cereal and black millet descended in the commanderies and kingdoms, 105 supernatural birds repeatedly perched, a golden fungus of immortality with nine stalks grew in a copper basin of Han-tê Hall, 106 Chiu-chen [Commandery] presented a strange animal, 107 and in Nan Commandery there were captured a white tiger 108 and a majestic male phoenix 109 [to be kept] as treasures. Not being intelligent, We were frightened by [such] precious objects, so [We] mastered Ourself, purified [Our] spirit, and prayed for the people. When, going eastwards, [We] forded the great [Yellow] River, the weather was clear and calm, and supernatural fish played in the River. When [We] favored Wan-sui Palace [with a visit], supernatural birds flew about and perched. Not being [perfectly] virtuous, [We] fear lest [We] be incompetent in [Our] duties.
"Let [this] fifth year [of Yüan-k'ang] be the first year of [the period] Shen-chüeh, and let there be made grants in the empire: two steps in noble rank to the diligent officials; one step to the common people; an ox and wine to the women of a hundred households; and silk to widowers, widows, orphans, childless, and aged. [Let] those things which have been [given] as assistance or loans not be collected [again], 110 and let [the places] through which [We] have passed in traveling not [be required] to pay the land-tax on the fields."
The Western Ch'iang rebelled. The convicts [who were serving in the prisons of] the Three Adjuncts and of the imperial capital offices were mobilized and were exempted from punishment [on condition that they served in the army]; 111 there were also [mobilized] those who responded to the call [for enlistment] from among the bowmen of the Sharpshooters, the Winged Forest Orphans, the Hu and the Picked Cavalry; skilled soldiers from the three Ho Commanderies, Ying-ch'üan [Commandery, P'ei Commandery, Huai-yang [Commandery], and Ju-nan [Commandery]; and cavalrymen from Chin-ch'eng [Commandery], Lung-hsi [Commandery] T'ien-shui [Commandery], An-ting [Commandery], Po-ti [Commandery], and Shang Commandery. The Ch'iang horsemen came to Chin-ch'eng [Commandery]. In the summer, the fourth month, [the Emperor] sent the General of the Rear, Chao Ch'ung-kuo, and the General of Strong Crossbowmen, Hsü Yen-shou, to attack the Western Ch'iang. In the sixth month a comet appeared in the eastern quarter. 112 [A messenger] went [to Chiu-ch'üan Commandery] and installed the Grand Administrator of Chiu-ch'üan [Commandery], Hsin Wu-hsien, as the General Who Routs the Ch'iang. Together with the [other] two generals, they advanced together.
An imperial edict said, "In the army, [people] are exposed to the sun and the air; the transportation [of supplies for the army] is troublesome and toilsome. Let it be ordered that the vassal kings and the full marquises, [together with] the kings, marquises, baronets, and chiefs of the barbarians, who ought to pay their court-[respects] in the second year [of the period Shen-chüeh], should all not [be required] to come to court."
In the autumn, 113 [the Emperor] granted to the son of the former Grand Minister of Agriculture, Chu Yi, a hundred catties of actual gold, in order to support his [ancestral] sacrifices.
The General of the Rear, [Chao] Ch'ung-kuo, spoke about his plan for [border] garrison farms. A discussion is in the "Memoir of [Chao] Ch'ung-kuo." 114
In the second year, in the spring, the second month, an imperial edict said, "Recently, in the first month, on [the day] yi-ch'ou, phoenixes perched and sweet dew descended 115 in the imperial capital, and flocks of birds by the ten-thousands in number followed [the phoenixes]. We are not [perfectly] virtuous, [yet] have repeatedly 116 obtained the blessing of Heaven. [We have merely] been `careful in doing [Our] duty and have not been negligent'. 117 Let an amnesty [be granted] to the empire."
In the summer, the fifth month, the Ch'iang caitiffs surrendered and submitted; the heads of their chief evil-doers, the great bravos, Yang Yü and Yu Fei, were cut off. 118 [The Director of] Dependent states for Chin-ch'eng [Commandery] was established in order to settle the surrendered Ch'iang.
In the autumn, the Hun Jih-chu King, Hsien-hsien Ch'an, leading a multitude of more than ten thousand people, came to surrender [to the Chinese. The Emperor] sent the Protector-general at the Western Frontier, the Chief Commandant of Cavalry, 119 Cheng Chi, to receive the Jih-chu [King. Cheng Chi] had routed [the forces of] Turfan (Chü-shih); both [he and Hsien-hsien Ch'an] were enfeoffed as full marquises.
In the ninth month, the Colonel Director of the Retainers, Kai K'uan-jao, who had committed crimes, was given in charge of the high officials, and killed himself. 120
The Hun Shan-Yü sent an important king 121 to present tribute, congratulate [the Emperor at] the first month [court reception of the next year], and begin [a period of] peace and friendship.
In the third year, in the spring, Lo-yu Park was prepared.
In the third month, on [the day] ping-wu, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Wei] Hsiang, died.
In the autumn, the eighth month, an imperial edict said, "If the officials are not incorrupt and just, then their way of administration becomes weak. At present the minor officials are all industrious in their work, yet their salaries are small, [so that although We] wish that they should not encroach upon or make demands upon the people, it is difficult [for them not to do so]. Let five-tenths [of their present salary be added to the salary of] officials [ranking at] one hundred piculs and [those of] lesser [ranks]." 122
In the fourth year, in the spring, the second month, an imperial edict said, "Recently male and female phoenixes have perched and sweet dew has descended 123 in the capital, so that auspicious presages have appeared simultaneously. [We] have renewed the worship of the Supreme One, of the Five Lords [on High], and of Sovereign Earth, and have prayed that the people may receive blessings and happiness. Young phoenixes (luan) have risen by the ten-thousands, have flown to observe and to fly back and forth, and have perched and stopped beside [the capital]. 124 At sunset, during [Our] retreat and fast, supernatural brilliances appeared and shone; at the evening presentations of aromatic liquor [to the manes], supernatural lights crisscrossed each other. Sometimes they descended from Heaven, sometimes they arose from the Earth, and sometimes they came from the Four Quarters and gathered at the altar. The Lords on High have approved and received [Our offerings and all the world] within the [four] seas receives their blessings. n noble rank, [let] the women of a hundred households [be granted] an ox and wine, and [let] widowers, widows, orphans, childless, and aged [be granted] silk."
In the fourth month, because the administration of the Grand Administrator in Ying-ch'uan [Commandery], Huang Pa, was especially excellent, he was ranked at fully two thousand piculs 125 and was granted the noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis and a hundred catties of actual gold. The officials and common people of Ying-ch'uan [Commandery] who had acted righteously were moreover [granted] two steps in noble rank per person; the [Diligent] Cultivators of the Fields, one step; and chaste wives and obedient daughters, silk. 126
[The Emperor] ordered that each of the inner commanderies and kingdoms should recommend [to the imperial court] one capable and good [person] who was able "to cherish the common people." 127
In the fifth month, the Hun Shan-Yü [Wu-yench'ü-ti] sent his younger brother, the King of Huliu-jo, [Lüan-ti] Sheng-chih, to pay court [to the Emperor]. 128
In the winter, the tenth month, eleven 129 male and female phoenixes perched at Tu-ling.
In the eleventh month, the Grand Administrator of Ho-nan [Commandery], Chuang Yen-nien, who had committed crimes, was publicly executed. 130
In the twelfth month, male and female phoenixes perched in Shang-lin [Park].
In [the year-period] Wu-feng, 131 the first year, in the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] traveled and favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where he] performed the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the Supreme [One].
The imperial Heir-apparent, [Liu Shih], was capped, 132 and the Empress Dowager [née Shang-kuan] made grants of silk to the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ping Chi], the generals, the full marquises, and [officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, one hundred bolts to each; and to the grandees, eighty bolts to each. 133 She also granted to the heirs of full marquises the noble rank of Fifth [Rank] Grandee and to boys who would be the heirs of their fathers, one step in noble rank.
In the summer, an amnesty [was granted] to the convicts who had built the Tu Tomb.
In the winter, the twelfth month, on [the day] yi-yu, the first day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun; the Eastern Supporter, Han Yen-shou, who had committed crimes, was publicly executed. 134
In the second year, in the spring, the first month, 135 [the Emperor] traveled and favored Yung [with a visit, where he] sacrificed at the altars to the Five [Lords].
In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day] chi-ch'ou, the Commander-in-chief and General of Chariots and Cavalry, [Han] Tseng, died.
In the autumn, the eighth month, an imperial edict
said, "Verily, the rites of marriage are the [most] important feature of human
relationships; gatherings for drinking and feasting are the means whereby the
rules of proper conduct and music are performed. [But] now in the commanderies
and kingdoms, some of [the officials ranking at] two thousand piculs
arbitrarily make vexatious prohibitions, imposing prohibitions upon the common
people when they give or take in marriage, so that they are not permitted to
prepare feasts, to offer felicitations, or to summon each other [together]. In
this way they have abolished the rites of proper conduct for the districts and
villages and have caused the common people to be without any means of
enjoyment. This is not the way in which to guide the common people. Does not
the Book of Odes say,
In the winter, the eleventh month, the Hun Shan-yu Hu-su-lei, 138 leading his troop, came [to China] and surrendered. He was enfeoffed as a full marquis.
In the twelfth month, the [former] Marquis of P'ing-t'ung, Yang Yün, was sentenced for having previously committed a crime, when he was Superintendent of the Imperial Household. He was dismissed and made a commoner. He did not repent for his fault and cherished a grudge, which was treason and inhuman conduct, so he was [later] executed by being cut in two at the waist. 139
In the third year, in the spring, the first month, on [the day] kuei-mao, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ping] Chi, died.
In the third month, [the Emperor] traveled and favored Ho-tung [Commandery by a visit, where he] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth.
An imperial edict said, "In the past, the Huns many times made border raids and the people were injured by them. Since We have succeeded to this most exalted [position, We] have not yet been able to [achieve] repose and tranquility [for the world]. 140 The Hun Shan-Yü Hsü-lü-ch'üan-ch'ü begged and asked for peace and friendship, [but] became ill and died. The Worthy King of the West, [Lüan-ti] T'u-ch'i-t'ang, was enthroned in his place, [but] the great ministers of the [Hun imperial] blood set up a son of Shan-Yü Hsü-lü-ch'üan-ch'ü as Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh, and attacked and killed [Lüan-ti] T'u-ch'i-t'ang. Various [Hun] kings simultaneously set themselves up and divided [the Hun realm between] five Shan-Yü. In turn they attacked and fought with each other. The dead [number] in the ten-thousands, the [Hun] flocks and herds have been largely destroyed, [even to the extent of] eight or nine-tenths, and their people are hungry and starving, so that they roast and broil each other in seeking for food. Because of these great wrongs and disturbances, the Yen-chih of a Shan-Yü, with her children, grandchildren, older and younger brothers, together with Shan-Yü Hu-su-lei, and important kings, the Western Yi-chih-tzu, [also] Chü-chü, Tang-hu, and [Hun officials] subordinate [to them], leading a troop of more than fifty thousand people, have come and surrendered [to Us], returning to their [proper] fealty. 141Shan-Yü [Hu-han-hsieh] called himself [Our] subject and sent his younger brother to present [to Us] precious objects and to pay court and congratulate [Us at the great court in] the first month. The northern borders are at repose and have no military concerns.
"We have restrained Ourself, purified [Ourself], and fasted; when [We] performed the suburban sacrifice to the Lords on High and sacrificed to Sovereign Earth, supernatural lights were simultaneously seen and some rose in the valley. They shone and scintillated in the palace for purification for more than ten divisions [of the clepsydra]. 142 Sweet dew has descended and supernatural birds have perched. [We] have already issued an imperial edict that the high officials should give information [of the above] in the sacrifices to the Lords on High and in the [imperial] ancestral temples. In the third month, on [the day] hsin-ch'ou, young phoenixes again perched upon the trees within the Eastern Portal of Ch'ang-lo Palace, flew down, and stopped on the ground. 143 They were beautifully ornamented in [all] five colors, and stayed for more than ten divisions [on the clepsydra, so that] officials and common people saw them simultaneously.
"We are not intelligent and fear that [We] are incapable for [Our] post, [yet] have frequently received auspicious presages and obtained such celestial favors and happinesses. Does not the Book of History say, `Although [you receive] happy omens, do not [consider them as] happy omens. Be careful in doing your duty, and be not negligent'? 144 Let the high ministers and the grandees exert themselves [to do their best. Let] the poll-money in the [whole] empire be reduced and [let] an amnesty [be granted to those who have committed crimes] [deserving] capital punishment or lesser [crimes. 145 Let] the common people be granted one step in noble rank, [let] the women of a hundred households [be granted] an ox and wine, and [let there be permission for] drinking during five days. [We] add grants of silk to the widowers, widows, orphans, childless, and aged people."
There were established [Chief Commandants of] Dependent States for Hsi-ho and Po-ti [Commanderies], in order to settle those Huns who had surrendered.
In the fourth year, in the spring, the first month, the King of Kuang-ling, [Liu] Hsü(a), who had committed crimes, killed himself. 146
The Hun Shan-Yü [Hu-han-hsieh] called himself a subject [of the Chinese Emperor] and sent his younger brother, the Lu-li King, to enter [the Chinese court] and wait upon [the Emperor], 147 so that the barriers at the border were without raids and the troops guarding the frontiers were reduced two-tenths.
The Palace Assistant Grand Minister of Agriculture, Keng Shou-ch'ang, memorialized that Constantly Equalizing Granaries should be established, in order to provision the northern borders and reduce [the amount] of transport [for grain]. He was granted the noble rank of Kuan-nei Marquis.
In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day] hsin-ch'ou, the first day 148 of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. The imperial edict said, "August Heaven makes a prodigy appear in order to warn Our person. This [event has happened because] We are inadequate and the officials are not suitable [to their positions]. Previously, [We] sent messengers to ask the common people what they suffered from or were troubled by; again [We] sent twenty-four Division Heads [from the offices of] the Lieutenant Chancellor and [Grandee] Secretary to inspect and travel about the empire, to recommend concerning injustices in trials at law and to search for those who arbitrarily make tyrannous prohibitions, are extremely exacting, and have not reformed themselves."
In [the period] Kan-lu, 149 the first year, in the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] traveled and favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where he] performed the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the Supreme [One].
The Hun Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh sent his son, the Worthy King of the West, [Lüan-ti] Shu-lü-ch'üt'ang, to enter [the Chinese court] and wait upon [the Emperor].
In the second month, on [the day] ting-szu, the Commander-in-chief and General of Chariots and Cavalry, [Hsü] Yen-shou, died.
In the summer, the fourth month, a yellow dragon appeared at Hsin-feng. On [the day] ping-shen, the Temple of the Grand Emperor burnt and on [the day] chia-ch'en the Temple of [Emperor] Hsiao-wen burnt. 150 The Emperor wore plain clothes to the fifth day.
In the winter, the Hun Shan-yu [Chih-chih] sent his younger brother, the Worthy King of the East, to come to pay court and offer congratulations [to the Emperor at the grand court in the first month of the next year]. 151
In the second year, in the spring, the first month, 152 [the Emperor] established his Imperial Son [Liu] Ao as the King of Ting-t'ao.
An imperial edict said, "Recently male and female phoenixes have perched and sweet dew has descended, 153 a yellow dragon has ascended and risen, wine springs 154 have flowed abundantly, dried and withered [trees] have flowered and flourished, supernatural lights have simultaneously appeared, and all [people] have received happy auspices. Let an amnesty [be granted] to the empire and let the poll-tax (suan) of the common people be reduced by thirty [cash. Let] gold and cash be granted to the vassal kings, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Huang Pa], the generals, the full marquises, and [officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, to each proportionately. [Let] there be granted: to the common people, one step in rank; to the women of a hundred households, an ox and wine; and to widowers, widows, orphans, childless, and aged, silk."
In the summer, the fourth month, [the Emperor] sent the Chief Commandant of the Protecting Army, [Chang] Lu, with troops, to attack [the rebels in] Chu-yai [Commandery].
In the autumn, the ninth month, [the Emperor] set up his Imperial Son [Liu] Yü(3) as King of Tung-p'ing. 155
In the winter, the twelfth month, [the Emperor] traveled and favored Yo-tsu Lodge of Pei-yang Palace [with a visit].
The Hun Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh asked for permission to enter the Barrier of Wu-Yüan [Commandery], wishing to present treasures from his state and come to pay court in the first month of the third year [in the period Kan-lu]. An imperial edict [ordered] the [high] officials to discuss [the matter]. Together they replied:
"[According to] the institutes of the Sage-kings, in granting favors
and in treating [people in accordance with] the rules of proper conduct, [the Emperor]
should [put] the capital region ahead and put [the rest of] the Chinese [states] behind;
[he should then] put the Chinese [states] ahead and put the barbarians behind. The Book of Odes says,
The imperial edict, [however], said, "Verily, [We] have heard that the Five Lords and the three [dynasties of] Kings did not touch in their administration those who had not been influenced by the rules of proper conduct [i.e., the outer barbarians]. 159 Now the Hun Shan-Yü has styled himself [Our] feudatory at the northern frontier and [is coming to] pay court in the first month. We are inadequate and [Our] virtue is unable to cover [the earth] widely. Let [the Shan-Yü] be treated according to the rites for a guest and [let] his rank be above that of the vassal kings." 160
In the third year, in the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] traveled and favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where he] performed the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the Supreme [One].
When the Hun Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh, [Lüan-ti] Chi-hou-shan, came to pay court, he was introduced and announced as a subject from the border, but his personal name was not used, and he was granted an imperial seal and seal-ribbon, hats, girdles, garments, a comfortable carriage, a quadriga of horses, actual gold, silk, flowered silk, embroidery, and silk floss.
[The Emperor] had high officials lead the Shan-Yü. First he went to his prince's lodge in Chang-an and spent the night at Ch'ang-p'ing [Lodge]. The Emperor, [coming] from Kan-ch'üan [Palace], spent the night at Ch'ih-yang Palace. When the Emperor mounted the Ch'ang-p'ing Slope, he instructed the Shan-Yü by an edict not to pay his respects [then], and so the multitude of his Eastern and Western Tang-hu all spread themselves out to observe [the imperial cortege]. The barbarian baronets, chiefs, kings, and marquises and those who met [the cortege, numbering] several ten-thousands of people, crowded the road and arranged themselves in order. When the Emperor mounted the Wei [River] Bridge, with one accord they cried out, "Long life." The Shan-Yü went to his prince's lodge. [The Emperor] held a feast in Chien-chang Palace and granted the Shan-Yü a great banquet, [at which the Shan-Yü] was shown [the imperial] treasures.
In the second month, the Shan-Yü was dismissed and went back home. [The Emperor] sent 161 the Commandant of the Ch'ang-lo [Palace] Guard, the Marquis of Kao-ch'ang, [Tung] Chung(1a); the Chief Commandant of Chariots and Cavalry, [Han] Ch'ang; and the Chief Commandant of Cavalry, Hu; leading sixteen thousand cavalry, to escort the Shan-Yü [out of Chinese territory]. The Shan-Yü [thereafter] dwelt south of the [Gobi] Desert and took refuge in the Kuang-lu-ch'eng. An imperial edict [ordered] the northern borders to assist him with grain and food. [Later] the [rival] Shan-Yü162 Chih-chih fled far away and the Huns were thereupon pacified.
An imperial edict said, "Recently, male and female phoenixes perched at Hsin-ts'ai, and flocks of birds, which were numbered by the ten-thousands, arranged themselves in rows on all sides, all standing facing the phoenixes. Let there be granted to the Grand Administrator of Ju-nan [Commandery] a hundred bolts of silk and in Hsin-ts'ai [let grants of silk be made] to the Chief Officials, the Thrice Venerable, the Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, and the [Diligent] Cultivators of the Fields, and to widowers, widows, orphans, and childless, to each proportionately. [Let] two steps in noble rank be granted to the common people and let them not pay this year's tax on the fields." 163
In the third month, on [the day] chi-ch'ou, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Huang] Pa, died.
An imperial edict [ordered] that the Confucian scholars should discuss the discrepancies in the Five Classics. The Grand Tutor of the Heir-apparent, Hsiao Wang-chih, and others evaluated and memorialized their discussions. The Emperor himself pronounced [these accounts] imperial decrees, attended [upon the discussions] and decided [their disputes]. 164 Thereupon there were established Erudits for Liang-ch'iu [Ho's interpretation of] the Book of Changes, for [the interpretation of] the Book of History by the senior and junior Hsia-hou [i.e., Hsia-hou Sheng and Hsia-hou Chien], and for the Ku-liang [Commentary on] the Spring and Autumn.
In the winter, the [Chinese] Princess of the Wu-sun, [Liu Chieh-yu], arrived, returning [to China].
In the fourth year, in the summer, the King of Kuang-ch'uan, [Liu] Hai-yang, who had committed crimes, was dismissed and exiled to Fang-ling. 165
In the winter, the tenth month, on [the day] ting-mao, 166 there was a fire at the small doors of the Hsüan Room in Wei-yang Palace.
In [the year-period] Huang-lung, 167 the first year, in the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] traveled and favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where he] offered the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the Supreme [One].
The Hun Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh came to pay court. The ceremonies and grants [made to him] were [the same as] previously. In the second month, the Shan-Yü returned to his state.
An imperial edict said, "Verily, [We] have heard that in most ancient times, in the government, the prince and his subjects were of the same mind, and promotions of the upright and dismissals of the unjust 168 were each according to their deserts. For this reason the superior and his inferiors were at harmony and in accord, [all] within the [four] seas were tranquil and at peace, and the virtue of those [rulers] cannot be attained.
"Since We are unintelligent, [We] have several times made known in [Our] edicts to the ministers and grandees that they ought to practise clemency and generosity and suit [their actions] to the sufferings and bitternesses of the common people, [because We] wished to equal the high attainment of the Three Kings and to manifest the virtue [of Our] imperial predecessors.
"[But] now some officials have thought that not prohibiting wickedness and evil constitutes clemency and generosity and that setting free or dismissing criminals constitutes the absence of tyranny, [whereas] some consider that tyranny and evil-doing constitute capability. All [of these persons] have failed to attain the [true] mean. When they receive [Our] edicts and promulgate [Our] instruction in such [ways], how can they be without errors?
"Just now the empire has very little trouble, forced labor and military service have been dispensed with or lessened, and the armies are not in motion, yet there is much poverty among the common people and robberies and thefts have not stopped. Wherein lies the cause [for this situation? It lies] in sending [from the various parts of the empire to the central government, yearly] registers of accounts which are merely padding and strive to deceive and lie [to Us], in order to avoid a trial for [blamable conduct]. If the three highest ministers do not pay attention [to such matters], whom can We depend upon?
"[Let the practise] be altogether stopped [of officials] asking for an imperial edict to dispense with their soldiers and followers in order to provide for their own [needs by making exactions from the people]. 169 The [Grandee] Secretary [shall] investigate the registers of accounts; if he suspects that they are not [in accordance with] reality, he should have them [examined and] judged, so that truth and falsehood may not be confused with each other."
In the third month, a comet [appeared in the constellations] Wang Liang and Ko-tao, and entered [the constellation] Tzu-kung. 170
In the summer, the fourth month, an imperial edict said, "In [ordering] the recommendation of incorrupt officials, [We] sincerely desirse who have the post of a Grandee have committed crimes, before [they are punished, the officials must now] ask [for the throne's consent]. Their rank and salary [are such that] they [can] communicate with the Emperor, [which is] sufficient so that they can make their ability and talents known. From this time and henceforth, let them not be permitted to be recommended [as incorrupt officials]." 171
In the winter, the twelfth month, on [the day] chia-hsü, the Emperor died in Wei-yang Palace. 172
In eulogy we say: [The fundamental principle in] the government of [Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan was [to make] rewards dependable and punishments certain and to examine and confront names with realities. His gentlemen [who were concerned] with government business, who were Literary Scholars, or [were concerned with] law and principles were all excellent in their capacities. Even his artists, craftsmen, workmen, and artisans, his vessels and utensils 173 could seldom be matched in the time of [Emperors] Yüan and Ch'eng, [which fact] is indeed sufficient to indicate that his officials were worthy of their positions and that the common people were satisfied in their occupations.
He happened [to live at a time when] the Huns were acting contrary to reason and were in disturbance, [hence he was able] to "overthrow those who should perish, to strengthen those who should be preserved," 174 and to display his majesty to the northern barbarians. The Shan-Yü longed [to perform his duties of] fealty, bowed his head to the ground, and called himself a feudatory. [Emperor Hsüan's] achievements glorified his ancestors and his signal services are transmitted to his descendants. [His reign] may be called the renaissance [of the dynasty] and he may indeed [be said to have been] equal in virtue with the [Eminent] Exemplar of the Yin [dynasty], [Wu-ting], and with [King] Hsüan of the Chou [dynasty]. 175
1. It has been suggested that na 納 should be translated "took unto himself," inasmuch as it does not here refer to taking a wife, but merely a concubine. Na is however the word that is used when referring to the taking by an Heir-apparent of his first wife, his Crown Princess (fei 妃). Sweet Little Lady (Liang-ti 良娣) was moreover an official title, and the relationship between the Heir-apparent and his Sweet Little Lady was as stable and regular as between him and his Crown Princess, so that it may well be called marriage. The reader's pardon is asked for the unfortunate connotations of "Sweet Little Lady"; it is difficult to invent consistent English translations of Chinese titles. Certain imperial concubines were entitled Beauties (Mei-jen 美人) and Sweet Ladies (Liang-jen 良人, lit. "Goodies"), so that Sweet Little Lady seems the most consistent translation for Liang-ti. Cf. HFHD I, 271, n. 1 and Glossary sub vocibus.
2. Li Ch'i (fl. ca. 200) says, "Chiang 襁 is a tie 絡. It is made of silk or linen cloth They tie little children and bear them on their backs. Pao is a large support for little children 褓小兒大藉," (probably to hold them in position while they are being carried). Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) adds, "Pao is the covering 被 of little children," and Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Chiang is precisely [the same as] the present bands with which mothers envelop little children [to carry them on their backs]繃. [Concerning] pao, Meng [K'ang's] explanation is correct." Chang Shou-chieh (fl. 737), in a note to SC 33: 7, declares, "A chiang is eight inches broad and eight feet long. It is used to tie little children on the back, in order to bear them on the back while walking about." Chiang is also used in Analects XIII, iv, 3; HS 48: 22a(8). Jour. of W. China Border Res. Soc'y, v. 6, p. 106 shows a Han grave figure of a woman carrying a babe on her back.
3. Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) writes, "It means that at the Lodge for the various Commanderies there was established a prison," but Yen Shih-ku writes, "According to the Han-chiu-yi [by Han-chiu-yiWei Hung, fl. dur. 25-57; this passage was lost and is now placed in the Han-chiu-yi Pu-yi, A: 3a], `[The Warden of] the Prison for the Commanderies had charge of those [who had to be punished among the ones who bring] to the emperor the [yearly] accounts [from commanderies]. He is under the Grand Herald.' This [action] was probably [because] those who were imprisoned for witchcraft and black magic were many and those lodge in the Prison for the Commanderies."
4. Li Ch'i says, "The fu-tso 復作 were female convicts (t'u 徒). It means that for light crimes men [are made to] guard the border for a year, [but] women are tender and weak and unable to endure standing guard, so are exempted (fu) and ordered to work (tso) for the government, which is also for one year. Hence they were called fu-tso-t'u." But Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) writes, "It means that they are convicts (t'u) who are freed from punishment. There was an imperial edict granting amnesty, and their iron collars, the iron rings for their legs, and their red [convict] garments were taken off. They were changed [from being considered as] cases of transgression, were not [treated] as convicts, and were added to the common people, which was the established rule. Hence they must be exempted (fu) [from treatment as criminals] and they worked (tso) for the government to fill out [the term] for their original crime to the year, month, and day. The Code names them fu-tso (those who have been exempted and are serving [their sentences])." Yen Shih-ku adds, "Meng [Kang's] explanation is correct."
5. Both palaces were at Chou-chih (cf. Glossary sub vocibus).
6. Liu Pin (1022-1088) points out that the "Annals of Emperor Wu" do not record any amnesty in the year Hou-Yüan II, but record one in Hou-Yüan I, ii (6: 38b). Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) replies that 74: 7a repeats the sentence about Emperor Wu's going back and forth between the two palaces, and explains how he came to grant a general amnesty in the year Hou-Yüan II; 6: 39a dates Emperor Wu's visit to the Wu-tso Palace in the same year. Emperor Wu seems accordingly to have granted an amnesty in Hou-Yüan II, which was not recorded in his "Annals." Emperor Chao later granted an amnesty in Hou-Yüan II, vi (cf. 7: 1b), so that there seem to have been two amnesties in the same year.
7. Chiao-shu 教書 is elaborated on p. 14b as 修文學經術", to study literature and the Classics."
8. "Ascending an imperial tomb" was a yearly imperial sacrifice, performed on the first ting day of the first month, in which the relatives of the deceased emperor, nobles, grandees, foreign envoys, and hostages, and officials went to the tomb, ascended it, offered sacrifices, then descended; cf. HHS, Tr. 4: 3a.
9. Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says, "Because he belonged among the younger cousins and relativrder after the imperial house at the court assemblages." Ju Shun adds, "In the spring, [the court assemblage] is called ch'ao 朝; in the autumn, it is called ch'ing 請."
10. Dr. T. D. Stewart, Assistant Curator, Division of Physical Anthropology, Smithsonian Institute, writes me as follows: "I have made a study of the hair distribution in all of the primates and have not found any cases of hair on palms or soles. As far as I know this does not occur in humans, even in the so-called `dog-men', who have long hair over all the other parts of the body."Dr. Duyvendak suggests that this excessive hairiness may have been one of the prognostics of a great man in the science of physiognomy, of which the meaning may have been later lost. Emperor Kao was also hairy; cf. 1 A: 3a. Emperor Yüan had stiff hairs on his forehead; cf. 97 B: 12b1; 9: n. 1.7. Thus hairiness was inherited in the Liu clan. Possibly for 下, the text originally had 上, thus saying that he had hair on top of his feet, which was later changed to the present reading in order to heighten the wonder. Such hairiness among Chinese might well have excited wonder. In view of Yen Shih-ku's comment, "On his whole body together with the bottoms of his feet everywhere there was hair," the present text dates from well before the sixth century.Dr. Derk Bodde, of the University of Pennsylvania, however, objects, "Hairiness in many parts of the world is a sign of strength and almost supernatural power. Cf. Samson, etc. This whole paragraph is obviously legendary and should be compared with the portents, etc., described for Emperor Kao (also a great ruler) [1 A: 3a-7b]. The humble origin of Emperor Hsüan, like that of Emperor Kao, would encourage the development of such legends." Yet Pan Ku does not repeat legends for their own sake; he was sceptical of all that did not have documentary evidence, so that he must have had strong evidence for this statement. If it is a legend, it might well have originated in some actual unusual hairiness of Emperor Hsüan, who we know inherited a tendency in this direction.
11. The Official ed. (1739) has transposed 自 and 是, which emendation meets with Wang Hsien-ch'ien's approval.
12. HS 7: 10a.
13. Liu Ho reigned only 27 days. Cf. Introduction to this chapter, p. 180-3, anGlossary. sub voce. For a similar dismissal because of unfilial conduct and fornication during the period of mourning, cf. Glossary, sub Liu P'o.
14. A loose quotation from the work which is now Book of Rites XIII, i, 15 (Legge, II, 44; Couvreur, I, 748; both translate differently).
15. Wen Ying says, "The hunting chariot (ling-lieh 軨獵) is a small chariot, at the front of which there is a curved platform 曲輿 without any covering. In recent times it has been called the ling-lieh-ch'ê 車." Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) says, " [It was the sort of] hunting chariot ridden at present. In front there is a curved railing 曲軨, which is especially high and large. At the time for hunting, [the hunter] stands within [the railing, using it as] a support to shoot birds and beasts." Li Ch'i, however, says, "The railed chariot platform 蘭輿 is a light chariot." Yen Shih-ku adds,"Wen [Ying's] and Li [Ch'i's] explanations are both correct. At the time, they had not yet prepared the equipage for a Son of Heaven, hence they temporarily merely took one of the light and convenient [equipages] and did not make use of a tall and large one. Meng [K'ang's] explanation misses the mark." HHS, Tr. 29: 8b says, "The decorations of the [imperial] hunting chariot were all like the preceding. It had heavy felloes and plain silk on its wheels with dragons entwined about them. It was also called the chariot for spearing boars 闟豬車. When [the Emperor went] in person to trap and hunt, he rode in it."
16. Yen Shih-ku comments, "The reason that he was first enfeoffed as a marquis was that they did not want to set up a commoner as Son of Heaven."
17. Hu San-hsing (1230-1287), in a note to Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 24: 13b, comments, "The Empress Dowagers of the Han [dynasty] regularly lived in Ch'ang-lo Palace. Since the dismissal of the [King of] Ch'ang-yi, [Liu Ho(4b)], the Empress Dowager had lived in Wei-yang Palace, [which was occupied regularly by the Emperor]. Now that Emperor Hsüan had been set up, she again lived in Ch'ang-lo Palace." When Liu Ho(4b) was dethroned, the imperial seals were taken from him and given to the Empress Dowager née Shang-kuan; she had lived in Wei-yang Palace because technically she was ruling; when the emperor was enthroned, she returned to her palace.
18. Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) points out that 3: 7b mentions a Commandant of the Palace Guard at Ch'ang-lo Palace, and 63: 3a records that previous to this time the Heir-apparent Li mobilized the guard of Chang-lo Palace. HS 19 A: 12a states that the positions of Commandants of the Palace Guards at the various palaces were not permanent offices. Chou Shou-ch'ang says that these positions were probably established from time to time and then again abolished, and at this time the office was again established. Or possibly the guard did not previously "garrison" the Palace.The Official ed. has dropped out the second "Ch'ang-lo Palace", implying that this phrase is due to dittography and that these garrison guards might have been established at the frontiers, to which such garrison encampments are usually referred. But the Ching-yu ed. (1034-5), the Chi-ku-ko ed. (1642), Han-chi (ii cent.) 17: 2a, and Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) 24: 13b all repeat the words "Ch'ang-lo Palace." The term "t'unwei 屯衛 (garrison guards)" is moreover also found in HS 19 A: 11b, where a Commandant of the Guards is said to have as subordinates some twenty-two captains (hou) and majors (szu-ma) of garrison guards. The context plainly shows that they were located at the various imperial palaces. Yen Shih-ku, in 9: n. 6.9, moreover says definitely that the Commandants of the Palace Guards had eight encampments (t'un), two majors at each face of a palace. If so, there were 8 majors at one palace, so that the twenty-two officers mentioned were the complement for one palace. The palace at which such a garrison would have first been established would naturally have been the one in which the emperor resided, namely Ch'ang-lo Palace. Hence there were plainly encampments (t'un) at the imperial palace, and the text does not need emendation.
19. For a similar solicitation, cf. 6: 10b. P'ing-ling was Emperor Chao's tomb town.
20. The allusion is to the Book of Odes, Great Preface, 7 (Legge, p. 35]), "Superiors, by the `Odes of the States', developed their inferiors".
21. The phrase ting-ts'ê 定策 or chien-ts'ê 建策 is used to denote the fixing upon and putting into effect of some important procedure, usually with reference to the setting up of an emperor. Cf. also 11: 2a12, 12: 3a, 99 A: 5a. In 69: 2a, the last word of this phrase is written 冊. For 策 as a charter of appointment, cf. 5: n. 5.7 ad finem and App. I.
22. Ch'ien Ta-chao notes that the t'ang 堂 of the text is an interpolation, caused by confusion with the given name of the Hun Western Worthy King, T'u-ch'i-t'ang, found in 8: 19b. HS 17: 13b writes the former name without the word t'ang. The same interpolation is however found in 68: 6b. Fu-lu T'u-ch'i was a Hun, whose grandfather had surrendered to the Chinese and had been enfeoffed. Cf. Glossary, sub voce.
23. Yen Shih-ku explains, "The central states (chung-kuo 中國) were the inner commanderies. The borders with their fortresses and barriers 障塞 against the barbarians were the outer commanderies. In the time of Emperor Ch'eng [10: 14a], the inner commanderies recommended Sincere and Upright people, [while] the twenty-two commanderies along the northern border recommended brave and fierce soldiers." Chung-kuo is similarly used in Mencius IV, I, iv, 12.
24. The twelfth and ninth noble ranks, respectively.
25. Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks that 人 should be 民. This is the same error as that noted in 6: n. 28.1, q.v.
26. HS 14: 20a dates the appointment of Liu Chien4d in the fifth month and 14: 21a dates the appointment of Liu Hung(2) in the tenth month. The other sons of Liu Tan(4a) and Liu Hsü were made marquises at the same time.
27. He had been caught in peculation and committed suicide rather than go to prison.
28. Cf. 6: 19b and 6: 13a, respectively.
29. According to Hoang's calendar, keng-wu is impossible in the sixth month; if only one character is mistaken, keng-tzu is alone possible in this month out of all the possibly correct originals for keng: wu, ping, jen, or kuei, and for wu: wei, shen, or tzu. Hence I read keng-tzu.
30. For a similar imperial order, cf. 5: 1b. This matter is repeated in 75: 4a. Ying Shao remarks, "Emperor Hsüan again selected the Dance of Glorious Virtue to be the Dance of Abundant Virtue in order to honor the Temple of the Epochal Exemplar. In the temples of the various emperors, there are regularly performed the Dances of the Peaceful Beginning, the Four Seasons, and the Five Elements."
31. Cf. HFHD I, 231, n. 2.
32. K'un-mi was the title of the Wu-sun king. CfGlossary. sub voce. HS 94 A: 29a says that the Huns had sent an envoy to the Wu-sun asking for the Chinese Princess. According to 96 B: 4b, her name was Chieh-yu, and she was the granddaughter of Liu Mou, King of Ch'u.
33. T'ien Kuang-ming had dawdled with a woman instead of attacking as ordered; T'ien Shun had exaggerated the number of his captures.
34. HS 27 Ba: 24b says, "There was a great drought [extending] east and west for several thousand li", and declares that it was caused by the military expedition against the Huns.
35. Yen Shih-ku quotes the comment in the Han-yi, "The Chief Grand Butcher 大宰令 [controls] 72 butchers 屠者 and 200 cutters 宰."
36. Salaries were paid half in grain; court officials are here ordered to "take a cut."
37. Yen Shih-ku explains, "Chuan 傳 are credentials for moving from one place to another. [The Emperor] desired that there should be much grain, hence he did not inquire into [the people's] going out or in [through the barriers]." Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) adds, "[The practise in] later generations of not taxing grain and rice at the [customs] barriers and fords began with this [edict]."
38. HS 27 Ca: 9a adds, "In forty-nine commanderies, in Ho-nan [Commandery] and east of it, there was an earthquake. In Po-hai and Lang-yeh [Commanderies], it ruined the Temples of the [Great] Founder and [Epochal] Exemplar, and the inner and outer city walls. It killed more than six thousand people." This earthquake saved the life of Hsia-hou Sheng, who had protested against the glorification of Emperor Wu. CfGlossary. sub voce.
39. Yen Shih-ku comments, "It means to prevent and stop [calamitous] visitations and marvels."
40. The Sung Chi ed. (xii cent.) says that "Chi" is also written "Ch'ü 去." HS 14: 17b and 53: 14b both write Ch'ü; Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) may be correct in saying that Chi should be emended to Ch'ü; or possibly this man had both names and only one is written for short, as in other instances. He had been responsible for the murder of some sixteen persons; cf. Glossary, sub voce.
41. Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) says, "Because previously [cf. p. 6b] there had been an earthquake [in which] mountains crumbled and water came forth, hence when [the Emperor] changed the year-[period], he called it Ti-chieh ([lit.] `the Earth's self-control'). He wished to cause the Earth to control herself 得其節." The Feng-su-t'ung [by Ying Shao, 2: 9a], chapter "Cheng-shih", says that in this year "the cases of more than 47,000 persons were decided."
42. HS 27 Cb: 23a adds, "It was twenty feet (degrees) from the location of Venus." This listing is no. 44 in J. Williams, Observations of Comets.
43. Yen Shih-ku says, "They were temporarily given to them; they were not given permanently."
44. An allusion to Book of History, I, i, 2 (Legge, p. 17), "[Yao] was able to make the capable and virtuous distinguished, in order that he might thereby love the nine [classes] of his kindred when the nine [classes] of his kindred were harmonious, he made the official class [of his domain] elegant and cultured. When the official class became brilliant and intelligent, he united and harmonized the myriad states [of the country]."
45. Cf. App. III for eclipses.
46. Yen Shih-ku comments, "[The Emperor] honored him [Ho Kuang], hence did not use his personal name."
47. Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) explains, "[According to] the Code, except for [the person who was] first enfeoffed, [for each successive heir, the number of households in his estate] was reduced two-tenths, [as an inheritance tax]. Ch'ou means to be equal 疇者等也. It says that [the heirs will] not again be reduced [in the size of their estate]." A marquisate with an estate composed of two thousand households would thus be reduced in the fifth generation to 820 households and in the tenth generation to 274. A "household" paid annually 200 cash as its tax, so that a marquisate of 2,000 households received an income of 400,000 cash per year. This inheritance tax and the Han policy of not allowing any noble family to retain its noble rank for many generations was urged by Han Fei (cf. ch. 13, Liao's trans., I, 115), who also says that, according to the law of the state of Ch'u, noble fiefs were confiscated after two generations (ch. 21; Liao, I, 209).
48. Hsiao Ho and his descendants ranked first among the marquises.
49. The present text writes, "Lu Commandery", but the word 郡 (Commandery) is probably an erroneous dittography for the next word, which is 群. Lu was at this time a kingdom. This passage is quoted in Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 24: 22a; in the comment of Li Shan (649-689) upon Wang Pao's "Szu-tzu Chiang-tê Lun," in Wen-hsuan 51: 22a; Yi-wen-lei-chü, (by Ou-yang Hsün, 557-641) 99: 3a, b; in Tai-p'ing Yü-lan (978-983) 652: 2a and 915: 4b; and in the Sung-shu, (by Shen Yo, 441-516) 28: 3a, Treatise 18, all without the word for "Commandery." (Ch'i Shao-nan and Wang Nien-sun have collected the above evidence.)
50. Yen Shih-ku says that in his time vulgar copies added at this point, "On [the day] mou-shen [May 29], the Imperial Heir-apparent was appointed," but that in the next year [cf. p. 8b] this statement is repeated, and the old texts do not have it at this place. He says that this interpolation came about because 9: 1a says, "[When the future Emperor Yüan] was in his second year, Emperor Hsüan ascended the throne; when he was in his eighth year, he became the Heir-apparent." If that passage is taken to mean that Emperor Yüan was in his second year in 74 B.C., then his appointment as Heir-apparent would have been made in 68 B.C., and this interpolation would have been justified; but the remainder of the year in which an emperor died was considered still to belong to his reign, and his successor was not considered to begin his reign until the next year. Then Emperor Hsüan theoretically (but not actually) did not begin his reign until 73 B.C., and so the future Emperor Yüan was made Heir-apparent in 67 B.C., as the present text has it. (Cf. 8: 8b). This interpretation is confirmed by 71: 3b(3) and 74: 8a(9), both of which say specifically that the appointment was made in 67 B.C. Han-chi 17: 7b, however, lists this appointment in 68 B.C., just as the interpolation does; cf. n. 18.9. Dr. Duyvendak suggests that the Han-chi is probably the source of this interpolation.
51. He had accepted a large bribe; cf. Glossary, sub voce.
52. Han-chi 17: 8a at this point says, "Formerly matters for the emperor always had two sealed [envelopes. Inside] one sealed [envelop] the matter was transcribed for [the Intendant of Affairs of] the Masters of Writing. It must first be opened. If what was said was not good, [the memorial] was not presented. [The Grandee Secretary, Wei] Hsiang, again told [the Emperor] to do away with the second sealed [envelop] in order to prevent [information] being suppressed and hindered [from coming to the Emperor]. The Emperor considered [the suggestion] good and, in an edict, [ordered Wei] Hsiang to serve in the inner [palace] apartments."Wang Yi (1321-1372) remarks that the Han dynasty had had no regular periodic courts and at this time the practise was begun of holding a court every five days.
53. The Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed. (1528-31), the Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed., and Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 24: 23a have at this point the words 自丞相; Han-chi 17: 8b has the last two of them. Wang Hsien-ch'ien has omitted them, noting that they have dropped out of the text. I read them.
54. Ying Shao at this point explains the word fu(1) 敷 instead of fu(4) 傅; Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that anciently they were interchanged and that probably fu(1) originally stood in the text. But in HS 100 B: 3a, fu(4) is also used. The quotation is from Book of History, II, i, 9 (Legge p. 37).
55. Han-chi 17: 8b says, "Although [in accordance with] their merits and toil, Palace Attendants or Masters of Writing ought to have been promoted, in each case they were given rich rewards and [their positions] were not frequently changed or altered 輒厚加賞賜不數改易".
56. Book of Changes, App. III, ch. VIII, sect. 42 (Legge, p. 361) says, "Words and actions are the superior man's pivot pin and [cross-bow] trigger mechanism [levers]. The operation of that pivot-pin and trigger determines his glory or disgrace."
57. Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) comments, "From this [time], the power of the Masters of Writing, [the Emperor's private secretaries], was great and the Lord of Men [the Emperor] was led to depend upon them to decide the multitudinous affairs [of the government]. That the government of the Later Han [dynasty] was controlled from the terraces and side-halls, [the Emperor's private chambers], and was not in charge of the three highest ministers, originated with Emperor Hsüan." It should be added that he was acting after the precedent set by Emperor Wu.
58. An allusion to the "Little Preface" of the Book of Odes, on the "Hung-yen" (Legge, Ch. II, App. I, Bk. III, 7; p. 67]), "The myriads of common people left their homes and were scattered, [for] they were not content with their dwelling-places. [King Hsüan] was moreover able to tell and help them to return, and to establish, to tranquilize, and to settle them."Yen Shih-ku would interpret lao-lai 勞來 as "comfort, encourage, and attract them [to come] 慰勉而招延之也", as Legge does in his translation of the passage we have quoted. But Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) quotes passages which show that lao-lai may be interpreted either as "encourage 勸勉" or as "treat kindly and care for 恩勤"; that the two words lao and lai do not have different meanings, as Yen Shih-ku implies, and that in this place, because of the next sentence, they mean "treat kindly and care for."
59. Yen Shih-ku says, "Chan 占 means that they themselves had privately estimated [the number of] their households and individuals and had recorded their names on the [government register]." This report of vagrants was a falsehood to gain position for Wang Ch'eng; cfGlossary. sub voce.
60. The phrase ch'in-min 親民 (which I have translated, "to cherish the common people") is from the Great Learning, I (Legge, p. 356). Chu Hsi, following Ch'eng-tzu, interprets it as 新民, and Legge translates, "to renovate the people," although he says in his note that the reasons for this change in meaning are unsatisfactory. This phrase is also found in HS 8: 9b, 18b. (I owe this reference to Dr. Duyvendak.)
61. These were the nineteenth, eleventh, and first noble ranks, respectively. Full marquis, which noble rank was regularly bestowed upon the Lieutenant Chancellor, if he did not have it previously, was the twentieth rank. The other noble ranks were not regularly bestowed upon the high ministers (who were the "fully two thousand piculs"); this was a special grant upon an occasion for rejoicing. Yet this grant shows what a low value was placed upon noble ranks, since the first rank was freely bestowed upon the eldest sons of families among the common people and the higher ranks were bestowed upon the higher members of the government bureaucracy.
62. This move was to enfeeble the power of the Ho clan. Cf. Glossary sub Ho Hsien.
63. Su Lin (fl. 196-227) writes, "When bamboos are broken off and connected with ropes to ward off [people], so that people cannot go and come, the Code names [such places] Yü 禦." Ying Shao adds, "Ch'ih 池 (reservoirs) are embanked pools. Yü are prohibited enclosures." Yen Shih-ku approves both these explanations.Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) however, says, "Yü are constructions made in the midst of ponds, which can be used by birds for roosting; when birds enter into them, one seizes them." Fu Ts'an (fl. ca. 285) says, "Yü are places for rearing birds. They are established with a fence all around and covering over them, to keep the birds from getting out, like the animals reared in parks or fish reared in a pool."
64. The same quotation as that noted in n. 8.10.
65. Analects I, ii, 2.
66. This action was the result of Lu Wen-shu's memorial, calling the Emperor's attention to the fact that the officials did not dare to free a person accused of crime, for fear of suffering the same fate as Wang P'ing (cf. Glossary sub Tu Yen-nien(a)). For the memorial and the Emperor's edict, cf. 51: 30b-33a and 23: 15b, 16a. Emperor Hsüan, from this time on, frequently attended the court buildings, at which times he fasted and himself decided cases referred to the central government.
67. HHS, Mem. 36: 12b says, "In 116 A.D., there was an imperial edict [which said], `Great officials are permitted to perform mourning to the third year. When the mourning is ended, they may return to their posts.' Because of this, [Ch'en] Chung told Emperor [An] about the former ordinance of Emperor Hsiao-hsüan, that if a man [had to] serve with the army, do garrison [service], or do labor for the imperial government, and if his grandfather or grandmother had died not more than the third month [previously], he should not be made to do forced service, and it had been ordered that he should be permitted to bury and [perform] funerary [ceremonies for the deceased]." From this quotation, Chou Shou-ch'ang concludes that the original edict went into details which are omitted in Pan Ku's abstract.
68. HS 27 Bb: 15b notes that in this month, "In Shan-yang and Chi-yin [Commanderies] it rained hail [as large] as chicken eggs, [which stood] two feet five inches deep. Twenty persons were killed and the birds who flew all died."
69. Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) explains that although parents have the same affection for a son as a son for his parents, yet if the son commits crime, the parents have failed to instruct him rightly, hence they are punished. Emperor Hsüan had such cases however referred to him, so that leniency might be granted.In the Discourse on Salt and Iron, by Huan K'uan, (fl. 73-49 B.C.), 10: 9a, ch. 57, the Literati are made to say, "From [the time] that the law was established that those who take the lead in hiding [a criminal] should be condemned as his accomplices, consideration for one's flesh and blood was destroyed and as a result punishments and crimes have been more numerous. We have been taught that although a child may have committed crime, a father and mother will nevertheless hide [their child]. Why is it that they do not want [their child] to suffer punishment? [It is because] `A son will screen his father, and a father will screen his son.' [A saying of Confucius, found in Analects XIII, xviii, 2]. We have not been taught that a father and son should be considered as accomplices of each other [in crime]." This discussion is supposed to have taken place in 81 B.C.; the Literati are complaining about the law later abrogated by Emperor Hsüan.Huang K'an (488-545), in a comment on Analects XIII, xviii, 2, says, "The government's law at present therefore permits that those persons [for whom a person should mourn] a year or more are permitted to shield each other without being condemned for crime." For a statement of the persons for whom various degrees of mourning are worn, taken from the Code of the Ch'ing dynasty, cf. Legge, Li-ki, ("SBE," XXVII, p. 205).Hsing Ping (932-1010), in a comment on the same passage of the Analects, says, "[According to] the present Code, those [relatives for whom one wears] `heavy mourning' and those closer are permitted to receive and shield each other. Those who inform upon their fathers or grandfathers are considered to have committed [one of] the ten unforgivable crimes [to which an imperial amnesty does not apply]." `Heavy mourning' is worn for nine months. Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks that the laws noted by Huang K'an and Hsing Ping were probably developments from Emperor Hsüan's ordinance.
70. Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says, "The hao 豪 who have power and influence are of the honorable great families."
71. Yen Shih-ku remarks that Ho Yün and Ho Shan were both grand-nephews of Ho Kuang; Ho Yü was a generation above them, so that the word tzu 子 should be in the text at this point. HS 68: 17a quotes this edict with the word tzu, so that it evidently dropped out here before the sixth century.
72. On the translation of the phrase, cf. Glossary, sub Feng Yin.
73. Chang Fei (fl. 1644), in a note to the "Treatise on Law" in the Chin Dynastic History, says, "[Actions that are] against duty and contrary to nature are known as inhuman (pu-tao) 逆節絕理謂之不道" An inhuman crime (pu-tao) is defined in the Ch'ing dynastic code as: "(a) murder of three or more persons in one household who have not been guilty themselves of any capital crime; (b) mayhem, (c) mutilation of a living body to obtain certain members or organs for use in witchcraft, (d) the manufacture of ku poison, or witch's potion, keeping it in one's possession, or teaching the art of its preparation to others, and (e) the employment of incantations and charms to inflict the curse of the nightmare demon (yen-mei 魘魅;" E. T. Williams, JNChRAS., 38: 63. Cf. also 5: n. 4.2. Treason and like high crimes were also called inhuman.
74. Salt was a government monopoly.
75. Wen Ying writes, "What Hsiao Ho instituted, which was based upon laws of the Ch'in [dynasty] were the Code and ordinances 律令. This is the law-code 律經. Those things [ordered] in the edicts of the Son of Heaven which add or subtract anything which is not in [the laws of] the code are ordinances 令." The first ordinance 令甲 is the first ordinance of a preceding emperor 前帝第一令." Ju Shun adds, "[Among] ordinances there are earlier and later [ones]. Hence there is the first ordinance 令甲, the second ordinance 令乙, the third ordinance 令丙, [etc.]." Yen Shih-ku adds, "Ju [Shun's] explanation is correct. Chia and yi 甲乙 are like the present first and second chapter 第一第二篇 [in the code]." Cf. HS 23: 12a. In a note to the Book of Changes, Hex. 18 (Shih-san Ching Chu-su, Book of Changes 3: 3a) K'ung Ying-ta says, "The first (chia) ones are the initiating ordinances. Chia is the first of the ten days [in the cyclical series of stems, so] the initiating ordinances are the foundation for later ordinances, hence the initiating ordinances are called the first (chia) ones. Therefore in the Han period they called the most important ordinances the first (chia) ordinances." Cf. also Han-lü K'ao 1: 18, 19.
76. Su Lin writes, "Yü 庾 is illness. When prisoners or criminals became ill, the Code names it Yü." But Ju Shun writes, "[According to] the Code, prisoners who have died because of hunger or cold are called Yü." Yen Shih-ku confirms Su Lin's interpretation and says that Ju Shun is mistaken. He adds that this word is sometimes written 瘉.
77. Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) adds, "The present law, that if a warder causes the death of a criminal prisoner, the officer in charge of the prison should be punished, probably began with Emperor Hsüan."
78. Liu Nien was sentenced for incest; cf. Glossary, sub voce.
79. Wang Yi remarks that the year-period was changed to Yüan-k'ang (lit. "great tranquillity and prosperity") because the Ho clan had been executed.
80. Cf. 9: n. 10.3.
81. Cf. n. 21.4.
82. Book of History, II, iv, iii, 9, 10 (Legge, pp. 88, 89). The implication is that favorable presages occur as a result of good government. The Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed. (1528-1530), the Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed., and the present text of the Book of History read 尹 instead of the pu 不 in Wang Hsien-ch'ien's text, which mistake he notes. Pu seems a careless mistake of some copyist and does not make sense.
83. Instead of chung-lang li 中郎吏, Liu Pin (1022-1088) proposes to read Chung-keng 中更. Chung-lang (Gentlemen-of-the-Household) was not a noble rank, whereas Chung-keng (Ordinary Chieftain of Conscripts) was. Liu Pin suggests that keng was erroneously transcribed as li, and then someone interpolated lang to try to make sense. At this time, officials ranking at fully 2000 piculs were accordingly given the noble rank of Ordinary Chieftain of Conscripts (the 13th rank); those of merely 2000 piculs, Junior Chieftain of Conscripts (the 12th rank); those of 1000 piculs, Senior Chief of the Multitude (the 11th rank); those of 800 piculs, Junior Chief of the Multitude (the 10th rank); and those of 600 piculs, Fifth Rank Grandee (the 9th rank). This emendation is confirmed by the similar order in 73 B.C.; cf. p. 5a.
84. Szu-ma Kuang (1019-1086), in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 1: 12a, notes that in HS ch. 16 these exemptions are all recorded in the year Yüan-k'ang IV. He concludes that probably the recording in the "Annals" is mistaken. Ch'ien Ta-hsin (1728-1804) remarks that ch. 16 records the exemption of only 123 persons, so that this chapter cannot contain a complete record of the marquises. (The same conclusion was previously drawn; cf. 6: App. III.) He replies to Szu-ma Kuang that probably the edict ordering these exemptions was promulgated in Yüan-k'ang I, but that the necessary examination of records, etc. took time, so that it was not until Yüan-k'ang IV that the exemptions were actually granted; ch. 8 records the edict, whereas ch. 16 records the actual granting of exemption. Wang Hsien-ch'ien approves this explanation. The actual granting of these exemptions is then referred to on p. 15b, when these heirs were each given 20 catties of actual gold. Many of these nobles had been dismissed by Emperor Wu in 112 B.C.; cf. 6: App. III.
85. Liu Pin (1022-1088) says that this edict was to the Lieutenant Chancellor and Grandee Secretary as usual, and hence does not specify who were asked to recommend these persons. Shen Ch'in-han adds that in addition to these two officials, the Commander-in-chief must also have been included.
86. Book of History, V, ix, 16 (Legge, p. 393).
87. This sentence, lit. "phoenixes and sweet dew had descended and perched," is an interesting case of chiasmus. It is repeated on 17a, 18a, and 21a. The Lun-heng (completed 82 or 83 A.D., by Wang Ch'ung), Bk. XIX, ch. I, Sect. 57 (Forke, II, p. 196), says, "In Yuan-k'ang II, phoenixes perched in T'ai-shan [Commandery]."
88. This edict refers to Chao Kuang-han and was probably justifying his condemnation. He is said to have made criminals whom he condemned "not to hate death"; he accused Wei Hsiang's wife of a slave-girl's murder which Wei Hsiang asserted was a suicide. Cf. Glossary sub vocibus.
89. Reminiscent of the often quoted last line in Book of Odes II, v, ii, 6 (Legge, p. 333).
90. Emperor Hsüan's original personal name was Ping-yi, lit., "His illness is over." Cf. Glossary sub Hsiao-hsüan. Concerning the tabu on imperial names, cf. App. I.
91. The correctness of this dating for Chao Kuang-han's death has been disputed. Szu-ma Kuang, in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi, 1: 11b, 12a, points out that HS 19 B: 31a says, under the date 71 B.C., "Chao Kuang-han became Governor of the Capital. In the sixth year [which would be 66 or 65 B.C.], he was sent to prison and [later?] executed by being cut in two at the waist," and that ibid., p. 33a, under the date 65 B.C., says, "The acting Governor of the Capital was [the former] Grand Administrator of P'eng-ch'eng, Yi." Thus someone else was given Chao Kuang-han's office in 65 B.C. HS 76: 5b states that Hsiao Wang-chih, who was then Director of Service to the Lieutenant Chancellor, accused Chao Kuang-han. HS 19 B: 33a, under 65 B.C., says, "The Grand Administrator of P'ing-Yüan [Commandery], Hsiao Wang-chih, became the Privy Treasurer." Hence Chao Kuang-han was condemned in or before 65 B.C. Szu-ma Kuang concludes that Chao Kuang-han was executed in 65 B.C. and that this recording in the "Annals" which dates his death in the winter of 64/3 B.C., is mistaken.Chou Shou-ch'ang, however, questions this argument. HS 78: 3a recounts that Hsiao Wang-chih was promoted three times in one year, finally becoming Director of Service to the Lieutenant Chancellor, and "after that the Ho clan finally plotted to rebel and were executed" (which event occurred in 66 B.C.). Later Hsiao Wang-chih was made Grand Administrator of P'ing-Yüan Commandery and was promoted to be Privy Treasurer. Hence he must have been Director of Service in 66 B.C. (in which capacity he accused Chao Kuang-han), in order to have become Grand Administrator and later to have been promoted to Privy Treasurer in 65. Chou Shou-ch'ang accordingly concludes that the execution of Chao Kuang-han cannot have been later than the winter of 66 B.C.But Chao Kuang-han's execution need not have occurred the same year that he was accused. Chou Shou-ch'ang has merely shown that Hsiao Wang-chih accused him in 66 B.C. HS 76: 5b recounts that after that accusation, the Commandant of Justice was ordered to investigate the case and condemned Chao Kuang-han for many crimes, including that of judicially murdering an innocent person. Chao Kuang-han had many friends; when Emperor Hsüan approved the report of his Commandant of Justice, many protests were made. Several ten-thousands of people came to the Palace, weeping and offering to die for Chao Kuang-han. Hence it would have been natural for Emperor Hsüan to review the case, for it was one in which the Lieutenant Chancellor and the Commandant of Justice, representing the ministers and influential persons, were arrayed against an official who had made a high reputation by defending the common people and repressing the powerful. HS 76: 5b, after recounting the protests, says, "[Chao] Kuang-han was in the end sentenced to be executed by being cut in two at the waist."It was the Han practise to execute capital punishment only in the winter season, in accordance with the "ordinances for the various months of the year." After Chao Kuang-han's accusation by Hsiao Wang-chih in 66 B.C., the Commandant of Justice's investigation may have continued over the winter, so that he did not condemn Chao Kuang-han until some time in 65 B.C. Emperor Hsüan reviewed criminal cases in person, and may have taken his time in coming to a final decision. The charge against Chao Kuang-han was that of having unjustly condemned an innocent person to death, so that the imperial edict of June 64 concerning criminal trials (cf. p. 12b, 13a, and n. 13.1), which refers to such unjust condemnations, may well indicate that Emperor Hsüan had then only recently made up his mind about the case. The Emperor possibly sentenced him to such extreme punishment to mark the gravity of judicial murder. The execution would accordingly occur in the winter of 64/63 B.C. The date in 19: B 31a (quoted above) is then that of his condemnation, not that of his execution.Dr. Duyvendak remarks, however, "I think that it is extremely unlikely that, after having been delayed for two years, such an extreme punishment as cutting in two at the waist should have been inflicted. A delay generally meant some kind of mitigation. I can therefore not believe in the delay."
92. This is the first occurrence of this auspicious omen. For a description, cf. n. 15.1.
93. Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) and Wang Nien-sun propose emending ts'an 粲 to sa ？（此字為上“殺“下“米“）. In the square `official character' they could easily be confused. Tso-chuan, Dk. Chao, Yr. I [Legge, p. 5721, Couvreur, III, 24] uses the word ts'ai 蔡, to mean "banish" (here pronounced sa), in the phrase, "He banished Ts'ai-shu"; this word was also originally sa. Tu Yü (222-284), in a note to that passage, says that ts'ai means "send away"; Lu Tê-ming (ca. 560-627), in another comment on that passage, adds that the Shuo-wen writes this character as sa. Shuo-wen 7 A: 10a defines sa as "san 散, separate." Wu Jen-chieh, in his Liang-Han K'an-wu Pu-yi, says, concerning the word ts'ai in HS 28 Ai: 15a(9), that it should be read like the ts'ai in the passage of the Tso-chuan just referred to. In HS 63: 21b(5), this edict of Emperor Hsüan is quoted with the word hsi 析 instead of ts'an; hsi and san have a similar meaning. Han-chi 18: 7a quotes this passage with the word fang 放 (to banish) instead of ts'an. In Wen-hsüan 37: 17b, in a note to the " Ch'iu-t'ung-ch'in-ch'in-piao" by Ts'ao Tzu-chien, Li Shan also quotes from this edict of Emperor Hsüan, using the word ts'an, and adding that Ju Shun said that ts'an should perhaps be san. Thus there is ample evidence that ts'ai and ts'an were written for sa. Yen Shih-ku explains ts'an as meaning "brilliant", so that in the sixth century this change in writing was already so ancient that it had been forgotten.
94. Book of Odes, III, iii, ii, 6 (Legge, p. 514).
95. Cf. p. 1b.
96. Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) comments, "A Han gloss [says], `They were as large as quail 鷃爵, with a yellow throat, a white neck, a black back, and the breast streaked.' " These supernatural birds seem, however, to have been really birds that were uncommon to Ch'ang-an. HS 89: 6b says, "At this time, at the residence of the Governor of the Capital, Chang Ch'ang, some quail (ho-chio; [cf. below]) flew and perched on the Lieutenant Chancellor's yamen. [Huang] Pa considered that they were supernatural birds." Huang Pa and Chang Ch'ang had an argument over these birds; Huang Pa argued that they were unrecognized by his men, and hence must have been supernatural.(For "quail", HS 89: 6b has ho-chio 鶡雀, which Gee, Moffett and Wilder identify as the Manchurian Snow pheasant. Su Lin comments, "Today, [the corps called the] As Brave as Tigers wear ho." But Yen Shih-ku says that Su Lin is mistaken, for this word is pronounced kai 介 (the T'ang pronunciation, according to Karlgren), and that the word was probably originally chieh ？（此字為“介“旁“鳥“） (T'ang pronunciation kai). He adds "The chieh is a large bird and its color is blue. It comes from the interior of the Ch'iang region [Kansu, Tibet?] and is not what the As Brave as Tigers wore. The As Brave as Tigers [wore] the ho, whose color is black and comes from Shang-tang [Commandery]. Because they do not stop fighting until they are dead, hence their tail [feathers] were used to adorn the heads of military officials. It is what vulgar people today call 鶡雞." [The present text writes 芬 and 鳻 for 介 and 介 ？（此字為“介“旁“鳥“） respectively in the above comment, but there is ample evidence that the words were originally as we have written them; cf. the comments upon this passage.] The ？（此字為“介“旁“鳥“） is a quail; Shuo-wen 4 A: 9b says of the chieh, "It is like the ho, but blue, and comes from within the Ch'iang [country].")
97. The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Southern ed. (prob. xii cent.) adds at this point 華年", [This order shall be] ended [at the end of this] year," but the next sentence implies that this order protecting birds was made permanent; otherwise there would have been no point in making it an "ordinance", i.e., part of the dynastic code.
98. Su Yü (fl. 1913) says, "The Emperor only ordered one thing and should not use [the word] 具 (all); I suspect it is a mistake for the word 著, whose sound is similar." I have adopted this emendation in the translation.Statutory ordinances became part of the permanent code.
99. For 倫, I read 等, as in 6: 30b, 88: 5a, and elsewhere.
100. Nothing further seems to be known about this incident.
101. An allusion to Analects IV, xxii.
102. Cf. p. 12a and n.12.1.
103. HS 24 A: 19a says, "When Emperor Hsüan came to the throne, . . . for several years the harvests were very abundant and grain [reached the price of] five cash per picul, so that the farmers had [very] little profit." At this time Keng Shou-ch'ang proposed his plan to build government granaries to store grain when it was cheap and sell it when it was dear, in order to equalize its price and assist the farmers. In times of famine, grain reached a price of 500 cash per picul; cf. Glossary sub Feng Feng-shih. Thirty or forty cash per picul seems to have been an average price, cf. 24 A: 7b.
104. Shen-chüeh, lit. "supernatural birds", is explained in the imperial edict establishing the year-period; cf. p. 16a.
105. Shen Ch'in-han notes that the Yi-wen Lei-chü (by Ou-yang Hsün, 557-641) quotes the Ku-chin-chu (ca. 300) as saying, "In the fourth year of Yüan-k'ang, in Ch'ang-an, it rained black millet," and also saying, "In Nan-yang [Commandery], it rained beans." Beans were considered one of the "cereals."
106. For the fungus of immortality, cf. 6:
n. 27.2. Fu Ch'ien says, "The color of the golden fungus of immortality was
like gold." Ju Shun adds, "The copper basin was to receive water from the
roof," and Chin Shao says, "They used copper [or bronze] to make the basin."
Wang Hsien-ch'ien declares that this incident is referred to in the military
song, "Shang-ling", which was added to the services in the imperial ancestral
temple during 84-86 A.D. (found in the Yo-fu Shih-chi, 16: 7b, compiled by Kuo
Mou-ch'ien, [pub. 1340]), which says in part,
107. Su Lin (fl. 196-227) says, "It was a white elephant," but Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) remarks, "A commentator of the Han [period says that] it had the shape of a colt, the coloring of a unicorn, the horns of an ox, was kindly, and liked human beings." Lun-heng (by Wang Ch'ung, written 82-83 A.D.) 16: 20b, "Chiang-shui", (Forke, I, p. 370) says, "In the time of [Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan, Chiu-chen [Commandery] presented as tribute a female unicorn which in figure was like a deer 麞, but had two horns. . . . The female unicorn of Emperor Hsüan was said to be like a deer 鹿. ibid. 19: 3b, vol. II, ch. 18 (Forke, II, p. 196) says, "In [the reign of] Emperor Hsiao-hsüan. . . . . Yüan-K'ang . . . . IV, . . . . Chiu-chen [Commendary] presented a female unicorn." Thus Chin Shao's description is confirmed. Yang Shu-ta (1885- ) thinks that the date in the Lun-heng, 62 B.C., is Wang Ch'ung's mistake. He says that this animal was probably strange and had no name, so that reports about it gave different names to it. Dr. Remington Kellogg, of the Division of Mammals, United States National Museum, Washington, D. C., writes me, "No animal remotely resembling this description [that of Chin Shao] occurs in Indo-China, Siam, or the Malay Peninsula so far as known . . . . . Both Mr. Miller and myself consider that the description was made from memory and both fact and fiction got hopelessly mixed up."
108. Dr. Kellogg also writes, "From time to time, reports and records of albino cats including white tigers, come to hand. They are not especially plentiful, but there is nothing questionable about the record." The skin, teeth, and claws of this tiger were sent to the capital and the Emperor had an altar erected to it. Cf. 25 B: 8a, b.
109. Fu Ch'ien says that "majestic phoenix" is the name of a bird, but Chin Shao says that the first word is an adjective, and Yen Shih-ku approves.
110. It looks as though famine relief was usually required to be repaid.
111. Li Ch'i (fl. ca. 200) says, "It refers to [a situation] like that of convicts at present, whose iron collars, rings around their legs, and red garments are taken off and who are given tasks of transportation and laboring." Yen Shih-ku quotes the comment in the Han-chiu-yi (by Wei Hung, fl. dur. 25-57; this passage has dropped out of its text), as saying, "At the various offices in Ch'ang-an, there were thirty-six prisons."
112. This is no. 45 in Williams' list.
113. HS 27 Ba: 24b says that in this autumn there was "a great drought," and blames it on the military expedition against the Ch'iang.
114. Cf. Glossary, sub voce.
115. The same chiasmus as that noted in n. 12.4. Lun-heng 16: 15b, "Chiang-shui", (Forke I, p. 363) says, "In the time of [Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan, phoenixes perched in the Shang-lin [Park], and crowds of birds followed above them, [numbering] thousands and ten-thousands."
116. Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks that in the HS, 婁 is always written for lü 屢; this is the only place that is different, hence it must be a mistake.
117. A sentence from the `Modern Text' of the Book of History, repeated on p. 20a; cf. n. 20.4.
118. HS 69: 14b recounts that in the fifth month, Chao Ch'ung-kuo asked permission to dismiss his garrisons because most of the Ch'iang had surrendered, and p. 15a states that in that autumn some of the Ch'iang banded together and beheaded the great bravos of the Hsi bravos led more than four thousand people to surrender to the Chinese.
119. This peculiarly phrased title is also found in 70: 4a(10).
120. He had recommended that the Emperor abdicate in his favor; cf. Glossary, sub voce.
121. Yen Shih-ku explains, "Ming-wang 名王 [trans. "important kings"] means those who have a great reputation ta-ming 大名, to distinguish them from the lesser kings 小王." The Ch'i-tan in medieval times similarly had Eminent Kings 偉王; cf. T'oung Pao, vol. 35, p. 55. Ta-ming is the Japanese daimyō or feudal lord.
122. Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) comments, "[According to] the Code, [officials ranking at] a hundred piculs receive 16 hu [of grain] per month." (The present text has "six hundred," but the Sung Ch'i ed. remarks that according to HHS Tr. 28: 14b and Yen Shih-ku's comment in HS 19 A: 1a it should be "sixteen hu.") Wei Chao (197-273) adds, "If [an official] had an income of one hu [or ten tou], then it was increased by five tou," i.e., 50%.
123. The same chiasmus as that noted in n. 12.4 and 17.4.
124. The "Shang-ling" song, quoted
previously (cf. n. 16.2), also says,
125. Ju Shun comments, "Although Grand Administrators were entitled [officials ranking at] 2000 piculs, they [really] had [an income of only] 1000 or 800 piculs. If the merits and virtue of the occupants were especially excellent, then they were allowed [to receive] the full [amount called for by their] rank. [Huang] Pa received [the rank of] fully 2000 piculs, [which was] the rank of the nine high ministers." But Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) says, "This simply says directly that his rank was increased from 2000 piculs to fully 2000 piculs; it is not said that [he received either] the full [amount] or not the full [amount]." Yen Shih-ku adds, "Ju [Shun]'s explanation is mistaken. [Huang] Pa had previously already been [ranked at] 2000 piculs. Now [his rank] was increased to be fully 2000 piculs, in order to [show him] unusual favor. This [act] was like f. 8: 8a, b]. [According to] the Han [dynasty's] regulations [he is basing his statement upon the Han Code, cf. his note to HS 19 A: 1a, translated in Mh II, 526, 527, which probably states the regulations of the Later Han dynasty], those ranking at 2000 piculs received 1440 piculs per year, which was really not fully 2000 piculs. Those who were nominally [ranked at] fully 2000 piculs received 2160 piculs per year. It mentions [ranks by] a round number, hence it says `Fully 2000 piculs.' 中 [means] full 滿."But Huang Pa's memoir (HS 89: 6a) says that he had been Acting Governor of the Capital with the rank of 2000 piculs, and for a technical crime had been degraded to be the Grand Administrator of Ying-ch'uan Commandery with only the rank of 800 piculs. Now the Emperor kept him in the same position, but gave him the salary and rank of fully 2000 piculs. Some months later he was promoted to a higher post. Cf. Glossary, sub Huang Pa.
126. Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks, "From ancient times there had not been any mention of `chaste wives and obedient daughters'. In the [time of Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan there was this imperial edict, hence the according of honors to chaste wives and filial daughters by later generations took this [edict] for a model. `Obedient' [means] `filial'."
127. The same quotation as that noted in n. 8.10, q. v.
128. HS 94 A: 32b = de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 204 says, "When Shan-Yü Wu-yench'ü-ti had been enthroned, he again renewed peace and friendship [with the Chinese] and sent his younger brother, the King of Yi-chiu-jo 伊酋若, [Lüan-ti] Sheng-chih, to enter China and offer [tribute] and present himself to [his superior]." Then Yi-chiu-jo and Ho-liu-jo are different transliterations of the same Hun word. Karlgren, Grammata Serica, gives the following archaic pronunciations respectively for those two words iεr-dz'iôg-ńiak and xo-liôg-ńiak, and for the T'ang period: i-dz'ieu-ńźiak. and xuo-lieu-ńźiak.
129. "Eleven .... phoenixes" here looks very queer; nowhere else is any specific number of phoenixes mentioned; cf. 7: 3b; 8: 5a, 7b, 11b, 12b, 16a, the second paragraph below, and 23a. Dr. Duyvendak has brilliantly suggested that "eleven" here is dittography for the subsequent "eleventh (month)."
130. Chuang Yen-nien had sentenced so many people to execution that he had acquired the nickname, "Uncle Butcher." Emperor Hsüan sentenced him because of his cruelty and tyranny. Cf. Glossary, sub voce. On his surname, cf. App. I.
131. Ying Shao says, "Previously, phoenixes had come five times. Hence, this fact was used [for the name of the year-period when the name of] the year-period was changed." This name means literally, "Five [Appearances of] Phoenixes."
132. The Han-chi notes the capping of Liu Shih twice: in 63 B.C. (18: 8b) and at this date (20: 1a). Probably the earlier mistaken recording is connected with the same mistake as that discussed in note 7.12 of the present chapter.
133. The Sung Ch'i ed. says that one text reads 夫丁 for 大夫. The Official ed. reads 太 for 大 and adds " 夫人六十匹 and to their Ladies, sixty bolts [to each]," quoting the Sung Ch'i ed. as saying that one text did not have this phrase.
134. He had been sentenced for peculation and attempted blackmail, in spite of his popularity with the common people; cf. Glossary, sub voce.
135. The text says, "the third month", but Hsün Yüeh (148-209), in his Han-chi 20: 3a, quotes this sentence with the words, "the first month." Szu-ma Kuang, in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 1: 12b, notes this fact, and remarks, "According to the Han [dynastic] regulations, the suburban sacrifice was regularly performed in the first month. Probably at the time when Hsün Yüeh wrote his [Han]-chi, this mistake [in the HS] had not yet been made." Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 27: 5a emends this sentence to, "In the first month, the Emperor favored Kan-ch'üan [Palace with a visit, where he] performed the suburban sacrifice at the altar to the Supreme [One]."In HS 66: 10b, Yang Yün is reported as saying, "Since the first month, the sky has been overcast, [yet] it has not rained; this [circumstance] is recorded in the Spring and Autumn and was spoken of by Mr. Hsia-hou [Sheng, (q.v. in Glossary). The Emperor] in traveling should certainly not go to the Ho-tung [Commandery]." Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) comments, "The Temple to Sovereign Earth is in Ho-tung Commandery where] the Son of Heaven sacrifices yearly." Szu-ma Kuang (op. cit.) remarks, "Probably at this time [the Emperor] also favored Ho-tung [Commandery with a visit, where he] sacrificed to Sovereign Earth, but the historian has omitted [to mention] it."
136. From Book of Odes, II, i, vi, 3 (Legge, p. 255).
137. A law of the Han dynasty, probably inherited fn for feasting. Cf. HFHD, I, 231, n. 2. Emperor Hsüan is liberalizing these severe laws.There seem to have been two different types of customs in celebrating marriage. One custom was to celebrate the marriage with a feast and music, to which friends were invited. This type of custom was very ancient; it is found in the Book of Odes, I, i, i, (Legge, p. 4), and in the Book of Rites (prob. compiled in the latter part of the Former Han period, with some chapters added in the Later Han period), I, i, iii, 37 (Legge, XXVII, 78; Couvreur, I, 31). HS 52: 9a recounts that in the summer of 131 B.C., when T'ien Fen married the daughter of the King of Yen, Liu Tan4a, "the Empress Dowager, by an imperial edict, summoned all the marquises and members of the imperial house to go and congratulate him."There was also a custom which treated marriage as a quiet event because it implies that the bridegroom's parents will in the future pass away, and hence did not allow any feasting, music, or rejoicings. It was said that music is yang (male), while marriage is yin (female), so that music is inappropriate to marriage. Possibly this custom arose from the Ch'in prohibition of gatherings. Book of Rites, V, i, 20 (Legge, XXVII, 322; Couvreur, I, 429), says, "Confucius said, . . . . `The family that receives the [new] wife has no music for three days, thinking that [her bridegroom] is to take the place of his parents.' " The officials who had been prohibiting marriage feasts and congratulations were following the second of these customs, whereas Emperor Hsüan favored the first.
138. This man was not actually a Shan-Yü. At this time there were five claimants for the title of Shan-Yü, and Hun groups who were defeated in the consequent civil war surrendered to the Chinese. Cf. Glossary sub Hu-su-lei.
139. The plain meaning of this passage is that Yang Yün was executed at this time. Hsün Yüeh, in his Han-chi 20: 4a, interprets it thus. But Szu-ma Kuang, in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 1: 13a, points out that, in the biography of Yang Yün (HS 66: 12a), the latter is said to have written to Sun Hui-tsung, "Your servant's crime was committed the third year ago," and later (66: 13a) he speaks of Tu Yen-nien as Grandee Secretary. It is then said that following an eclipse of the sun, information was given to the Emperor that the eclipse occurred because of what Yang Yün had said, after which he was executed. HS 19 B: 34a records that Yang Yün was made Superintendent of the Imperial Household in 61 B.C. and dismissed in 57 B.C. According to 19 B: 35b, Tu Yen-niena became Grandee Secretary on Aug. 2, 55 B.C. The eclipse was then probably that of May 9, 54 B.C. Hence Yang Yün could not have been executed in Jan./Feb., 55 B.C. Szu-ma Kuang thinks that Yang Yün was dismissed from his noble rank at this time. (HS 17: 29b dates that dismissal in Wu-feng III, but also says it was in the tenth year after 66 B.C., which would be Wu-feng II [56 B.C.], not III. Hence Su Yü independently concludes that "three" is there a mistake for "two".) Szu-ma Kuang further thinks that Yang Yün was thereupon made a commoner, and died in the winter of 54 B.C., after the eclipse. Wei Hsüan-ch'eng and Chang Ch'ang, who were dismissed when Yang Yün was executed (HS 66: 13a) were both dismissed in 54 B.C., according to 19 B: 34a, 35a. Hence I have concluded that Pan Ku is here summarizing the later disposition of Yang Yün's case, possibly because it was noted on the edict ordering his cashiering.But Dr. Duyvendak writes, "I cannot think the translation is admissible. It is better to accept the contradiction as it stands. The details given after 坐 look like the insertion of some commentary."Yang Yün's surname is mistakenly written here; it should be written 楊.
140. The Official ed. reads 安 for 定 .
141. Dr. Duyvendak remarks that the second word in the phrase kuei-yi 歸義 refers to "君臣之義 the moral and political relationship between prince and subject," so that "fealty" is perhaps the best translation for yi here.
142. Lun-heng, 19: 3b, "Hsüan-Han", (Forke, II, p. 196), notes this event, but mistakenly writes 子 for 于 and 日 for 刻. Since Wang Ch'ung, the author of the Lun-heng, did not know Pan Ku's HS, but was a disciple of Pan Piao, it is likely that he took this recording from the latter's Later Account (Hou-chuan) which Pan Ku used as a source for the HS.
143. Chang Yen explains, "They were the trees outside the [inner] gates and inside the [outer] portals, inside the railing [to keep out] horses [at the entrance]." (The Official ed. emends 行 to 衡.) Lun-heng, 16: 13a, "Chiang-shui," (Forke, I, p. 359), reads, "In the time of Emperor Hsiao-hsüan, phoenixes perched in Shang-lin [Park]. Later they again [perched] on the trees at the Eastern Portal of Ch'ang-lo Palace. They were five feet high, beautifully ornamented in [all] five colors." San-fu Huang-t'u 6: 6b says, "The ch'üeh 闕 (portals) were look-out towers 觀. The Chou [dynasty] established two look-out towers in order to mark [each] palace gate. It was possible to dwell in the upper part of these [look-out towers]. By climbing them one could look out far, hence they were called look-outs. When ministers who are about to go to court reach this [place] they think of their defects," (another play on words, for `defects' is also denoted by ch'üeh).
144. A quotation from Book of History V, xxvii, 13 (Legge, p. 600). The words 祗事不怠 are, however, not in the present text of the Book of History; Chiang Sheng (17211799), in his Shang-shu Chi-chu Yin-su 10: 19a, says that these words should be read in that passage of the Book of History instead of the present 惟敬五刑, because these words are found in the quotation by Emperor Hsüan, which, he says, comes from the tradition of Master Fu (iii-ii cent. B.C.) and from the "Modern Text" of the Book of History. They are also found on p. 17a.
145. An irrevocable death sentence was one to which an amnesty did not usually apply.
146. He had had magical imprecations made against the Emperor and had murdered his witches. Cf. Glossary, sub voce.
147. Szu-ma Kuang, in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 1: 13b, remarks that according to HS 94 B: 3a, Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh called himself a Chinese subject and sent his son, the Worthy King of the West, Lüan-ti Shu-lü-ch'ü-t'ang, to enter the Chinese court and wait upon the Emperor, but that event is definitely dated in 53 B.C. In the same year, Shan-Yü Chih-chih also sent his son, the Western General-in-Chief, Luan-ti Chü-Yü-lishou, to enter the Chinese court and wait upon the Emperor. HS 94 B: 2a mentions a younger brother of Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh as being the Western Lu-li King, who was probably this envoy. By the end of 54 B.C., only two remained of eight persons who had set themselves up as Shan-Yü since 60 B.C.
148. The text reads, "the last day of the month", but HS 27 Cb: 14b, 15a says, "In the fourth year, the fourth month, on [the day] hsin-ch'ou, the first day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. . . . . `This was the first day of the principal month 正月 [a phrase used in Book of Odes II, iv, viii, 1 (Legge, p. 314) for the fourth month; it seems to have been the term used in Chou times for the first month of summer; cf. also Tso-chuan 10: 4b, Dk. Chuang, XXV], when the yin influence had not yet encroached.' [Tu Yü (222-284), in a note to Tso-chuanibid., (where this phrase is used), says, "The principal month is the fourth month of the Hsia [dynasty's calendar (that used in Han times after 104 B.C.), which is] the sixth month of the Chou [calendar], is called the month of complete yang influence 正陽之月."] Mr. Tso [in the Tso-chuan passage referred to above, from which the sentence in single quotation marks is taken] considered that [an eclipse on that day] was an important anomaly." Hence this date must have been the first day of the month. Han-chi 20: 8b and Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 27: 9a both read, "The first day of the month." The imperial edict confirms the statement of ch. 27 in saying that it was considered "an important anomaly."
149. The name, Kan-lu, lit. "sweet dew", is obviously taken from the frequent appearances of that substance, many of which are noted in the Annals. Cf. n. 21.5.
150. These fires are also mentioned in 27 A: 14b.
151. HS 94 B: 3a says, "[Shan-Yü] Hu-han-hsieh followed the plan of [his Eastern Yichih-tzu King], led his troop southwards, and came near the Barrier. He sent his son, the Worthy King of the West, [Lüan-ti] Shu-lü-chü-t'ang, to enter [the Chinese court] and wait upon [the Emperor]. Shan-Yü Chih-chih also sent his son, the Commander[in]-chief of the West, [Lüan-ti] Chü-Yü-li-shou, to enter [the Chinese court] and wait upon [the Emperor]. This year was the first year of [the period] Kan-lu." Shan-Yü Chih-chih had himself been Worthy King of the East before he set himself up as Shan-Yü; he was an elder brother of Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh. At this time Shan-Yü Chih-chih controlled the eastern part of the Hun empire; he had possibly made his younger brother the Worthy King of the East, but the "Memoir on the Huns" does not mention it or this embassy. The Worthy King of the East was regularly the Heir-apparent to the Hun throne. At this time both Shan-Yü were competing for Chinese assistance.
152. HS 14: 22a dates this appointment in the tenth month on the day yi-hai, Nov. 28, 52 B.C., which is probably the correct date, for there was no yi-hai day in the first month.
153. The same chiasmus as that noted in n. 12.4.
154. Wang Ch'ung, in his Lun-heng 17: 12a, b, 13a, "Shih-ying", (cf. Forke, II, 324-326), has an extended and illuminating discussion of "sweet dew" and "wine springs" in which he concludes that "wine springs" are merely another name for "sweet dew". According to his description of the latter, it may have been some sort of tree exudation. Kan 甘 (sweet) is, however, used to refer to water that is not alkaline; the ground water east of the ancient Kao-ling (now Ch'ang-an) is still alkaline and bitter, so that an abundant fall of dew would naturally be called "sweet".The Li-ch'üan-hsien Chih (1783), 2: 6b, notes a place called Li-ch'üan (lit. "Winespring"), 30 li southeast of the city, and says that the old gazetteer records that it is several tens of paces around, of unfathomable depth, and that in the time of Emperor Hsüan it gushed forth, its taste like sweet wine (li), because of which the district was named; it is now disused. A note adds that some say it is the present Liu-ch'üan Hamlet 流泉坊, in Hsien-yang Hsien, Shensi. (Data from Dr. D. R. Wickes.)Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) in his Liang-Han K'an-wu Pu-yi 2: 8a, b, discusses sweet dew and wine springs, and gives later examples of both. The term "sweet dew" is found in Tao-te-ching, ch. 32, and in the Chan-kuo-ts'ê. Shan-hai-ching 16:2b states that the people in the country of the Mother Queen of the West eat phoenixes' eggs and drink sweet dew.
155. HS 14: 21b, 22a date the appointments of both Liu Ao and Liu Yü3 in the tenth month on Nov. 28, 52 B.C., which was probably the correct date, for the cyclical day there given, yi-hai, does not occur in the ninth month.
156. A quotation from Book of Odes IV, iii, iv, 2 (Legge, p. 639, 640). This ode speaks of the way that Hsieh's proper conduct was so influential that the Shang dynasty sprang from his line. The Mao text of the Odes has 履 instead of the HS's 禮, with the comment that the latter character gives the correct meaning. Hsiang-t'u was Hsieh's grandson. I have followed Wen Ying's interpretation of this passage. For these persons, cf. Glossary sub vocibus.
157. This last clause is a quotation from Book of History I, i, i (Legge, I, 15).
158. The notion seems to be that as long as he kept his title of Shan-Yü (which were the last words of a Hun title explained in HS 94 A: 6b(10,11) as meaning, "The Great Son of Heaven"), and did not recognize himself as a subject (to be granted a title by the Chinese Emperor), he could not be received at the New Years court. (Explanation by Dr. Duyvendak.)Wang-chê 王者 is a phrase frequently used to denote the emperor, in imitation of the practise, in Chou times, of denoting the supreme ruler by the title, king. Kung-yang Commentary, 1: 12b, Duke Yin, I, x, says, "For a [true universal] king there is no foreign [territory] 王者無外." Hsün Yüeh, in his Han-chi 20: 10b, in commenting upon this episode, quotes the above sentence and adds, "He [i.e. a true king] wants to unite [all] under Heaven..... A [true] king necessarily imitates Heaven and Earth; there is nothing not covered by Heaven and nothing not borne up by Earth." In HS 4: 3a the Emperor is likewise called "a [true] king".
159. Yen Shih-ku explains, "He says that the people outside the Wild [Domain] were not the ones for whom the rules of proper conduct were established and that the government and punishments also did not reach them."
160. HS 78: 8b, 9a (q.v.) informs us that the memorial expresses the ideas of Huang Pa and Yü Ting-kuo; the edict follows the ideas of Hsiao Wang-chih. HS 94 B: 3a(10) states that the Shan-Yü was favored by being treated "in accordance with extraordinary rites." Hsün Yüeh, in his Han-chi 20: 10b, 11a, argues at length that Hsiao Wang-chih was wrong and that the treatment of a barbarian ruler as anything but a subject of the Chinese emperor is contrary to the rules of proper conduct.
161. The Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed. (1528-31), the Fukien ed. (1549), and the Official ed., read 遣 instead of the 之 of Wang Hsien-ch'ien, who, however, notes the former reading.
162. According to 94 B: 4a, b, Shan-Yü Chih-chih also sent an envoy to the Chinese court in 51 B.C., who was treated very generously by the Chinese; in 50, both Shan-Yü sent envoys to the Chinese court to make offerings, but Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh's envoy was treated better than his rival's; in 49, Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh himself came to court again. When Shan-Yü Chih-chih heard that the Chinese were supporting Shan-Yü Huhan-hsieh with provisions and troops, Shan-Yü Chih-chih fled to the west.
163. Yang Shu-ta notes that another appearance of phoenixes, not recorded in this chapter, is recounted in the Lun-heng, 19: 13b, "Yen-fu," (Forke, II, 217), "In the time of Emperor Hsüan, phoenixes descended at P'eng-ch'eng. When [the authorities at] P'eng-ch'eng had made [this fact] known [to the capital], the Emperor summoned the Palace Attendant Sung Weng-yi 宋翁一, [who is not mentioned in the HS or HHS, for he is not listed in the index by Chuang Ting-yi or that by Fu Shan]. [Sung] Weng-yi replied," etc.
164. For this historic discussion, cf. App. II.
165. He was sentenced for pornography and murder; cf. Glossary, sub voce.
166. There was no ting-mao day in the tenth month. "Tenth" may easily be a mistake for "eleventh", in which case the date was Jan. 9, 49 B.C., or ting may be a mistake for hsin, in which case the date was Dec. 4, 50 B.C.
167. Ying Shao remarks, "Previous to this, a yellow dragon (huang-lung) appeared at Hsin-feng; because of it [the Emperor] crowned the year-period [with this name]." Yen Shih-ku retorts, "A gloss of the Han period says, `In this year, in the second month, a yellow dragon appeared in Kuang-han Commandery, hence [the Emperor] changed [the name of] the year-[period accordingly].' Thus Ying [Shao's] explanation is mistaken. The [dragon] that appeared at Hsin-feng [had appeared] five years [previous] to this [time]." But Liu Pin points out that HS 25 B: 10b records that in the summer of the year that the year-period was changed to Kan-lu (53 B.C.), "a yellow dragon appeared at Hsin-feng", and continues (p. 11a), "Later, at an interval of [some] years, he changed the year-period to be Huang-lung," mentioning some of the same events as those recounted in the "Annals" here. Liu Pin concludes, "Therefore Emperor Hsüan, because of [that appearance], in changing [the name of] the year-period, retrospectively utilized [the appearance of] the yellow dragon five years previous." HS 99 B: 9a also reports that in the time of Emperor Hsüan a yellow dragon appeared at Hsin-tub, which was a prefecture of Kuang-han Commandery, so that the appearance reported by Yen Shih-ku is also confirmed.The "yellow dragon" was an auspicious mythological species distinct from other dragons. Cf. Chavannes, Mission archeologique, 11, p. 236 and fig. 167; Laufer, Chinese Grave Sculptures, p. 26 ff, pl. VIII.
168. A reminiscence of Analects II, xix (Legge, p. 152; Soothill, p. 169) in which Confucius recommends this sort of government.
169. Ying Shao explains, "At that time there were those who begged [the Emperor] saying, `[There should be] an imperial edict to bring about that those who are sent out [from the imperial court on commissions] should dispense with their soldiers and followers in order that they should themselves provide the cost [of these soldiers and followers by exactions from the people] and that they might require no further government subvention or vacation-allowance.' Although [this practise produced] income for the government, it was not an ancient usage, hence it was stopped." Chang Yen explains, "Before this [time], because the [government] income of Emperor Wu was insufficient and it was proper that it should be increased, some in his offices who had received orders [to be sent on a mission] asked that they should not receive any salary, but should themselves dispense with their soldiers and followers in order that they might receive the government subventions [for these soldiers and followers]; some [of them moreover] provided for their own [needs by making exactions from the people]. Thereupon evil officials on this account used [this practise] for their own profit, and [consequently] received more than their original salary. Hence [this practise] was stopped." Ju Shun adds, "At this time there were some who dispensed with their soldiers and followers, and a crowd of officials asked for [the privilege], in order to [have the right to] provide for their own [needs]. The offices and yamens had, previous to this [time], permitted this practise; now [the Emperor] changed and repented of it and did not again permit it." Yen Shih-ku approves the explanations of Ying Shao and Chang Yen. Dr. Duyvendak adds, "The right to provide for themselves under a show of disinterestedness would give officials an unlimited opportunity for extortion."
170. Tzu-kung meant literally, "the [Heavenly] Purple [Imperial] Palace;" it was composed of the circumpolar stars, at the center of which was the North Polar constellation, where dwelt the Supreme One, the heavenly emperor. Cf. Glossary sub vocibus of these constellations. Comets were believed to "do away with the old and arrange the new" (HS 27 Cb: 20b); a comet entering the heavenly imperial palace in the year of an emperor's death would inevitably be felt to have a special significance.This comet is no. 46 in Williams, Observations of Comets. It may have been the comet mentioned by Lucan (Pharsalia i, 526) as having been seen during the war between Caesar and Pompey. Cf. Chambers, Descriptive Astronomy I, p. 556.
171. Wei Chao (197-273) explains, "Officials [ranking at] 600 piculs were not again permitted to be recommended as incorrupt officials." Wang Ch'i-Yüan (xix cent.) points out that the foregoing statement is confirmed in Chou-li 35: 3a, sub the Hsiao-szu-k'ou, (Biot, II, p. 321 and n. 11), where Cheng Chung (5 B.C.-A.D. 83) says, "[The deliberation over the punishment of honorable persons] is like [the situation] at the present time, when officials [who wear] black seal-cords have committed crimes, and [the Emperor must] first be asked [to confirm their sentences]." HS 19 A: 31a says, "[Officials] ranked as equivalent to 600 piculs and over all have bronze seals and black seal-cords." Wang Ch'i-Yüan says that probably, according to the Han dynastic regulations, purple seal-cords were used for the three highest ministers, blue seal-cords for the high ministers, and black seal-cords for those equivalent to the Grandees and those ranking at 600 piculs. HS 76: 1a recounts that while Chao Kuang-han was Chief of Equialization and Standards, he was investigated, found incorrupt, and made the Prefect of Yang-ti. HHS, Tr. 26: 2a records that the Chief of Equalization and Standards was ranked at 600 piculs. Hence previous to this edict of Emperor Hsüan, officials who ranked at 600 piculs had been recommended for promotion as incorrupt persons, which practise was now stopped. For the order of Emperor Kao establishing the practise of asking the throne's consent for punishments, cf. 1 B: 12a. Dr. Duyvendak explains, "This order tries to prevent accumulation of honors and to get fresh blood into the higher government service by having new people recommended as `incorrupt'."
172. The burial of Emperor Hsüan did not occur until the next year, after the next emperor had taken the throne, contrary to the custom of preceding rulers; cf. 9: 2a.At this point the present text adds "On [the day] kuei-szu, he honored the Empress Dowager with the title, Grand Empress Dowager." This sentence is plainly a dittography for the same sentence in 9: 2a. It is dated on the day Emperor Yüan ascended the throne and so could only come in his "Annals".
173. Yen Shih-ku says, "Hsieh 械 is a general name for ch'i 器 (utensils). It is also said that what has a cup 盛 is a hsieh; what has no cup is a ch'i."
174. This clause is a quotation from Book of History IV, ii, iv, 7 (Legge, p. 181). Li Ch'i interprets it as alluding to the driving away of Shan-Yü Chih-chih and establishing Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh as the actual Shan-Yü.
175. Wang Ch'ung, in his Lun-heng 16: 22a, "Chiang-shui" (Forke, I, 372, 3), exalts him still more highly, "[Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan was equal to Yao or Shun. The world was completely peaceful; for ten-thousand li [in all directions, people] strove to progress, and the doctrine of benevolent love was put into practise."
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