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漢 書 十 一
哀 紀 第 十 一
孝 哀 皇 帝 ， 元 帝 庶 孫 ， 定 陶 恭 王 子 也 。 母 曰丁 姬 。 年 三 歲 嗣 立 為 王 ， 長 好 文 辭 法 律 。
元 延 四年 入 朝 ， 盡 從 傅 、 相 、 中 尉 。 時 成 帝 少 弟 中 山 孝王 亦 來 朝 ， 獨 從 傅 。 上 怪 之 ， 以 問 定 陶 王 ， 對 曰 ： 「 令， 諸 侯 王 朝 ， 得 從 其 國 二 千 石 。 傅 、 相 、 中 尉 皆 國 二 千石 ， 故 盡 從 之 。 」 上 令 誦 詩 ， 通 習 ， 能 說 。
他 日問 中 山 王 ：「 獨 從 傅 在 何 法 令 ？ 」 不 能 對 。 令 誦 尚 書 ， 又 廢 。及 賜 食 於 前 ， 後 飽 ； 起 下 ， 係 解 。 成 帝 由 此以 為 不 能 ， 而 賢 定 陶 王 ， 數 稱 其 材 。
時 王 祖 母 傅 太 后 隨王 來 朝 ， 私 賂 遺 上 所 幸 趙 昭 儀 及 帝 舅 票 騎 將 軍 曲 陽 侯 王根 。 昭 儀 及 根 見 上 亡 子 ， 亦 欲 豫 自 結 為 長 久 計 ， 皆 更 稱定 陶 王 ， 勸 帝 以 為 嗣 。 成 帝 亦 自 美 其 材 ， 為 加 元服 而 遣 之 ， 時 年 十 七 矣 。
明 年 ， 使 執 金 吾 任 宏 守大 鴻 臚 ， 持 節 徵 定 陶 王 ， 立 為 皇 太 子 。 謝 曰 ： 「 臣 幸 得繼 父 守 藩 為 諸 侯 王 ， 材 質 不 足 以 假 充 太 子 之 宮 。 陛 下 聖 德 寬 仁 ， 敬 承 祖 宗 ， 奉 順 神 祇 ， 宜 蒙 福 祐 子 孫 千億 之 報 。 臣 願 且 得 留 國 邸 ， 旦 夕 奉 問 起 居 ， 俟有 聖 嗣 ， 歸 國 守 藩 。 」 書 奏 ， 天 子 報 聞 。
後 月 餘 ， 立 楚孝 王 孫 景 為 定 陶 王 ， 奉 恭 王 祀 ， 所 以 獎 厲 太 子 專 為 後 之誼 。 語 在 外 戚 傳 。
綏 和 二 年 三 月 ， 成 帝 崩 。 四 月 丙 午 ， 太 子 即 皇 帝位 ， 謁 高 廟 。 尊 皇 太 后 曰 太 皇 太 后 ， 皇 后 曰 皇 太 后 。 大赦 天 下 。 賜 宗 室 王 子 有 屬 者 馬 各 一 駟 ， 吏 民 爵 ，百 戶 牛 酒 ， 三 老 、 孝 弟 力 田 、 鰥 寡 孤 獨 帛 。
太 皇 太 后 詔尊 定 陶 恭 王 為 恭 皇 。 五 月 丙 戌 ， 立 皇 后 傅 氏 。 詔 曰 ： 「 春 秋 『母 以 子 貴 』 ， 尊 定 陶 太 后 曰 恭 皇 太 后 ， 丁 姬 曰 恭 皇 后 ，各 置 左 右 詹 事 ， 食 邑 如 長 信 宮 、 中 宮 。 」 追 尊 傅父 為 崇 祖 侯 、 丁 父 為 褒 德 侯 。 封 舅 丁 明 為 陽 安 侯， 舅 子 滿 為 平 周 侯 。 追 諡 滿 父 忠 為 平 周 懷 侯 ， 皇 后 父 晏為 孔 鄉 侯 ， 皇 太 后 弟 侍 中 光 祿 大 夫 趙 欽 為 新 成 侯 。
六 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 鄭 聲 淫 而 亂 樂 ， 聖 王 所 放，其 罷 樂 府 。 」
曲 陽 侯 根 前 以 大 司 馬 建 社 稷 策 ， 益 封 二 千 戶 。 太 僕 安 陽 侯 舜 輔 導 有 舊 恩 ， 益 封 五 百 戶 ， 及丞 相 孔 光 、 大 司 空 氾 鄉 侯 何 武 益 封 各 千 戶 。
詔 曰 ： 「 河 間 王 良 喪 太 后 三 年 ， 為 宗 室 儀 表 ， 益 封 萬 戶 。 」
又 曰 ： 「 制 節 謹 度 以 防 奢 淫 ， 為 政 所 先 ， 百 王 不易 之 道 也 。 諸 侯 王 、 列 侯 、 公 主 、 吏 二 千 石 及 豪富 民 多 畜 奴 婢 ， 田 宅 亡 限 ， 與 民 爭 利 ， 百 姓 失 職 ， 重 困不 足 。 其 議 限 列 。 」
有 司 條 奏 ： 「 諸 王 、列 侯 得 名 田 國 中 ， 列 侯 在 長 安 及 公 主 名 田 縣 道 ， 關 內 侯、 吏 民 名 田 ， 皆 無 得 過 三 十 頃 。 諸 侯 王 奴 婢 二 百人 ， 列 侯 、 公 主 百 人 ， 關 內 侯 、 吏 民 三 十 人 。 年 六 十 以上 ， 十 歲 以 下 ， 不 在 數 中 。 賈 人 皆 不 得 名 田 、 為 吏 ，犯 者 以 律 論 。 諸 名 田 畜 奴 婢 過 品 ， 皆 沒 入 縣 官 。
齊三 服 官 、 諸 官 織 綺 繡 ， 難 成 ， 害 女 紅 之 物 ， 皆 止 ， 無 作輸 。 除 任 子 令 及 誹 謗 詆 欺 法 。掖 庭 宮 人 年三 十 以 下 ， 出 嫁 之 。 官 奴 婢 五 十 以 上 ， 免 為 庶 人 。 禁 郡國 無 得 獻 名 獸 。 益 吏 三 百 石 以 下 奉 。 察 吏 殘 賊 酷虐 者 ， 以 時 退 。 有 司 無 得 舉 赦 前 往 事 。 博 士 弟 子 父 母 死， 予 寧 三 年 。 」
秋 ， 曲 陽 侯 王 根 、 成 都 侯 王 況 皆 有 罪 。 根 就 國 ，況 免 為 庶 人 ， 歸 故 郡 。
詔 曰 ： 「 朕 承 宗 廟 之 重 ， 戰 戰 兢 兢 ， 懼 失 天 心 。間 者 日 月 亡 光 ， 五 星 失 行 ， 郡 國 比 比 地 動 。 乃 者河 南 、 穎 川 郡 水 出 ， 流 殺 人 民 ， 壞 敗 廬 舍 。 朕 之 不 德 ，民 反 蒙 辜 ， 朕 甚 懼 焉 。 已 遣 光 祿 大 夫 循 行 舉 籍 ， 賜 死 者 棺 錢 ， 人 三 千 。 其 令 水 所 傷 縣 邑 及 他 郡 國災 害 什 四 以 上 ， 民 貲 不 滿 十 萬 ， 皆 無 出 今 年 租 賦 。 」
建 平 元 年 春 正 月 ， 赦 天 下 。 侍 中 騎 都 尉 新 成 侯 趙欽 、 成 陽 侯 趙 訢 皆 有 罪 ， 免 為 庶 人 ， 徙 遼 西 。
太 皇 太 后 詔 外 家 王 氏 田 非 冢 塋 ， 皆 以 賦 貧 民 。
二 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 蓋 聞 聖 王 之 治 ， 以 得 賢 為 首 。 其與 大 司 馬 、 列 侯 、 將 軍 、 中 二 千 石 、 州 牧 、 守 、 相 舉 孝弟 惇 厚 能 直 言 通 政 事 ， 延 于 側 陋 可 親 民 者 ， 各 一 人 。 」
三 月 ， 賜 諸 侯 王 、 公 主 、 列 侯 、 丞 相 、 將 軍 、 中二 千 石 、 中 都 官 郎 吏 金 錢 帛 ， 各 有 差 。
冬 ， 中 山 孝 王 太 后 媛 、弟 宜 鄉 侯 馮 參 有 罪， 皆 自 殺 。
二 年 春 三 月 ， 罷 大 司 空 ， 復 御 史 大 夫 。
夏 四 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 漢 家 之 制 ， 推 親 親 以 顯 尊 尊 。 定 陶 恭 皇 之 號 不 宜 復 稱 定 陶 。 尊 恭 皇 太 后 曰 帝 太太 后 ， 稱 永 信 宮 ； 恭 皇 后 曰 帝 太 后 ， 稱 中 安 宮 。 立 恭 皇廟 于 京 師 。 赦 天 下 徒 。 」
罷 州 牧 ， 復 刺 史 。
六 月 庚 申 ， 帝 太 后 丁 氏 崩 。 上 曰 ： 「 朕 聞 夫 婦 一體 。 詩 云 ： 『 穀 則 異 室 ， 死 則 同 穴 。 』 昔 季 武 子成 寑 ， 杜 氏 之 殯 在 西 階 下 ， 請 合 葬 而 許 之 。 附 葬之 禮 ， 自 周 興 焉 。 『 郁 郁 乎 文 哉 ！ 吾 從 周 。 』孝 子 事 亡 如 事 存 。 帝 太 后 宜 起 陵 恭 皇 之 園 。 」 遂 葬定 陶 。 發 陳 留 、 濟 陰 近 郡 國 五 萬 人 穿 復 土 。
侍 詔 夏 賀 良 等 言 赤 精 子 之 讖 ， 漢 家 曆 運 中衰 ， 當 再 受 命 ， 宜 改 元 易 號 。 詔 曰 ： 「 漢 興 二 百 載 ， 曆數 開 元 。 皇 天 降 非 材 之 佑 ， 漢 國 再 獲 受 命 之 符 ，朕 之 不 德 ， 曷 敢 不 通 ！
夫 基 事 之 元 命 ， 必 與 天 下 自 新 ，其 大 赦 天 下 。 以 建 平 二 年 為 太 初 元 將 元 年 。 號 曰陳 聖 劉 太 平 皇 帝 。 漏 刻 以 百 二 十 為 度 。 」
七 月 ， 以 渭 城 西 北 原 上 永 陵 亭 部 為 初 陵 。 勿 徙 郡國 民 ， 使 得 自 安 。
八 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 時 詔 夏 賀 良 等 建 言 改元 易 號 ， 增 益 漏 刻 ， 可 以 永 安 國 家 。 朕 過 聽 賀 良 等 言 ， 冀 為 海 內 獲 福 ， 卒 亡 嘉 應 。 皆 違 經 背 古 ， 不 合 時宜 。 六 月 甲 子 制 書 ， 非 赦 令 也 ， 皆 蠲 除 之 。 賀 良等 反 道 惑 眾 ， 下 有 司 。 」 皆 伏 辜 。
丞 相 博 、 御 史 大 夫 玄 、 孔 鄉 侯 晏 有 罪 。 博自 殺 ， 玄 減 死 二 等 論 ， 晏 削 戶 四 分 之 一 。 語 在 博 傳 。
三 年 春 正 月 ， 立 廣 德 夷 王 弟 廣 漢 為 廣 平 王 。
癸 卯 ， 帝 太 太 后 所 居 桂 宮 正 殿 火 。
三 月 己 酉 ， 丞 相 當 薨 。 有 星 孛 于 河 鼓 。
夏 六 月 ， 立 魯 頃 王 子 郚 鄉 侯 閔 為 王 。
冬 十 一 月 壬 子 ， 復 甘 泉 泰 畤 、 汾 陰 后 土 祠 ， 罷 南北 郊 。
東 平 王 雲 、 雲 后 謁 、 安 成 恭 侯 夫 人 放 皆 有罪 。 雲 自 殺 ， 謁 、 放 棄 市 。
四 年 春 ， 大 旱 。 關 東 民 傳 行 西 王 母 籌 ， 經歷 郡 國 ， 西 入 關 至 京 師 。 民 又 會 聚 祠 西 王 母 ， 或 夜 持 火上 屋 ， 擊 鼓 號 呼 相 驚 恐 。
二 月 ， 封 帝 太 太 后 從 弟 侍 中 傅 商 為 汝 昌 侯 ， 太 后同 母 弟 子 侍 中 鄭 業 為 陽 信 侯 。 三 月 ， 侍 中 駙 馬 都 尉 董 賢 、 光 祿 大 夫 息 夫 躬 、 南陽 太 守 孫 寵 皆 以 告 東 平 王 封 列 侯 。 語 在 賢 傳 。
夏 五 月 ， 賜 中 二 千 石 至 六 百 石 及 天 下 男 子 爵 。 六 月 ， 尊 帝 太 太 后 為 皇 太 太 后 。 秋 八 月 ， 恭 皇 園 北 門 災 。
冬 ， 詔 將 軍 、 中 二 千 石 舉 明 兵 法 有 大 慮 者 。
元 壽 元 年 春 正 月 辛 丑 朔 ， 日 有 蝕 之 。 詔 曰 ： 「 朕獲 保 宗 廟 ， 不 明 不 敏 ， 宿 夜 憂 勞 ， 未 皇 寧 息 。 惟陰 陽 不 調 ， 元 元 不 贍 ， 未 睹 厥 咎 。 婁 敕 公 卿 ， 庶幾 有 望 。 至 今 有 司 執 法 ， 未 得 其 中 ， 或 上暴 虐 ， 假 勢 獲 名 ， 溫 良 寬 柔 ， 陷 於 亡 滅 。 是 故 殘 賊 彌 長， 和 睦 日 衰 ， 百 姓 愁 怨 ， 靡 所 錯 躬 。
乃 正 月 朔 ，日 有 蝕 之 ， 厥 咎 不 遠 ， 在 余 一 人 。 公 卿 大 夫 其 各 悉 心 勉帥 百 寮 ， 敦 任 仁 人 ， 黜 遠 殘 賊 ， 期 於 安 民。 陳 朕 之 過 失 ， 無 有 所 諱 。 其 與 將 軍 、 列 侯 、 中 二 千 石舉 賢 良 方 正 能 直 言 者 各 一 人 。 大 赦 天 下 。 」
丁 巳 ， 皇 太 太 后 傅 氏 崩 。
三 月 ， 丞 相 嘉 有 罪 ， 下 獄 死 。
秋 九 月 ， 大 司 馬 票 騎 將 軍 丁 明 免 。 孝 元 廟 殿 門 銅 龜 蛇 鋪 首 鳴 。
二 年 春 正 月 ， 匈 奴 單 于 、 烏 孫 大 昆 彌 來 朝 。 二 月， 歸 國 ， 單 于 不 說 。 語 在 匈 奴 傳 。
夏 四 月 壬 辰 晦 ， 日 有 蝕 之 。
五 月 ， 正 三 公 官 分 職 。 大 司 馬 衛 將 軍 董 賢 為 大 司馬 ， 丞 相 孔 光 為 大 司 徒 ， 御 史 大 夫 彭 宣 為 大 司 空 ， 封 長平 侯 。 正 司 直 、 司 隸 ， 造 司 寇 職。
事 未 定 。 六 月 戊 午 ， 帝 崩 于 未 央 宮 。 秋 九 月 壬 寅 ，葬 義 陵 。
贊 曰 ： 孝 哀 自 為 藩 王 及 充 太 子 之 宮 ， 文 辭 博 敏 ，幼 有 令 聞 。 睹 孝 成 世 祿 去 王 室 ， 權 柄 外 移 ， 是 故臨 朝 婁 誅 大 臣 ， 欲 彊 主 威 ， 以 則 武 、 宣 。 雅 性 不好 聲 色 ， 時 覽 卞 射 武 戲 。 即 位 痿 痺 ， 末 年寖 劇 。 饗 國 不 永 ， 哀 哉 ！
Translation and Notes
The Eleventh [Imperial Annals]
The Annals of [Emperor Hsiao]-Ai
Emperor Hsiao-ai was the grandson of Emperor Yüan by a concubine and the son of King Kung of Ting-t'ao, [Liu K'ang(1a)]. His mother was the Concubine [nee] Ting. When he was in his third year, 1 he succeeded [his father] and was set up as King. When he grew up, he delighted in words and phrases and in the laws and statutes. 2
In [the period] Yüan-yen, the fourth year, he came [to Ch'ang-an] to pay court, followed by all [his high officials], his Tutor, his Chancellor, and his Commandant of the Capital. At that time the youngest brother of Emperor Ch'eng, King Hsiao of Chung-shan, [Liu Hsing], also came to pay court, followed [only] by his Tutor. The Emperor thought it strange, and asked [Liu Hsin(5), the future Emperor Ai], about it. The King of Ting-t'ao, [Liu Hsin(5)] replied, "According to the [imperial] ordinances, when vassal kings come to pay court, they are permitted to be accompanied by the [officials ranking at] two thousand piculs in their kingdoms. The Tutor, Chancellor, and Commandant of the Capital are all [officials ranking at] two thousand piculs in a kingdom, hence I am accompanied by them all." The Emperor ordered him to recite from the Book of Odes, and he understood and was versed in it, and was able to explain it.
On another day, [the Emperor] asked the King of Chung-shan, [Liu Hsing], in what law or ordinance [it was ordered that he should be] accompanied only by his tutor, and he was unable to reply. [The Emperor] ordered him to recite from the Book of History, and he broke off [in the middle of his recitation]. Moreover, [at an imperial feast], when he had been granted food in the presence of [the Emperor], he was the last to finish eating; when he arose, his stockings came down, [for] their ties had become loosened. Because of these [facts], Emperor Ch'eng considered that he was incapable, and esteemed the King of Ting-t'ao, [Liu Hsin(5)], as capable, often exalting his abilities.
At this time the grandmother of the King, the Queen Dowager [of Ting-t'ao, nee] Fu, had come with the King to pay court, and privately sent presents to the Brilliant Companion [nee] Chao, whom the Emperor favored, and to the Emperor's maternal uncle, the General of Agile Cavalry and Marquis of Ch'ü-yang, Wang Ken. The Brilliant Companion [nee Chao] and [Wang] Ken saw that the Emperor had no sons, and also wished beforehand to attach themselves [to the coming ruler] by a plan for the distant future, so both in turn praised the King of Ting-t'ao and urged the Emperor to make him his successor. Emperor Ch'eng of his own volition also exalted [Liu Hsin(5)'s] ability, and afer having put the bonnet of virility upon him, sent him [back to his kingdom]. At that time he had [reached] his seventeenth year.
The next year, [the Emperor] sent the Bearer of 3 the Gilded Mace, Jen Hung, as Acting Grand Herald, with credentials, to summon the King of Ting-t'ao to [come and] be established as the Imperial Heir-apparent. [Liu Hsin(5) however] excused himself, saying, "Your servant has been favored in being permitted to succeed his father in charge of a tributary [kingdom] and to become a vassal king. My ability and nature is inadequate for use as the occupant of the Heir-apparent's palace. Your Majesty is sage and virtuous, generous and benevolent. [Your Majesty] has respectfully succeeded his ancestors and has upheld and been obedient in the care of the gods in heaven and earth. It is proper that your [Majesty] should receive happiness and blessing thru the reward of `thousands and millions of descendants.' 4 Your servant is willing temporarily to be permitted to remain in the prince's lodge of his kingdom [at the imperial capital], morning and evening to present himself [to your Majesty] to ask [about your Majesty's] health, and to wait until there may be an imperial heir, [whereupon your servant] will return to his kingdom and [remain] in charge of his tributary [state]." When the memorial was presented, the Son of Heaven replied, "[We] have heard it." 5
More than a month later, [Emperor Ch'eng] 6 established [Liu] Ching(3b), a grandson of King Hsiao of Ch'u, [Liu Ao], as King of Ting-t'ao, to uphold the sacrifices to King Kung [of Ting-t'ao, Liu K'ang], in order to encourage and incite the Heir-apparent to apply himself solely to the purpose of being [the Emperor's] successor. A discussion is in the "Memoir of the [Imperial] Relatives by Marriage." 7
In [the period] Sui-ho, the second year, the third month, Emperor Ch'eng died, and in the fourth 7month, on [the day] ping-wu, the Heir-apparent took the imperial throne and presented himself in the Temple of [Emperor] Kao. He honored the Empress Dowager [nee Wang] with the title, Grand August Empress Dowager, and the Empress [nee Chao] with 8 the title, Empress Dowager. He [granted] a general amnesty to the empire, granted one quadriga of horses to each king's son of the imperial house who was enregistered, 9 to the officials and common people, noble ranks, to [each] hundred households, an ox and wine, and to the Thrice Venerable, the Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, the [Diligent] Cultivators of the Fields, widowers, widows, orphans, and childless, silk.
The Grand Empress Dowager [nee Wang] issued an imperial edict honoring King Kung of Ting-t'ao, [Liu K'ang], as Sovereign Kung [of Ting-t'ao]. In the fifth month, on [the day] ping-hsü, [the Emperor] established the Empress nee Fu [as Empress]. An imperial edict said, "[According to the principle of] the Spring and Autumn, [in the Kung-yang Commentary] that `a mother becomes honorable because of her son,' 10 [We] honor the Queen Dowager [nee Fu] of Ting-t'ao with the title, Empress Dowager Kung, and the Concubine [nee] Ting [of Ting-t'ao with the title, Empress Kung, and establish for each an entourage, a Supervisor of the Household, and the income of an estate, like [the occupants of] the Ch'ang-hsin Palace and the Inner Palace. 11 [We] posthumously honor the father of [the Empress Dowager nee] Fu as the Marquis [through Whom the Emperor] Renders Homage to an Ancestor, and the father of [the Empress nee] Ting as the Marquis in Recompense to his Virtue." The maternal uncle [of the Emperor], Ting Ming, had been made the Marquis 12 of Yang-an, his maternal uncle's son, [Ting] Man, was made Marquis of Ping-chou, and [Ting] 13 Man's father, [Ting] Chung, was posthumously [granted] the posthumous name, Marquis Huai of P'ing-chou. The Empress [nee Fu's] father, [Fu(4)] Yen, had become the Marquis of K'ung-hsiang, and 14 the younger brother of the Empress Dowager [nee Chao], the Palace Attendant and Imperial Household Grandee Chao Ch'in(b), became the Marquis of 15 Hsin-ch'eng. 16
In the sixth month, an imperial edict said, " `The melodies of Cheng are licentious' 17 and bring disorder into music. They were banished by the Sage-kings. 18 Let the Bureau of Music be abolished."
For the Marquis of Ch'ü-yang, [Wang] Ken, who had previously as Commander-in-chief initiated the plan for [the dynasty's] gods of the soils and grains, [whereby Emperor Ai had been appointed Heir-apparent], there was added to his enfeoffment [the income of] two thousand households, and for the Grand Coachman, the Marquis of An-yang, [Wang] Shun(4b), who had seconded and guided [the Emperor before he was appointed] and had been his former benefactor, there was added to his enfeoffment [the income of] five hundred households. Moreover, for the Lieutenant Chancellor, K'ung Kuang, and the Grand Minister of Works, the Marquis of Fan-hsiang, Ho Wu, there was added to each of their enfeoffments [the income of] a thousand households. 19
An imperial edict said, "The King of Ho-chien, [Liu] Liang, has mourned for his Queen Dowager to the third year and so has become a sign-post to the imperial house. 20 Let his enfeoffment be increased by ten thousand households."
It also said, " `Frugality in expenditure and caution in action,' 21 in order to prevent extravagance and excess, are the first things in government and the unvarying way of all the [true] kings. [But] the vassal kings, the full marquises, the princesses, and the officials [ranking at] two thousand piculs, together with powerful and rich common people, keep [many] male and female slaves, cultivated fields and residences without limit. They compete with the common people in profitable [enterprises] so the people lose their occupations and suffer severely without enough [to live on]. Let regulations for the restriction [of these matters] be discussed." 22
The high officials memorialized detailed [regulations as follows], "The vassal kings and full marquises are to be permitted to own private cultivated fields in their states; the privately owned cultivated fields in the prefectures or marches of full marquises who [live] in Ch'ang-an and of princesses and the privately owned cultivated fields of Marquises of the Imperial Domain, officials, and common people are all not to be allowed to exceed thirty ch'ing. 23 The male and female slaves of the vassal kings [shall be limited to] two hundred persons; those of full marquises and princesses, to a hundred persons; and those of Marquises of the Imperial Domain, officials, and the common people, to thirty persons. Those [slaves] in their sixtieth year and over or in their tenth year and under are not to be counted in this number. No merchants are to be allowed to own private cultivated land or become officials. 24 Those who violate [this order] shall be sentenced according to the Code. Those who [after three years] own private cultivated land or keep male or female slaves more than the [allowed] number, shall all have them confiscated and delivered over the imperial government."
[The production of] those articles in the Three Offices for Garments in the Ch'i [Commandery] and in various offices which weave figured silks and [make] embroidery, which are difficult to produce or are injurious to women's work, 25 were all stopped and [such goods] were not to be made or transported [to the capital]. The ordinance [concerning] the giving of office to a son 26 was done away with, together with the laws about slandering [the government] 27 and calumny. Palace Maids in the Lateral Courts [of the Wei-yang Palace] who were in their thirtieth year and under were sent out [of the harem] and married off; government male and female slaves who were in their fiftieth year and above were freed and made commoners. The prohibition [was made] that the commanderies and kingdoms should not be permitted to present famous wild animals [to the imperial court]. The salaries of officials [ranking at] three hundred piculs 28 and under was increased. Officials who were oppressive or tyrannical were investigated in order that from time to time they might be dismissed. The high officials were not permitted to bring up former matters that had happened previous to an amnesty. 29 When the fathers or mothers of Erudits or their Disciples died, they were given leave for mourning to the third year. 30
In the autumn, [it was decided that] the Marquis of Ch'ü-yang, Wang Ken, and the Marquis of Ch'eng-tu, Wang K'uang(4a), had both committed crimes; [Wang] Ken went to his estate; [Wang] K'uang(4a) was dismissed [from his title] and became a commoner, returning to his native commandery. 31
An imperial edict said, "Since We have succeeded to the heavy [responsibilities] of the [imperial] ancestral temples, [We] have been trembling and circumspect, fearing that [We] might depart from the will of Heaven. [But] recently the sun and moon have lost their brilliance, the five planets have lost their paths, and the commanderies and kingdoms have frequently [suffered from] movements of the Earth. 32 Recently in the Ho-nan and Ying-ch'uan Commanderies, streams have overflowed and have carried away and killed some of the common people, ruining and demolishing 33 their cottages. [Owing to] Our lack of virtue, the common people have suffered punishment in [Our] place. We have been greatly dismayed and have already sent an Imperial Household Grandee to travel about, inspect, and report [the names] and registration [in which those who have suffered are located], granting for each dead person three thousand cash for a coffin. Let it be ordered that in the counties and towns which have been injured by flood, together with those other commanderies and kingdoms which have suffered four-tenths or more from a [calamitous] visitation, the common people whose property does not [amount to] fully 100,000 [cash] shall all not [be required] to pay this year's land-tax or poll-taxes." 34
In [the period] Chien-p'ing, the first year, in the spring, the first month, an amnesty [was granted] to the empire. The Palace Attendant and Colonel of Cavalry, the Marquis of Hsin-ch'eng, Chao Ch'in(b), and the Marquis of Ch'eng-yang, Chao Hsin(1b), who had both committed crimes, were dismissed [from their titles], made commoners, and exiled to the Liao-hsi [Commandery]. 35
The Grand Empress Dowager [nee Wang] issued an imperial edict that the cultivated fields which had not been [used for] tombs, belonging to the Wang clan who were imperial relatives by marriage, should all be distributed to the poor people. 36
In the second month, an imperial edict said, "Verily [We] have heard that the Sage-kings, in their government, considered the securing of capable persons as the most important [of matters]. Let [the Lieutenant Chancellor, K'ung Kuang, the Grand Minister of Works, Shih(1) Tan], with the Commander-in-chief, [Fu Yen], the full Marquises, the generals, [officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, the Provincial Shepherds, the Administrators, and the Chancellors each recommend one person who is filially pious, fraternally respectful, true and honest, able to speak frankly, who understands government matters, and has arisen 37 from a mean condition, so is able to love the common people."
In the third month, [the Emperor] granted to the vassal kings, the princesses, the full marquises, the Lieutenant Chancellor, [K'ung Kuang], the generals, [officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, [officials] in the imperial capital offices, the Gentlemen, and [minor] officials, gold, cash, and silk, to each proportionately. 38
In the winter, the Queen Dowager, [Feng] Yüan, of King Hsiao of Chung-shan, [Liu Hsing], and her younger brother, the Marquis of Yi-hsiang, Feng Ts'an, who had [been charged with] having committed a crime, both killed themselves. 39
In the second year, in the spring, the third month, [the title of] Grand Minister of Works was abolished, and [the former title of] Grandee Secretary was restored. 40
In the summer, the fourth month, an imperial edict said, "The institutes of the Han dynasty stress the favoring of [imperial] relatives in order to manifest the honoring of those who should be honored. In the title of Sovereign Kung of Ting-t'ao, [Liu K'ang], it is not proper that he should again be called `of Ting-t'ao.' [We] honor the Empress Dowager Kung [nee Fu] with the title, the Emperor's Grand Empress Dowager; she is to be called [the occupant of] the Yung-hsin Palace. 41 The Empress Kung [nee Ting] is to be entitled the Emperor's Empress Dowager; she is to be called [the occupant of] the Chung-an Palace. There is to be established a Temple to Sovereign Kung in the [imperial] capital." An amnesty was granted to convicts in the empire.
[The Emperor] abolished the [office of] Provincial Shepherds and reestablished [their occupants as] Inspectors.
In the sixth month, on [the day]
Emperor's Empress Dowager nee Ting died. The
Emperor declared, "We have heard that husband and wife are one flesh. The Book
of Odes says,
The Expectant Appointee Hsia Ho-liang and others spoke of revelations from Ch'ih-ching-tzu that the Han dynasty had come upon [a time of decay in the midst of [the period of time allotted to it] by its destiny, so that it must again receive the Mandate [of Heaven; hence] it was proper that [the Emperor] should change the year-period and alter 47 his title. The imperial edict said, "The Han [dynasty] arose two hundred years [ago], and many times in succession it has begun [new] year-periods. August Heaven has sent down its aid to [Us] who have no ability, so that the Han [dynasty's] estate should a second time be permitted to have the portents for receiving the Mandate [of Heaven]. Though We are not virtuous, who [are We that We] should dare not to listen [to the will of Heaven]?
"Now [that We are to receive] this great Mandate which is the foundation of [all] government, [We] must certainly give [everyone in] the empire [an opportunity to] renew himself. Let a general amnesty [be granted] to the empire. Let the second year of [the period] Chien-p'ing become the first year of [the period] T'ai-ch'u-Yüan-chiang. [Let Our] title be the Sovereign Emperor of Great Peacefulness Who Makes Known the Sageness of the Liu [House]. 48 For the graduations on the clepsydra, [let] 120 [graduations per day] be used as the measure of their size." 49
In the seventh month, on the plain northwest of Wei-ch'eng, in the Yung-ling Commune section [of the prefecture], there was made the Emperor's tomb, [with the order], "Do not remove the common people from the commanderies and kingdoms [to this place], in order that [the people] may not be disturbed."
In the eighth month, an imperial edict said, "The Expectant 50 Appointee Hsia Ho-ling and others gave advice that [We] should change the year-period, alter [Our] title, and increase the [number of] graduations on the clepsydra, whereby [We] could [secure] permanent peace for the clan [ruling] the state. We mistakenly listened to the advice of [Hsia] Ho-liang and the others, hoping to obtain blessings for [all] within the [four] seas. [But] in the end there was no happy verification [of their promises]; they have all gone contrary to the Classics, turned their backs on ancient [practises], and are not in accordance with the needs of the times. The decree of the sixth month and [the day] chia-tzu, except for the order of an amnesty, is all expunged. [Hsia] Ho-liang and the others have gone contrary to the [right] Way and misled the crowd; they are to be committed [the charge of] the high officials." They all suffered [death] for their crimes.
The Lieutenant Chancellor, [Chu] Po, the Grandee Secretary, [Chao] Hsüan(2a), and the Marquis of K'ung-hsiang, [Fu(4)] Yen, had committed crimes; [Chu] Po 51 killed himself, [Chao] Hsüan's death-[penalty] was reduced by three 52 degrees, and [Fu(4)] Yen was sentenced to have one-fourth of the households [in his estate] cut off. A discussion is in the "Memoir of [Chu] Po." 53
In the third year, in the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] made [Liu] Kuang-han(a), the younger brother of King Yi of Kuang-tê, [Liu Yün-k'o], the King of Kuang-p'ing.
On [the day] kuei-mao, there was a fire in the Main Hall of the Kuei Palace where the Emperor's Grand Empress Dowager [nee Fu] lived. 54
In the third month, on [the day] chi-yu, the Lieutenant Chancellor [P'ing] Tang died. A comet appeared in the [constellation] Ho-ku. 55
In the summer, the sixth month, [the Emperor] established the Marquis of Wu-hsiang, [Liu] Min(3a), the son of King Ch'ing of Lu, [Liu Feng(1)], as King [of Lu].
In the winter, the eleventh month, on [the day] jen-tzu, [the Emperor] reestablished the Altar to the Supreme [One] at the Kan-ch'üan [Palace] and the Temple to Sovereign Earth at Fen-yin [as places for regular imperial sacrifices] and disestablished [the places in] the southern and northern suburbs [for the suburban sacrifices]. 56
The King of Tung-p'ing, [Liu] Yün(2a), [Liu] Yün(2a)'s Queen, Yeh, and Fang, the Lady of Marquis Kung of An-ch'eng [Wang Ch'ung(2a)], had all committed crimes; [Liu] Yün(2a) killed himself; Yeh and Fang were publicly executed. 57
In the fourth year, in the spring, [the first month], 58 there was a great drought. East of the [Han-ku] Pass the common people carried in procession the wands of the Mother Queen of the West. They passed thru commanderies and kingdoms and went west thru the [Han-ku] Pass to the imperial capital. The common people [there] also collected and sacrificed to the Mother Queen of the West. Some by night took fire up on top of buildings, beat drums, and cried out, exciting and frightening one another.
In the second month, [the Emperor] enfeoffed a younger cousin of the Emperor's Grand Empress Dowager [nee Fu], the Palace Attendant, Fu Shang, as Marquis of Ju-ch'ang, and the son of a younger [half]-brother of the [Emperor's Grand] Empress Dowager [nee Fu] by the same mother, the Palace Attendant Cheng Yeh, as Marquis of Yang-hsin. In the third month, the Palace Attendant and Chief Commandant of Attendant Cavalry, Tung Hsien(2a), the Imperial Household Grandee, Hsi-fu Kung, and the [former] Grand Administrator of Nan-yang [Commandery], Sun Ch'ung, were all enfeoffed as full marquises because they had informed on the King of Tung-p'ing, [Liu Yün(2a)]. A discussion is in the "Memoir of [Tung] Hsien(2a)."
In the summer, the fifth month, [the Emperor] granted noble titles to [officials ranking from] fully two thousand piculs to those of six hundred piculs, also to the males of the empire. In the sixth month, he honored the Emperor's Grand Empress Dowager [nee Fu, with the title,] August Grand Empress Dowager. In the autumn, the eighth month, there was a visitation [of fire] to the North Gate of the Funerary Park for Sovereign Kung, [Liu K'ang].
In the winter, an imperial edict [ordered] the generals and [officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs to recommend those who understood military affairs and who had great plans [for the empire's future]. 59
In [the period] Yüan-shou, the first year, in the spring, the first month, on [the day] hsin-ch'ou, the first day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. 60 The imperial edict said, "We have been permitted to protect the [imperial] ancestral temples, and, [altho We are] neither wise nor clever, [We have] toiled day and night, taking no leisure for repose. Nevertheless, the Yin and Yang have not been in accord, so that the great multitude do not have enough [to live on]. We have not yet perceived [where lies] the blame for this [state of affairs], and have frequently [ordered Our] ministers to be attentive [to their duties], expecting that [We] might have hopes [of improvement in the government. But] to the present, the high officials, in administering the laws, have not yet attained [Our] goal [of good government]. Some esteem oppressiveness and cruelty and utilize the power [of the government] to obtain fame, while gentle and good, magnanimous and forgiving [people] fall into destruction and extinction. For this reason murderous brigands have increased more and more, while harmony and concord have daily declined, the people are resentful, and have no place to repose themselves.
"Recently on the first day of the first month there was an eclipse of the sun. The blame for that [event] is not far [to seek]---it lies upon Ourself. Let the ministers and grandees each do their utmost and make all efforts to lead the officials, taking care to appoint benevolent persons and to degrade and send far away injurious villains, with the purpose of securing tranquillity for the common people. They should make Our faults known and not be silent about anything. Let them, with the generals, the full marquises, and [officials ranking at] fully two thousand piculs, each recommend one person who is capable and good, sincere and upright, and able to speak frankly. A general amnesty [is granted to] the empire."
On [the day] ting-szu, the August Grand Empress Dowager nee Fu died.
In the third month, the Lieutenant Chancellor [Wang] Chia(1a) who had committed a crime, was sent to prison, where he died. 61
In the autumn, the ninth month, the Commander-in-chief and General of Agile Cavalry, Ting Ming, was dismissed. The bronze tortoise and snake door-knocker heads on the gate to the Hall in the Temple of [Emperor] Hsiao-Yüan cried out.
In the second year, 62 in the spring, the first month, the Shan-Yü of the Huns and the Greater K'un-mi of the Wu-sun came to pay court. In the second month, they returned to their states. The Shan-Yüwas not pleased. A discussion is in the "Memoir of the Huns." 63
In the summer, the fourth month, on [the day] jen-hsu, 64 the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
In the fifth month, [the titles of] the three highest ministers were corrected and their duties divided: the Commander-in-chief and General of the Guard, Tung Hsien(2a), became the Commander-in-chief; the Lieutenant Chancellor, K'ung Kuang, became the Grand Minister of the Masses; and the Grandee Secretary, P'eng Hsüan, became the Grand Minister of Works. 65 [The latter] was enfeoffed as Marquis of Ch'ang-p'ing. The duties of the Director of Uprightness and the Director of the Retainers were to be corrected, and a Minister of Brigands was to be created.
Before the matter was settled, in the sixth month, on [the day] mou-wu, the Emperor died in the Wei-yang Palace. In the autumn, the tenth 66 month, on [the day] jen-yin, he was buried in the Yi Tomb.
In eulogy we say: When [Emperor] Hsiao-ai was a tributary king and then entered the palace of the Heir-apparent, his vocabulary was large 67 and intelligent, [so that even when] he was young, he [had already] obtained a good renown. He observed the period of [Emperor] Hsiao-ch'eng, when `blessings left the' imperial `house' 68 and [the Emperor's] power was transferred to his maternal [relatives]. For this reason, when [Emperor Ai] attended court, he frequently executed his great officials, seeking to strengthen the might of the ruler and to imitate [Emperors] Wu and Hsüan. In his nature he did not care for music or women. At times he watched boxing, 69 archery, and military sports. When he ascended the throne, he had arthritis, 70 and in his latter years [his arthritis] gradually became worse. He did not long enjoy the rule. How sad! 71
1. Cf. HS 14: 23a.
2. These phrases (the first one is repeated on 11: 8b) may well refer to the matters discussed by the school of circumstances and names or penological terminology; cf. 9: n. 1.2.
3. HS 10: 14b; 80: 10a.
4. A quotation from the Book of Odes, III, II, v, 2 (Legge, p. 482).
5. Implying tacit disapproval. Emperor Ch'eng planned to separate the future Emperor Ai from his own family and make him an Imperial Son. Emperor Ai's relatives refused to allow him to be separated from them.
6. HS 10: 15b.
7. HS 10: 16a.
8. HS 97 B: 14a.
9. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) explains, "Yu-shu 有屬 means that his relationship had not been extinguished, so that he was still [of the proper relationship] to wear mourning." In 9: 2b and 10: 2b Emperors Yüan and Ch'eng are each recorded as having at the beginning of their reigns made grants to the members of the imperial house who 有屬籍; Emperor Ai, in similarily making grants, would hardly have meant anything different from what they did. Then the phrase here is merely an abbreviation for the phrase used in the "Annals of Emperors Yüan" and "Ch'eng." Those who rebelled or were sentenced for crime and their descendants were dropped from the imperial house, cf. 6: 4b. The practise of considering relationship to have lapsed after a certain number of generations is recognized in 12: 3a; cf. n. 3.1. This phrase is also found in 8: 7a.
10. A quotation from the Kung-yang Commentary (iii cent. B.C.) to the Spring and Autumn, 1: 7b, Dk. Yin, Yr. I.
11. Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) explains, "The mother of Emperor Ch'eng, the Empress Dowager [nee] Wang, lived in the Ch'ang-hsin Palace." "The Ch'ang-hsin Palace" was then an indirect way of referring to this Empress Dowager; the "Inner Palace" was similarily an indirect reference to the Empress; cf. Glossary sub Inner Palace. Li Ch'i (fl. ca. 200) remarks, "The Concubine [nee] Fu was to be [treated] like [the occupant of] the Ch'ang-hsin [Palace] and the Concubine nee Ting like [the occupant of] the Inner Palace."
12. According to 18: 24a, b and Shih(1) Tan's memorial in 86: 16a, Ting Ming and Fu Yen had been enfeoffed on May 3, four days before Emperor Ai came to the throne; Ting Man and Chao Ch'in(b) were enfeoffed on June 19 and 22, respectively (18: 24b, 22b).
13. According to 18: 24a, b and Shih(1) Tan's memorial in 86: 16a, Ting Ming and Fu Yen had been enfeoffed on May 3, four days before Emperor Ai came to the throne; Ting Man and Chao Ch'in(b) were enfeoffed on June 19 and 22, respectively (18: 24b, 22b).
14. According to 18: 24a, b and Shih(1) Tan's memorial in 86: 16a, Ting Ming and Fu Yen had been enfeoffed on May 3, four days before Emperor Ai came to the throne; Ting Man and Chao Ch'in(b) were enfeoffed on June 19 and 22, respectively (18: 24b, 22b).
15. According to 18: 24a, b and Shih(1) Tan's memorial in 86: 16a, Ting Ming and Fu Yen had been enfeoffed on May 3, four days before Emperor Ai came to the throne; Ting Man and Chao Ch'in(b) were enfeoffed on June 19 and 22, respectively (18: 24b, 22b).
16. According to 18: 24a, b and Shih(1) Tan's memorial in 86: 16a, Ting Ming and Fu Yen had been enfeoffed on May 3, four days before Emperor Ai came to the throne; Ting Man and Chao Ch'in(b) were enfeoffed on June 19 and 22, respectively (18: 24b, 22b).
17. A quotation from a saying of Confucius in Analects XV, x, 6. Cf. Legge's "Concluding Note" to his translation of the Book of Odes I, vii, "The Odes of Cheng," p. 149.
18. Another allusion to Analects XV, x, 6 where Confucius directs a disciple to "banish the melodies of Cheng." For this dismissal of 441 out of a total of 829 imperial musicians, cf. 22: 34b-37a; Glossary sub Bureau of Music.
19. The above paragraph is probably a quotation from the imperial edict making these awards, but, since Pan Ku does not precede it by writing, "An edict also said," he plainly did not mean it to be read as a quotation.
20. Yen Shih-ku says, "Yi(1)-piao 儀表 means that he should be a model in the rites and ceremonies (yi(1))." But Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) points out that HS 90: 21a, speaking of the "Tyrannical Officials," says "Those who were incorrupt were qualified to be Yi(1)-piao," as showing that Yen Shih-ku's interpretation is inadequate. He continues, "In my opinion, a standing post which directs people was called a Yi(1) and was also called a piao. The Shuo-wen [(ca. 100) 6A: 4b says], `Yi(2) 樣 is a plank 榦 [laid horizontally as the casing in making an earthen wall. It comes] from the `wood' [radical] and Yi(4) 義 as the sound.' The classics and the `traditions' (ancient commentaries) interchange [Yi(2)] and Yi(1). Hence the Erh-ya [(before and during Han times) 2: 7a, says, `Yi(1) is a plank.' [Kao Yu (fl. 205-212), in] a note to the Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu, Bk. 25, ch. 6[p. 10a, says], `A piao is a post.' [Wilhelm, p. 446, translates piao as "Stange."] Hence when [a person's] virtue and conduct were adequate to serve as a model for people, he was called a sign-post (piao-yi). [The Li-ki (ca. i cent. B.C.)], Bk. XXX, 4 [Legge, II, 353; Couvreur, II, 516, says], `The superior should be careful in what he likes and dislikes, for he is a sign-post (piao) to the common people,' and Cheng [Hsüan, (127200)] comments, `The common people follow their prince as a shadow follows a gnomen (piao).' Hsün-tzu [ca. 320-235 B.C.] roll VIII, fascicle XII [p. 4a, says], `The prince is the gnomen (Yi(1)). When the gnomen (Yi(1)) is straight, then its shadow is straight.' These [passages] prove that Yi(1) was the same as piao. Kuan-tzu [iii cent. B.C.] roll 20, fascicle 64 [p. 8b, says], `Rules and laws are the sign-posts (Yi(1)-piao) for the many common people; the rules of proper conduct and moral principles are the sign-posts (Yi(1)-piao) for honorable and humble [persons].' Huai-nan-tzu [d. 122 B.C.], ch. 9 [p. 1a, says], `His words are embroideries and his actions are his sign-posts (Yi(1)-piao).' The Tso-chuan [(iv cent. B.C.), Dk.] Wen, Yr. VI [Legge, 2429, Couvreur I, 471 says], `They proclaimed the standard and model [for tribute], and led them by their examples (piao-Yi(1)).' Then whether it says Yi(1)-piao or piao-Yi(1), the meaning is the same. [Yen] Shih-ku . . . did not know that a Yi(1)-piao . . . was a standing post, and also did not know that yi1 was a word borrowed for Yi(2)." This phrase is also used in SC 130: 9. Cf. also HFHD, I, p. 244, n. 1.For the implications of this edict upon the practise of mourning to the third year, cf. app. I.
21. A phrase from the Classic of Filial Piety 2: 1a, ch. 3, I. Chen's trans., p. 18.
22. The language of this edict is taken from Shih1 Tan's memorial, quoted in 24A: 20a, b.
23. Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) explains, "To own private cultivated land (ming-t'ien 名田 [名 = `to possess']) in their states [refers to land] within the states from which they received their income. In addition to collecting the land-tax and tax on products, [vassal kings and marquises] were also personally permitted to own three thousand mou of private cultivated land (szu-t'ien 私田). As to `owning private cultivated land (ming-t'ien) in the prefectures and marches': [according to] the first section in [the dynastic] ordinances, those nobles who [lived] in their states and who owned private cultivated land (ming-t'ien) in other prefectures should be fined [the equivalent of] two taels of gold. [But] now some full marquises had not gone to their states; altho they received the income of the land-tax and tax on produce from their distant states, they were also themselves permitted to have cultivated land (t'ien) in other prefectures or marches. Princesses were similarily treated. [But these lands] were not permitted to exceed three thousand mou." For a discussion of these private lands, cf.; 陳伯瀛，中國田制叢考, pub. by Commercial Press, ch. 3. Tung Chung-shu seems to have been the first to suggest limiting the size of private lands, cf. HS 24 A: 17a. Emperor Ai's edict was made as a result of Shih1 Tan's suggestion (HS 24 A: 20a). Wang Hsien-ch'ien states that ming-t'ien is the same as chan-tien 占田, which latter phrase is used in Han-chi 28: 1b.
24. The regulation that those enregistered in market-places and their sons and grandsons were not allowed to be officials dates back to the time of Emperor Kao or earlier. Cf. HS 24 B: 4a(11).HS 24 A: 20b also quotes this edict adding, "The period [for final compliance with this edict] shall end with the third year." The passage continues, "[At this] time the price of cultivated fields, residences, and male and female slaves became low. The Ting and Fu [clans] were [however] employed [on important government] matters and Tung Hsien2a became great and honorable, all [of whom found this edict] inconvenient. [So the enforcement of this] edict was temporarily postponed to a latter [time]. Thereupon it was tabled and not put into effect."
25. For the Three Offices for Garments in the Ch'i Commandery, cf. Glossary, sub voceThe reference to "women's work" is reminiscent of Emperor Ching's edict, where the term is explained. Cf. 5: 9a, HFHD, I, 328, and n. 9.4.The text is ambiguous: Ju Shun interprets it: "Those which are being made and are already completed, and those which are not yet completed shall all be stopped and shall not again be made. All shall be transported to the depot nearest the Office." But Yen Shih-ku writes, "Ju [Shun's] explanation is mistaken. It merely means that those which are not yet completed shall not be made, and those which are already completed shall not be transported." Wang Hsien-ch'ien comments, "The two explanations of Ju [Shun] and Yen [Shih-ku] are [both] mistaken. Hu San-hsing [1230-1287, in a note to the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 33: 7a] says, `The Three Offices for Garments in Ch'i together with the various offices for weaving shall all not make articles difficult to complete in order to transport them [to the capital]."
26. Ying Shao comments, "[As to] the ordinance [concerning] the giving office to sons, the Comment in the Han-[chiu]-yi [by Wei Hung, (fl. dur. 25-57; this passage has dropped out of that book, much of which has been lost; it has been replaced in its "Appendix" of fragments, A: 3a), says], `Officials [ranking at] two thousand piculs and above, who have attended to [government] affairs for three full years, are permitted to obtain the position of Gentleman for one of [their brothers or half-brothers] of the same father [or these persons' sons], or for a son.' [Such persons however] were not selected for their virtue, hence [the order] was done away with." (Yen Shih-ku, following a comment of Fu Ch'ien (125-195) to HS 36: 6a, interprets 任 as meaning the same as 保, "guarantee," but Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) replies that in view of the provision in the Han Code, quoted by Ying Shao, guarantors were not necessary.)Tung Chung-shu (56: 13a) and Wang Chi(5a) (72: 7a) had protested against this practise. Its abolition constituted a strengthening of the examination system.At various times in the Later Han period persons are stated to have been made Gentlemen of the court (lang) because of their close relationship to high officials (HHS, M. 31: 14a, 17b; M. 9: 10b-11a; M. 27: 4a, 6a; M. 35: 6a; M. 51: 13a, b). But in each case this appointment was probably a special act of imperial grace. In A.D. 121, one son, nephew, or younger brother of each one of the highest ministers, high ministers, colonels, and masters of writing was made a Gentleman or Member of the Heir-apparent's Suite. This act was also a special favor; it is listed along with grants of general amnesty to the common people and grants of cash or silk to the Honored Ladies at the imperial tombs, the royal princesses, ministers, and lesser officials (HHS, An. 5: 15a). This grant establishes that the abolition of 7 B.C. was maintained, except for special imperial favors. In A.D. 146 it was however enacted that the sons of officials ranking at 600 piculs and over could enter the Imperial University and that the best ten of these sons should be made Gentlemen of the court or Members of the Heir-apparent's Suite (HHS, An. 6: 17b). Thus the practise of giving office to sons was partially and qualifiedly renewed.
27. This law had seemingly been ineffectively abolished by Emperor Wen; cf. 4: 10b.
28. The Official ed. (1739) carelessly reads 而 for 石.
29. Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1832) remarks, "This edict was probably occasioned by the [Director] of the Retainers, Chieh Kuang, memorializing the deeds of the [Brilliant Companion] nee Chao." It was probably an attempt to protect the life of her sister, the Empress Dowager nee Chao. Cf. HFHD, II, ch. X, Introduction, pp. 369-372; Glossary, sub Brilliant Companion nee Chao.
30. Yen Shih-ku explains, "Ning 寧 means to dwell at home and wear mourning garments." The Official ed. has the word "previously (ch'ien 前)" at the beginning of this sentence, before the words for "Erudits" (po-shih), with the note, "The Sung Ch'i [ed., xi or xii cent.] says, `[In the phrase] "Ch'ien po-shih," one text does not have the word "ch'ien." ' " This word was dropped in the Ching-yu ed. (1034-5). On this period of mourning, cf. App. I.
31. HS 18: 19b and 98: 11a report that these two persons were sentenced because, before Emperor Ch'eng's tomb was completed, they had married imperial concubines and had held a feast at which there was singing and dancing, (cf. Glossary, sub Wang, Grand Empress Dowager nee). Hence abstinence from festivities was now required for far more than merely the thirty-six days after an emperor's death stipulated by Emperor Wen. Cf. 4: 20a.Another curious event happened at this time. HS 27 Ca: 21b says, "In the second year of [the period] Sui-ho, the eighth month, on [the day] keng-shen [Huang gives no such day in the eighth month, but if the intercalary month, which he inserts after the seventh month, is changed to come after the eighth month, this date is Sept. 18, 7 B.C.], a man of the T'ung Hamlet in the Cheng [county], Wang Pao, clothed in carmine garments, with a small bonnet, and girt with a two-edged sword, entered thru the Northern Major's Gate and the Eastern Gate of the [Wei-yang Palace] Hall, went up into the Front Hall and entered the Extraordinary Room, loosened the ribbon of a curtain, knotted and girded himself with it, beckoned to the Chief in the offices in the Front Hall, Yeh, and others, saying, `The Lord of Heaven ordered me to live here.' Yeh and the others arrested, bound, and examined him. [Wang] Pao had been a soldier of the [Chief] Grand Questioner to the Major [in Charge of Official Carriages], and was suffering from insanity, so that he himself did not know the circumstances under which he had entered the palace. He was sent to prison and died."
32. The Official ed. inverts the order of 地動.HS 27 Ca: 9a says, "In the ninth month, on [the day] ping-ch'en [Nov. 13], there was an earthquake. From the capital to the northern borders, in more than thirty commanderies and kingdoms, the inner and outer city walls were ruined. Altogether it killed 415 people."
33. The Official ed. inverts the order of 壞敗 .
34. A hundred thousand cash [which was equivalent to ten catties of gold] was the value of a middle-class family's estate; Cf. 4: 21a.
35. They were both brothers of the Brilliant Companion nee Chao, who had been responsible for imperial infanticide. Cf. HFHD II, 369-372; Glossary sub vocibus.
36. HS 27 Cb: 25a says, "In Chien-p'ing I, i, on [the day] ting-wei [Mar. 4], ten meteorites fell in the [Commandery] of Po-ti."
37. Yü Yüeh (1821-1906) declares that yen is a copyist's error for an ancient form of 起. Without this emendation, as Wang Nien-sun remarks, the clause beginning with yen interrupts the sentence and must have been displaced. According to Yen Shih-ku's comment (A.D. 641), yen was already in his text.Liu Pin (1022-1088) remarks that this edict must have been a command to the Lieutenant Chancellor and Grand Minister of Works as well as to the officials mentioned; their titles have hence been inserted into the translation.
38. HS 27 Cb: 25a says, "In the ninth month, on [the day] chia-ch'en [Oct. 27], two meteorites fell in Yü [in the kingdom of Liang]."
39. The Queen Dowager had been a rival of the Empress Dowager nee Fu for Emperor Yüan's favor, and was hated by her; her younger sister had now been falsely charged with plotting an attempt on the life of Emperor Ai. Cf. Glossary, sub Feng, Brilliant Companion nee.Chou Shou-ch'ang glosses on 11: 4a, "The Ku-chin-chu [ca. 300, (we have been unable to find this passage there) says], `In the first year of Emperor Ai, a fungus of immortality grew on a laurel magnolia tree of the rear slaughter-house.' Chung Chang-t'ung's  Ch'ang-yen [lost; fragments in the Yü-han Shan-fang Chi-yi Shu; this passage is in B: 5b, and is recovered from the Yi-wen Lei-chü (vii cent.) ch. 89, and from the T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan (978-983), 960: 4a] says, `In the time of Emperor Ai of the Han [dynasty, (the Yü-lan says, "Emperor An")], there were prodigies which grew on an arbor-vitae tree of an eastern gallery (behind the Yen-Yü stables) in the Ch'ang-lo Palace, and on a mimosa tree at the southern door of the Long Lane. Those who discussed them considered that they were fungi of immortality. The courtiers all congratulated [the Emperor] and received grants.' "
40. Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that this change was the result of a request by Chu Po. The change in the title of Provincial Governors below was also due to his recommendation. Cf. Introduction, p. 13.
41. Cf. 11: 2a and n. 2.4.
42. Book of Odes, I, VI, ix, 3 (Legge, I, 121).
43. A quotation (with a variation in two words) from the Li-ki, II, i, i, 3 (Legge, 121; Couvreur, I, 109-110).
44. Cf. Li-kiibid.
45. Quoted from a saying of Confucius in Analects III, xiv.
46. Quoted from the Doctrine of the Mean, xix, 5 (Legge, p. 403; Couvreur, Li Ki, I 447; Legge, Li Ki, II, 311).
47. Cf. 99 A: 34b and 11: 6a. On this incident, cf. Introduction, pp. 6-8.
48. This edict is given in greater fullness in 75: 32b, which passage is much clearer.The Official ed. has not "Yüan-chiang," the last two words of the new year-period, and quotes the Sung Ch'i ed. as saying that some editor "did not understand that the name [of the year-period] included four words, so excised the two words `Yüan-chiang', which is an error. Later I obtained a T'ang text [before xi cent.] in which the words `Yüan-chiang' are really preserved." All four words of this name are found in HS 75: 32b and 99 A: 34b. Ch'i Shao-nan remarks that T'ai-ch'u was a year-period in Emperor Wu's reign, and would not be repeated in this reign. "[The Emperor] must have been misled by the sayings of these magicians who invented this name with four words to show that there was a renaissance. Altho [this name of a year-period] was not actually established, nevertheless the names [of year-periods] in later ages which contain four words began with this one." This name may possibly be translated, "The Primordial and Great Grand Beginning."It is almost impossible to be sure about the meaning of a magical title such as that taken by the Emperor, viz., "Ch'en-sheng Liu T'ai-p'ing Huang-ti." Wang Mang took them as a prophecy of his usurpation; cf. 99 A: 34b. Li Fei (prob. iii cent.) says, "Ch'en is to lead. It means that he obtained spiritual leading. The sage is the Liu [house]." Ju Shun however says, "[The rulers of the state of] Ch'en, [the first word in the Emperor's title], were the descendants of Shun. Wang Mang was a descendant of [the rulers of] Ch'en. These were deceptive words which made plain that [Wang] Mang would usurp [the throne] and set himself up [as emperor]. However [Hsia Ho-liang and Emperor Ai] did not know that." Wei Chao (197-273/4) says, "It made known and published (ch'en) the virtue of the sage Liu [house]." Yen Shih-ku adds, "The two explanations of Ju [Shun] and Wei [Chao] are [both] correct," and Hu San-hsing remarks ironically "If Wei [Chao's] explanation is not far from the truth, then Ju [Shun's] explanation is like magic. Since Yen [Shih-ku] considers that both explanations are correct, which one shall we follow?"
49. Yen Shih-ku remarks, "Previously in the clepsydra, for a day and night together there were 100 graduations 亥. Now [the Emperor] increased them by twenty." Wang Mang later established 120 graduations; cf. 99 A: 35a. Shen Ch'in-han remarks, "If a hundred graduations are divided equally among twelve [double]-hours, one [double]-hour has 8 graduations and 20 divisions 分. Now 120 graduations were used, so that one [double]-hour had ten graduations. The Wu-tai Hui-yao [by Wang Po (922-982), 10: 13a, 14a, 13b, says], `In the [Posterior] Chin [dynasty, in the period] T'ien-fu III, [ii Mar., 938], the Director of the Imperial Observatory memorialized, . . . "The various Classics on the Graduations of the Clepsydra [(there were five books by this title listed even as early as the Sui History's "Treatise on Arts and Literature") all consider that in a day and night there are one hundred graduations, which are divided among twelve [double]-hours, so that each [double]-hour has 8 graduations and a third. . . . Sixty divisions make one graduation, so that one [double]-hour has 8 graduations and 20 divisions." The Sui Dynastic History [begun 622], 19: [26a ff, which gives a full account of the apportionment of clepsydra graduations among the various hours and their changes, says], `In 507, Emperor Wu considered that if the hundred graduations [of the clepsydra] in a day and night were divided equally among the twelve double-hours, a double-hour would have 8 graduations and there still would be some excess divisions [of a graduation]. So he considered that a day and night should have 96 graduations, so that one double-hour should have eight whole graduations.' [Other schemes were also tried, by which some double-hours had more graduations that others.] In the present [Ch'ing] dynasty, the imperial almanacs use the arrangement [of Emperor Wu]. Each [double]-hour has 8 equal graduations, and each graduation has 15 divisions, without any distinction between long graduations and short graduations."
50. Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) declares that 時 should be emended to 侍. The Official ed. has the latter reading. It is also found in the version of this edict on HS 75: 32b.
51. HS 19 B: 49a.
52. The present text and the Han-chi 28: 7b read "two degrees"; but HS 83: 17a(4) and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 34: 5b read "three degrees." Hu San-hsing explains, "[Whoever]" has his capital punishment reduced three degrees, becomes a convict servitor or concubine."These three officials had conspired, at the instigation of the Emperor's Grand Empress Dowager nee Fu, to have her nephew, Fu Hsi, dismissed. The latter was the most capable member of the Fu clan, but had opposed elevating the title of the Emperor's Grand Empress Dowager. Cf. Glossary, sub Chu Po.
53. HS 27 Ca: 18b says, "In Chien-p'ing II, in the [Commandery] of Ting-hsiang, a male horse bore a colt with three legs, which followed the herd in drinking and eating. Ibid. 19b says, "In [the period] Chien-p'ing, in the [Commandery] of Yü-chang, there was a boy who metamorphosed and became a girl, was married, became a man's wife, and gave birth to a child."
54. HS 27 A: 16a says it was in the Hall of Vast Peace in that palace.
55. Williams lists this comet as no. 53.
56. These places had been last reestablished by the Empress Dowager nee Wang in Apr., 7 B.C. Cf. 10: 16a.
57. These women had tried by magical means to bring about the death of Emperor Ai, in order that Liu Yün(2a) might become Emperor. Cf. Glossary, sub Liu Yün(2a).HS 27 Bb: 17b says, "In Chien-p'ing III, at P'ing-tu in the [Commandery] of Tung-lai there were produced seven large fish, 80 feet long and 11 feet high, all of whom died." They were probably whales.
58. Wang Nien-sun remarks that HS 27 Ca: 22a, in recounting this matter, prefaces it with "In the first month"; the next event in 11: 6b is prefaced with "in the second month"; the Han-chi 29: 1a also prefaces its account with "in the first month"; hence these words should be in this passage too.This interesting soteriological religion is described in two other passages, which are appended here: HS 27 Ca: 22a says, "In Chien-p'ing IV, the first month, the common people were excited and ran, [each] holding a stalk of straw or of hemp, carrying them on and passing them to one another, saying, `I am transporting the wand of [the goddess's edict].' Those who passed along and met on the roads were as many as thousands. Some let down their hair and walked barefoot. Some at night broke door-bars and some climbed over walls, entering [houses]. Some rode chariots or on horseback, galloping fast, making [themselves] post-messengers to transmit and transport [the wands]. They passed and traveled thru 26 commanderies or kingdoms and came to the imperial capital."That summer, in the imperial capital, the common people of the commanderies and kingdoms met together in the wards, lanes, and foot-paths, making sacrifices and setting out utensils for tablets [like dice to throw lots, probably for divination], singing and dancing, sacrificing to the Mother Queen of the West. They also transmitted a written message which said, `The Mother informs her people that those who wear this writing will not die. Let those who do not believe my words look below their door hinges, where there will be white hairs.' In the autumn it stopped."HS 26: 59b adds, "In [Chien-p'ing], the fourth year, the first month, the second month, and the third month [Feb.-May], the common people frightened each other, crying out and running, transmitting wands [containing] the edict [of the goddess], and sacrificing to the Mother Queen of the West. They also said, `People with eyes [placed] vertically will come.' "Tu Yeh interpreted this event as portending weakness in the government, because of its domination by the evil Ting and Fu clans. Pan Ku says that the Grand Empress Dowager nee Wang and Wang Mang responded to this portent when he destroyed the Ting and Fu clans. Cf. 27 Ca: 22a, b.Chavannes, La Sculpture sur pierre en Chine, pl. XXXVIII, in the third register of the gable; Mission archeologique dans la Chine Septentrionale, Plates, 88, vol. I, fig. 161, 162, also vol. I(1), fig. 1237, and p. 80 reproduce Han grave sculptures in which devotees offer branches to the Mother Queen of the West, which are these wands. Cf. also Introduction, p. 8; Glossary, sub Mother Queen of the West; "An Ancient Chinese Mystery Cult," Harvard Theological Review, 35, Oct., 1942, 221-240.
59. This edict is quoted in greater detail in 45: 17a, b.
60. Cf. Appendix II for eclipses. This eclipse brought about the downfall of Sun Ch'ung and Hsi-fu Kung (45: 17b, 18a) and served to bring K'ung Kuang and Wang Mang back to the capital (81: 18b, 19a; 99 A: 3b). Pao Hsüan recommended that Tung Hsien(2a) also be sent away and that Ho Wu, Shih(1) Tan, P'eng Hsüan, and Fu Hsi be recalled (72: 24a).
61. Wang Chia(1a) was a capable and loyal official, who prevented Emperor Ai from promoting and enriching his catamite, Tung Hsien(2a). After an amnesty, he recommended some officials whom the Emperor had previously dismissed, so he was accused of having misdirected the state and misled the Emperor, which was an inhuman crime. He was sent to prison, where he starved to death. In 4 A.D., Wang Mang had him listed as a faithful minister. This judicial murder was perhaps Emperor Ai's greatest crime.
62. Chang Chao (1691-1745) remarks that the Academy ed. (1124) prefixes "Yüan-shou" to the words "second year," the use of which words is contrary to the practise of the history, hence they are an interpolation.
63. Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 35: 11a (following HS 94 B: 14b) points out that the Shan-Yü was not pleased because he had been lodged in the Grape Lodge of the Shang-lin Park in order that the planet Jupiter might repress and overcome the evil influences the Shan-Yü had brought with him in coming from the north (Yin). Cf. de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 261, n. 1.
64. The text reads jen-ch'en, but calculation shows that ch'en is an error for hsü. Cf. App. II, ii.
65. Hu San-hsing, in a note to the Tzu-chih T'ing-chien 35: 11a, explains, "The division of duties was that the Commander-in-chief took charge of military matters, the Grand Minister of the Masses took charge of matters concerning the people, and the Grand Minister of Works took charge of matters concerning the waters and the earth."The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Chiang-nan text (prob. x-xiii cent.) has 官 before the 職.
66. The present text says "ninth month," but Huang lists no jen-yin day in that month. Fu Tsan, in a note, says that from the death to the burial was to the 105th day. Szu-ma Kuang, in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 2, 9b notes that the 105th day after the death was in the tenth month, so emends "ninth" to "tenth." I have adopted that suggestion. Han-chi 29: 13b dates the burial in the ninth month, on the day jen-ch'en, which is also impossible, for Huang also puts that day in the tenth month.
67. A phrase reminiscent of SC 47: 84 (= Mh V, 421), where the Spring and Autumn is said to be 約文辭而指博 "condensed in its language, but extensive in its allusiveness."
68. A quotation from Analects XVI, iii.
69. HS 70: 5a says that Kan Yen-shou "was examined in boxing and made an Attendant at the Gate." Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) and Su Lin (fl. 196-227) say that pien 卞 or 弁 is 手搏.
70. Ju Shun comments, "The pronunciation of wei 痿 is that of the fan-jui 蹯踒 cross-bow. The sickness in which one cannot cross his two feet is called wei." Yen Shih-ku says that fan-jui is the name of a cross-bow and means to press with both feet. Shen Ch'in-han adds, "In stretching this cross-bow one has to use the feet, hence it became the name of the cross-bow." These were probably the extremely stout crossbows used by "skilled soldiers."
71. A pun; the word for "sad" is ai, the Emperor's posthumous name.
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