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王 莽 傳 第 六 十 九 中
始 建 國 元 年 正 月 朔 ， 莽 帥 公 侯 卿 士 奉 皇 太 后 璽 韍 ， 上 太 皇 太 后 ， 順 符 命 ， 去 漢 號 焉 。
初 ， 莽 妻 宜 春 侯 王 氏 女 ， 立 為 皇 后 。 本 生四 男 ： 宇 、 獲 、 安 、 臨 。 二 子 前 誅 死 ， 安 頗 荒 忽 ， 乃 以 臨 為 皇 太 子 ， 安 為 新 嘉 辟 。封 宇 子 六 人 ：千 為 功 隆 公 ， 壽 為 功 明 公 ， 吉 為 功 成 公 ， 宗 為 功 崇 公 ，世 為 功 昭 公 ， 利 為 功 著 公 。 大 赦 天 下 。
莽 乃 策 命 孺 子 曰 ： 「 咨 爾 嬰 ， 昔 皇 天 右 乃 太 祖 ， 歷 世 十 二 ， 享 國 二 百 一 十 載 ， 曆 數 在 于 予 躬 。 詩不 云 乎 ？ 『 侯 服 于 周 ， 天 命 靡 常 。 』 封 爾 為 定 安公 ， 永 為 新 室 賓 。 於 戲 ！ 敬 天 之 休 ， 往 踐乃 位 ， 毋 廢 予 命 。 」
又 曰 ： 「 其 以 平 原 、 安 德 、 漯 陰 、鬲 、 重 丘 ， 凡 戶 萬 ， 地 方 百 里 ， 為 定 安 公 國 。 立漢 祖 宗 之 廟 於 其 國 ， 與 周 後 並 ， 行 其 正 朔 、 服 色 。 世 世以 事 其 祖 宗 ， 永 以 命 德 茂 功 ， 享 歷 代 之 祀 焉 。 以 孝 平 皇后 為 定 安 太 后 。 」
讀 策 畢 ， 莽 親 執 孺 子 手 ， 流 涕 歔 欷 ， 曰 ： 「 昔 周 公 攝 位 ， 終 得 復 子 明 辟 ， 今 予 獨 迫 皇天 威 命 ， 不 得 如 意 ！ 」 哀 歎 良 久 。 中 傅 將 孺 子 下 殿 ， 北面 而 稱 臣 。 百 僚 陪 位 ， 莫 不 感 動 。
又 按 金 匱 ， 輔 臣 皆 封 拜 。 以 太 傅 、 左 輔 、 驃 騎 將軍 安 陽 侯 王 舜 為 太 師 ， 封 安 新 公 ； 大 司 徒 就 德 侯 平 晏 為太 傅 ， 就 新 公 ； 少 阿 、 羲 和 、 京 兆 尹 紅 休 侯 劉 歆 為 國 師， 嘉 新 公 ； 廣 漢 梓 潼 哀 章 為 國 將 ， 美 新 公 ： 是 為 四 輔 ，位 上 公 。
太 保 、 後 承 承 陽 侯 甄 邯 為 大 司 馬 ， 承 新公 ； 丕 進 侯 王 尋 為 大 司 徒 ， 章 新 公 ； 步 兵 將 軍 成 都 侯 王邑 為 大 司 空 ， 隆 新 公 ： 是 為 三 公 。
大 阿 、 右 拂 、 大 司 空、 衛 將 軍 廣 陽 侯 甄 豐 為 更 始 將 軍 ， 廣 新 公 ； 京 兆王 興 為 衛 將 軍 ， 奉 新 公 ； 輕 車 將 軍 成 武 侯 孫 建 為 立 國 將軍 ， 成 新 公 ； 京 兆 王 盛 為 前 將 軍 ， 崇 新 公 ： 是 為 四 將 。凡 十 一 公 。
王 興 者 ， 故 城 門 令 史 。 王 盛 者 ， 賣 餅 。 莽 按符 命 求 得 此 姓 名 十 餘 人 ， 兩 人 容 貌 應 卜 相 ， 徑 從 布 衣 登用 ， 以 視 神 焉 。 餘 皆 拜 為 郎 。 是 日 ， 封 拜 卿 大 夫、 侍 中 、 尚 書 官 凡 數 百 人 。 諸 劉 為 郡 守 ， 皆 徙 為 諫 大 夫。
改 明 光 宮 為 定 安 館 ， 定 安 太 后 居 之 。
以 故 大 鴻 臚府 為 定 安 公 第 ， 皆 置 門 衛 使 者 監 領 。 敕 阿 乳 母 不 得 與 語， 常 在 四 壁 中 ， 至 於 長 大 ， 不 能 名 六 畜 。 後 莽 以女 孫 宇 子 妻 之 。
莽 策 群 司 曰 ： 「 歲 星 司 肅 ， 東 獄 太 師典 致 時 雨 ， 青 煒 登 平 ， 考 景 以 晷 。
熒 惑 司悊 ， 南 嶽 太 傅 典 致 時 奧 ， 赤 煒 頌 平 ， 考 聲 以 律 。
太 白 司 艾 ， 西 嶽 國 師 典 致 時 陽 ，白 煒 象 平， 考 量 以 銓 。
辰 星 司 謀 ， 北 嶽 國 將 典 致 時 寒 ， 玄 煒 和 平 ， 考 星 以 漏 。
月 刑 元 股 左 ， 司 馬 典致 武 應 ， 考 方 法 矩 ， 主 司 天 文 ， 欽 若 昊 天 ， 敬 授民 時 ， 力 來 農 事 ， 以 豐 年 穀 。
日 德 元 右 ， 司徒 典 致 文 瑞 ， 考 圜 合 規 ， 主 司 人 道 ， 五 教 是 輔， 帥 民 承 上 ， 宣 美 風 俗 ， 五 品 乃 訓 。
斗 平 元 心中 ， 司 空 典 致 物 圖 ， 考 度 以 繩 ， 主 司 地 里 ， 平治 水 土 ， 掌 名 山 川 ， 眾 殖 鳥 獸 ， 蕃 茂 草 木 。 」
各 策 命 以其 職 ， 如 典 誥 之 文 。 置 大 司 馬 司 允 ， 大 司 徒 司 直 ， 大 司 空 司 若， 位 皆 孤 卿 。
更 名 大 司 農 曰 羲 和 ， 後 更 為 納 言 ，大 理 曰 作 士 ， 太 常 曰 秩 宗 ， 大 鴻 臚 曰 典 樂 ， 少 府 曰 共 工， 水 衡 都 尉 曰 予 虞 ， 與 三 公 司 卿 凡 九 卿 ， 分 屬 三公 。 每 一 卿 置 大 夫 三 人 ， 一 大 夫 置 元 士 三 人 ， 凡 二 十 七大 夫 ， 八 十 一 元 士 ， 分 主 中 都 官 諸 職 。
更 名 光 祿 勳 曰 司中 ， 太 僕 曰 太 御 ， 衛 尉 曰 太 衛 ， 執 金 吾 曰 奮 武 ， 中 尉 曰軍 正 ， 又 置 大 贅 官 ， 主 乘 輿 服 御 物 ， 後 又 典 兵 秩， 位 皆 上 卿 ， 號 曰 六 監 。
改 郡 太 守 曰 大 尹 ， 都 尉 曰 太 尉， 縣 令 長 曰 宰 ， 御 史 曰 執 法 ， 公 車 司 馬 曰 王 路 四 門 。
長樂 宮 曰 常 樂 室 ， 未 央 宮 曰 壽 成 室 ， 前 殿 曰 王 路 堂 ， 長 安 曰 常 安 。
更 名 秩 百 石 曰 庶 士 ， 三 百 石 曰 下 士 ， 四百 石 曰 中 士 ， 五 百 石 曰 命 士 ， 六 百 石 曰 元 士 ， 千 石 曰 下大 夫 ， 比 二 千 石 曰 中 大 夫 ， 二 千 石 曰 上 大 夫 ， 中 二 千 石曰 卿 。 車 服 黻 冕 ， 各 有 差 品 。
又 置 司 恭 、 司 徒 、司 明 、 司 聰 、 司 中 大 夫 及 誦 詩 工 、 徹 膳 宰 ， 以 司 過 。 策曰 ：
「 予 聞 上 聖 欲 昭 厥 德 ， 罔 不 慎 修 厥 身 ， 用 綏 于 遠 ，是 用 建 爾 司 于 五 事 。 毋 隱 尤 ， 毋 將 虛 ， 好 惡 不 愆， 立 于 厥 中 。 於 戲 ， 勗 哉 ！ 」
令 王 路 設 進善 之 旌 ， 非 謗 之 木 ， 欲 諫 之 鼓 。 諫大 夫 四 人 常 坐 王 路 門 受 言 事 者 。
封 王 氏 齊 縗 之 屬 為 侯 ， 大 功 為 伯 ， 小 功 為 子 ， 緦麻 為 男 ， 其 女 皆 為 任 。男 以 「 睦 」 、 女 以 「 隆 」為 號 焉 ， 皆 授 印 韍 。
令 諸 侯 立 太 夫 人 、 夫人 、 世 子 ， 亦 受 印 韍 。
又 曰 ： 「 天 無 二 日 ， 土 無 二 王 ， 百 王 不 易 之 道 也。 漢 氏 諸 侯 或 稱 王 ， 至 于 四 夷 亦 如 之 ， 違 於 古 典 ， 繆 於一 統 。 其 定 諸 侯 王 之 號 皆 稱 公 ， 及 四 夷 僭 號 稱 王 者 皆 更為 侯 。 」
又 曰 ： 「 帝 王 之 道 ， 相 因 而 通 ； 盛 德 之 祚 ， 百 世享 祀 。 予 惟 黃 帝 、 帝 少 昊 、 帝 顓 頊 、 帝 嚳 、 帝 堯 、 帝 舜、 帝 夏 禹 、 皋 陶 、 伊 尹 咸 有 聖 德 ， 假 于 皇 天 ， 功烈 巍 巍 ， 光 施 于 遠 。 予 甚 嘉 之 ， 營 求 其 後 ， 將 祚 厥 祀 。」 惟 王 氏 ， 虞 帝 之 後 也 ， 出 自 帝 嚳 ； 劉 氏 ， 堯 之 後 也 ，出 自 顓 頊 。
於 是 封 姚 恂 為 初 睦 侯 ， 奉 黃 帝 後 ； 梁護 為 脩 遠 伯 ， 奉 少 昊 後 ；皇 孫 功 隆 公 千 ， 奉 帝 嚳後 ； 劉 歆 為 祁 烈 伯 ， 奉 顓 頊 後 ； 國 師 劉 歆 子 疊 為 伊 休 侯， 奉 堯 後 ； 媯 昌 為 始 睦 侯 ， 奉 虞 帝 後 ； 山 遵 為 褒謀 子 ， 奉 皋 陶 後 ； 伊 玄 為 褒 衡 子 ， 奉 伊 尹 後 。 漢 後 定 安公 劉 嬰 ， 位 為 賓 。 周 後 衛 公 姬 黨 ， 更 封 為 章 平 公 ， 亦 為賓 。 殷 後 宋 公 孔 弘 ， 運 轉 次 移 ， 更 封 為 章 昭 侯 ， 位 為 恪。 夏 後 遼 西 姒 豐 ， 封 為 章 功 侯 ， 亦 為 恪 。 四 代 古 宗 ， 宗 祀 于 明 堂 ， 以 配 皇 始 祖 考 虞 帝 。 周 公 後 褒魯 子 姬 就 ， 宣 尼 公 後 褒 成 子 孔 鈞 ， 已 前 定 焉 。
莽 又 曰 ： 「 予 前 在 攝 時 ， 建 郊 宮 ， 定 祧 廟 ， 立 社稷 ， 神 祇 報 況 ， 或 光 自 上 復 于 下 ， 流 為 烏， 或 黃 氣 熏 烝 ， 昭 燿 章 明 ， 以 著 黃 、 虞 之 烈 焉 。
自 黃 帝 至 于 濟 南 伯 王 ， 而 祖 世 氏 姓 有 五 矣 。 黃 帝 二 十 五 子 ， 分 賜 厥 姓 十 有 二 氏 。 虞 帝 之 先 ， 受 姓曰 姚 ， 其 在 陶 唐 曰 媯 ， 在 周 曰 陳 ， 在 齊 曰 田 ， 在 濟 南 曰王 。
予 伏 念 皇 初 祖 考 黃 帝 ， 皇 始 祖 考 虞 帝 ， 以 宗 祀 于 明堂 ， 宜 序 於 祖 宗 之 親 廟 。
其 立 祖 廟 五 ， 親 廟 四 ， 后 夫 人皆 配 食 。 郊 祀 黃 帝 以 配 天 ， 黃 后 以 配 地 。 以 新 都侯 東 弟 為 大 禖 ， 歲 時 以 祀 。 家 之 所 尚 ， 種 祀 天 下。 姚 、 媯 、 陳 、 田 、 王 氏 凡 五 姓 者 ， 皆 黃 、 虞 苗裔 ， 予 之 同 族 也 。 書 不 云 乎 ？ 『 惇 序 九 族 。 』 其令 天 下 上 此 五 姓 名 籍 于 秩 宗 ， 皆 以 為 宗 室 。 世 世 復 ， 無有 所 與 。 其 元 城 王 氏 ， 勿 令 相 嫁 娶 ， 以 別 族 理親 焉 。 」
封 陳 崇 為 統 睦 侯 ， 奉 胡 王 後 ； 田 豐 為 世 睦 侯 ， 奉 敬 王 後 。
天 下 牧 守 皆 以 前 有 翟 義 、 趙 明 等 領 州 郡 ， 懷 忠 孝， 封 牧 為 男 ， 守 為 附 城 。 又 封 舊 恩 戴 崇 、 金 涉 、 箕 閎 、楊 並 等 子 皆 為 男 。
遣 騎 都 尉 囂 等 分 治 黃 帝 園 位 於 上 都 橋 畤 ， 虞 帝 於 零 陵 九 疑 ， 胡 王 於 淮 陽 陳 ， 敬 王 於 齊 臨 淄， 愍 王 於 城 陽 莒 ， 伯 王 於 濟 南 東 平 陵 ， 孺 王 於 魏郡 元 城 ， 使 者 四 時 致 祠 。 其 廟 當 作 者 ， 以 天 下 初定 ， 且 祫 祭 於 明 堂 太 廟 。 以 漢 高 廟 為 文 祖 廟 。
莽 曰 ： 「 予 之 皇 始 祖考 虞 帝 受 嬗 于 唐 ， 漢 氏 初 祖 唐 帝 ， 世 有 傳 國 之 象，予 復 親 受 金 策 於 漢 高 皇 帝 之 靈 。 惟 思 褒 厚 前 代， 何 有 忘 時 ？漢 氏 祖 宗 有 七 ， 以 禮 立 廟 于 定 安 國。 其 園 寢 廟 在 京 師 者 ， 勿 罷 ， 祠 薦 如 故 。 予 以 秋 九 月 親入 漢 氏 高 、 元 、 成 、 平 之 廟 。
諸 劉 更 屬 籍 京 兆 大 尹 ， 勿解 其 復 ， 各 終 厥 身 ， 州 牧 數 存 問 ， 勿 令 有 侵 冤 。」
又 曰 ： 「 予 前 在 大 麓 ， 至 于 攝 假 ， 深 惟 漢氏 三 七 之 阨 ， 赤 德 氣 盡 ， 思 索 廣 求 ， 所 以 輔 劉 延期 之 述 ， 靡 所 不 用 。 以 故 作 金 刀 之 利 ， 幾 以濟 之 。 然 自 孔 子 作 春 秋 以 為 後 王 法 ， 至 于 哀 之 十四 而 一 代 畢 ， 協 之 於 今 ， 亦 哀 之 十 四 也 。 赤 世 計盡 ， 終 不 可 強 濟 。 皇 天 明 威 ， 黃 德 當 興 ， 隆 顯 大 命 ， 屬予 以 天 下 。 今 百 姓 咸 言 皇 天 革 漢 而 立 新 ， 廢 劉 而 興 王 。
夫 『 劉 』 之 為 字 『 卯 、 金 、 刀 』 也 ， 正 月剛 卯 ， 金 刀 之 利 ， 皆 不 得 行 。 博 謀 卿 士 ， 僉 曰 天人 同 應 ， 昭 然 著 明 。 其 去 剛 卯 莫 以 為 佩 ， 除 刀 錢 勿 以 為利 ， 承 順 天 心 ， 快 百 姓 意 。 」
乃 更 作 小 錢 ， 徑 六 分 ， 重一 銖 ， 文 曰 「 小 錢 直 一 」 ， 與 前 「 大 錢 五 十 」 者 為 二 品， 並 行 。 欲 防 民 盜 鑄 ， 乃 禁 不 得 挾 銅 炭 。
是 歲 四 月 ， 徐 鄉 侯 劉 快 結 黨 數 千 人 起 兵 於 其國 。 快 兄 殷 ， 故 漢 膠 東 王 ， 時 改 為 扶 崇 公 。 快 舉兵 攻 即 墨 ， 殷 閉 城 門 ， 自 繫 獄 。 吏 民 距 快 ， 快 敗 走 ， 至長 廣 死 。
莽 曰 ： 「 昔 予 之 祖 濟 南 愍 王 困 於 燕 寇 ， 自 齊 臨淄 出 保 于 莒 。 宗 人 田 單 廣 設 奇 謀 ， 獲 殺 燕 將 ， 復 定 齊 國。 今 即 墨 士 大 夫 復 同 心 殄 滅 反 虜 ， 予 甚 嘉 其 忠 者 ， 憐 其無 辜 。
其 赦 殷 等 ， 非 快 之 妻 子 它 親 屬 當 坐 者 皆 勿 治 。 弔問 死 傷 ， 賜 亡 者 葬 錢 ， 人 五 萬 。 殷 知 大 命 ， 深 疾 惡 快 ，以 故 輒 伏 厥 辜 。 其 滿 殷 國 戶 萬 ， 地 方 百 里 。 」
又 封 符 命臣 十 餘 人 。
莽 曰 ： 「 古 者 ， 設 廬 井 八 家 ， 一 夫 一 婦 田 百 畝 ，什 一 而 稅 ， 則 國 給 民 富 而 頌 聲 作 。 此 唐 虞 之 道 ，三 代 所 遵 行 也 。
秦 為 無 道 ， 厚 賦 稅 以 自 供 奉 ， 罷 民 力 以極 欲 ， 壞 聖 制 ， 廢 井 田 ， 是 以 兼 并 起 ， 貪 鄙 生 ，強 者 規 田 以 千 數 ， 弱 者 曾 無 立 錐 之 居 。
又 置 奴 婢 之 市 ，與 牛 馬 同 蘭 ， 制 於 民 臣 ， 顓 斷 其 命 。 姦 虐 之 人 因緣 為 利 ， 至 略 賣 人 妻 子 ， 逆 天 心 ， 誖 人 倫 ， 繆 於『 天 地 之 性 人 為 貴 』 之 義 。 書 曰 『 予 則 奴 戮 女 』， 唯 不 用 命 者 ， 然 後 被 此 辜 矣 。
漢 氏 減 輕 田 租 ，三 十 而 稅 一 ， 常 有 更 賦 ， 罷 癃 咸 出 ， 而 豪 民 侵 陵， 分 田 劫 假 。 厥 名 三 十 稅 一 ， 實 什 稅 五 也 。 父 子夫 婦 終 年 耕 芸 ， 所 得 不 足 以 自 存 。 故 富 者 犬 馬 餘菽 粟 ， 驕 而 為 邪 ； 貧 者 不 厭 糟 糠 ， 窮 而 為 姦 。 俱 陷 于 辜 ， 刑 用 不 錯 。
予 前 在 大 麓 ， 始 令 天 下公 田 口 井 ， 時 則 有 嘉 禾 之 祥 ， 遭 反 虜 逆 賊 且 止。
今 更 名 天 下 田 曰 『 王 田 』 ， 奴 婢 曰 『 私 屬 』 ， 皆 不 得賣 買 。 其 男 口 不 盈 八 ， 而 田 過 一 井 者 ， 分 餘 田 予 九 族 鄰里 鄉 黨 。 故 無 田 ， 今 當 受 田 者 ， 如 制 度 。 敢 有 非 井 田 聖制 ， 無 法 惑 眾 者 ， 投 諸 四 裔 ， 以 禦 魑 魅 ， 如 皇始 祖 考 虞 帝 故 事 。 」
是 時 百 姓 便 安 漢 五 銖 錢 ， 以 莽 錢 大 小 兩 行 難 知 ，又 數 變 改 不 信 ， 皆 私 以 五 銖 錢 市 買 。 訛 言 大 錢 當 罷 ， 莫肯 挾 。
莽 患 之 ， 復 下 書 ： 「 諸 挾 五 銖 錢 ， 言 大 錢 當 罷 者， 比 非 井 田 制 ， 投 四 裔 。 」 於 是 農 商 失 業 ， 食 貨 俱 廢 ，民 人 至 涕 泣 於 市 道 。 及 坐 賣 買 田 宅 奴 婢 ， 鑄 錢 ， 自 諸 侯卿 大 夫 至 于 庶 民 ， 抵 罪 者 不 可 勝 數 。
秋 ， 遣 五 威 將 王 奇 等 十 二 人 班 符 命 四 十 二 篇 於 天下 。 德 祥 五 事 ， 符 命 二 十 五 ， 福 應 十 二 ， 凡 四 十 二 篇 。
其 德 祥 言 文 、 宣 之 世 黃 龍 見 於 成 紀 、 新 都 ， 高 祖 考 王 伯墓 門 梓 柱 生 枝 葉 之 屬 。 符 命 言 井 石 、 金 匱 之 屬 。福 應 言雌 雞 化 為 雄 之 屬 。 其 文 爾 雅 依 託 ， 皆 為 作 說 ， 大歸 言 莽 當 代 漢 有 天 下 云 。
總 而 說 之 曰 ： 「 帝 王 受 命 ， 必有 德 祥 之 符 瑞 ， 協 成 五 命 ， 申 以 福 應 ， 然 後 能 立巍 巍 之 功 ， 傳 于 子 孫 ， 永 享 無 窮 之 祚 。 故 新 室 之 興 也 ，德 祥 發 於 漢 三 七 九 世 之 後 。
肇 命 於 新 都 ， 受 瑞 於黃 支 ， 開 王 於 武 功 ， 定 命 於 子 同 ， 成 命 於巴 宕 ， 申 福 於 十 二 應 ， 天 所 以 保 祐 新 室 者 深 矣 ，固 矣 ！
武 功 丹 石 出 於 漢 氏 平 帝 末 年 ， 火 德 銷 盡 ， 土 德 當代 ， 皇 天 眷 然 ， 去 漢 與 新 ， 以 丹 石 始 命 於 皇 帝 。 皇 帝 謙讓 ， 以 攝 居 之 。
未 當 天 意 ， 故 其 秋 七 月 ， 天 重 以 三 能 文馬 。 皇 帝 復 謙 讓 ， 未 即 位 ， 故 三 以 鐵 契 ， 四 以 石龜 ， 五 以 虞 符 ， 六 以 文 圭 ， 七 以 玄 印 ， 八 以 茂 陵 石 書 ，九 以 玄 龍 石 ， 十 以 神 井 ， 十 一 以 大 神 石 ， 十 二 以 銅 符 帛圖 。 申 命 之 瑞 ， 寖 以 顯 著 ， 至 于 十 二 ， 以 昭 告 新皇 帝 。
皇 帝 深 惟 上 天 之 威 不 可 不 畏 ， 故 去 攝 號 ， 猶 尚 稱假 ， 改 元 為 初 始 ， 欲 以 承 塞 天 命 ， 克 厭 上 帝 之 心 。 然 非 皇 天 所 以 鄭 重 降 符 命 之 意 。 故 是 日 天 復決 其 以 勉 書 。 又 侍 郎 王 盱 見 人 衣 白 布 單 衣， 赤 繢 方 領 ， 冠 小 冠 ， 立 于 王 路 殿 前 ， 謂 盱 曰： 『 今 日 天 同 色 ， 以 天 下 人 民 屬 皇 帝 。 』 盱 怪之 ， 行 十 餘 步 ， 人 忽 不 見 。
至 丙 寅 暮 ， 漢 氏 高 廟 有 金 匱圖 策 ： 『 高 帝 承 天 命 ， 以 國 傳 新 皇 帝 。 』 明 旦 ， 宗 伯 忠孝 侯 劉 宏 以 聞 ， 乃 召 公 卿 議 ， 未 決 ， 而 大 神 石 人 談 曰 ：『 趣 新 皇 帝 之 高 廟 受 命 ， 毋 留 ！ 』
於 是 新 皇 帝立 登 車 ， 之 漢 氏 高 廟 受 命 。 受 命 之 日 ， 丁 卯 也 。 丁 ， 火， 漢 氏 之 德 也 。 卯 ， 劉 姓 所 以 為 字 也 。 明 漢 劉 火 德 盡 ，而 傳 於 新 室 也 。
皇 帝 謙 謙 ， 既 備 固 讓 ， 十 二 符 應 迫 著 ，命 不 可 辭 ， 懼 然 祗 畏 ， 葦 然 閔 漢 氏 之 終 不 可 濟， 斖 斖 在 左 右 之 不 得 從 意 ， 為 之 三 夜不 御 寢 ， 三 日 不 御 食 ， 延 問 公 侯 卿 大 夫 ， 僉 曰 ： 『 宜 奉如 上 天 威 命 。 』 於 是 乃 改 元 定 號 ， 海 內 更 始 。
新 室 既 定， 神 祇 懽 喜 ， 申 以 福 應 ， 吉 瑞 累 仍 。 詩 曰 ： 『宜 民 宜 人 ， 受 祿 于 天 ； 保 右 命 之 ， 自 天 申 之 。 』此 之 謂 也 。 」
五 威 將 奉 符 命 ， 齎 印 綬 ， 王 侯 以 下 及 吏官 名 更 者 ， 外 及 匈 奴 、 西 域 ， 徼 外 蠻 夷 ， 皆 即授 新 室 印 綬 ， 因 收 故 漢 印 綬 。 賜 吏 爵 人 二 級 ， 民 爵 人 一級 ， 女 子 百 戶 羊 酒 ， 蠻 夷 幣 帛 各 有 差 。 大 赦 天 下 。
五 威 將 乘 乾 文 車 ， 駕 坤 六 馬 ， 背 負鷩 鳥 之 毛 ， 服 飾 甚 偉 。 每 一 將 各 置 左 右 前 後 中 帥， 凡 五 帥 。 衣 冠 車 服 駕 馬 ， 各 如 其 方 面 色 數 。 將持 節 ， 稱 太 一 之 使 ； 帥 持 幢 ， 稱 五 帝 之 使 。 莽 策 命 曰 ：「 普 天 之 下 ， 迄 于 四 表 ， 靡 所 不 至 。 」
其 東 出 者， 至 玄 菟 、 樂 浪 、 高 句 驪 、 夫 餘 ；南 出 者 ， 隃 徼外 ， 歷 益 州 ， 貶 句 町 王 為 侯 ； 西 出 者 ， 至 西 域 ，盡 改 其 王 為 侯 ；
北 出 者 ， 至 匈 奴 庭 ， 授 單 于 印 ， 改 漢 印文 ， 去 「 璽 」 曰 「 章 」 。 單 于 欲 求 故 印 ， 陳 饒 椎 破 之 ，語 在 匈 奴 傳 。 單 于 大 怒 ， 而 句 町 、 西 域 後 卒 以 此 皆 畔 。饒 還 ， 拜 為 大 將 軍 ， 封 威 德 子 。
冬 ， 雷 ， 桐 華 。
置 五 威 司 命 ， 中 城 四 關 將 軍 。 司 命 司 上 公 以 下 ，中 城 主 十 二 城 門 。
策 命 統 睦 侯 陳 崇 曰 ： 「 咨 爾 崇 。 夫 不用 命 者 ， 亂 之 原 也 ； 大 姦 猾 者 ， 賊 之 本 也 ； 鑄 偽 金 錢 者， 妨 寶 貨 之 道 也 ； 驕 奢 踰 制 者 ， 兇 害 之 端 也 ； 漏 泄 省 中及 尚 書 事 者 ， 『 機 事 不 密 則 害 成 』 也 ； 拜 爵 王 庭， 謝 恩 私 門 者 ， 祿 去 公 室 ， 政 從 亡 矣 ： 凡 此 六 條 ， 國 之綱 紀 。 是 用 建 爾 作 司 命 ， 『 柔 亦 不 茹 ， 剛 亦 不 吐 ， 不 侮鰥 寡 ， 不 畏 強 圉 』 ， 帝 命 帥 繇 ， 統 睦 于 朝 。 」
命 說 符 侯 崔 發 曰 ： 「 『 重 門 擊 ， 以 待 暴 客 。 』女 作 五 威 中 城 將 軍 ， 中 德 既 成 ， 天 下 說 符 。」
命 明 威 侯 王 級 曰 ： 「 繞 霤 之 固 ， 南 當 荊 楚 。 女 作 五 威 前 關 將 軍 ， 振 武 奮 衛 ， 明 威 于 前 。 」
命 尉睦 侯 王 嘉 曰 ： 「 羊 頭 之 阨 ， 北 當 趙 燕 。 女 作 五 威後 關 將 軍 ， 壼 口 捶 扼 ， 尉 睦 于 後 。 」
命 堂 威 侯 王 奇 曰 ： 「 肴 黽 之 險 ， 東 當 鄭 衛 。 女作 五 威 左 關 將 軍 ， 函 谷 批 難 ， 掌 威 于 左 。 」
命懷 羌 子 王 福 曰 ： 「 汧 隴 之 阻 ， 西 當 戎 狄 。 女 作五 威 右 關 將 軍 ， 成 固 據 守 ， 懷 羌 于 右 。 」
又 遣 諫 大 夫 五 十 人 分 鑄 錢 於 郡 國 。
是 歲 長 安 狂 女 子 碧 呼 道 中 曰 ： 「 高 皇 帝 大怒 ， 趣 歸 我 國 。 不 者 ， 九 月 必 殺 汝 ！ 」 莽 收 捕 殺之 。 治 者 掌 寇 大 夫 陳 成 自 免 去 官 。
真 定 劉 都 等 謀舉 兵 ， 發 覺 ， 皆 誅 。 真 定 、 常 山 大 雨 雹 。
二 年 二 月 ， 赦 天 下 。 五 威 將 帥 七 十 二 人 還 奏 事 ， 漢 諸 侯 王 為 公 者 ， 悉上 璽 綬 為 民 ， 無 違 命 者 。 封 將 為 子 ， 帥 為 男 。
初 設 六 筦 之 令 。 命 縣 官 酤 酒 ， 賣 鹽 鐵 器 ，鑄 錢 ， 諸 采 取 名 山 大 澤 眾 物 者 稅 之 。
又 令 市 官 收 賤 賣 貴， 賒 貸 予 民 ， 收 息 百 月 三 。 犧 和 置 酒 士 ， 郡 一 人， 乘 傳 督 酒 利 。
禁 民 不 得 挾 弩 鎧 ， 徙 西 海 。
匈 奴 單 于 求 故 璽 ， 莽 不 與 ， 遂 寇 邊 郡 ， 殺 略 吏 民。
十 一 月 ， 立 國 將 軍 建 奏 ： 「 西 域 將 欽 上 言 ， 九 月 辛 巳 ， 戊 己 校 尉 史 陳 良 、 終 帶 共 賊 殺 校 尉 刁 護 ，劫 略 吏 士 ， 自 稱 廢 漢 大 將 軍 ， 亡 入 匈 奴 。
又 今 月癸 酉 ， 不 知 何 一 男 子 遮 臣 建 車 前 ， 自 稱 『 漢 氏 劉 子 輿 ，成 帝 下 妻 子 也 。 劉 氏 當 復 ， 趣 空 宮 。 』 收 繫 男 子 ， 即 常 安 姓 武 字 仲 。
皆 逆 天 違 命 ， 大 逆 無道 。 請 論 仲 及 陳 良 等 親 屬 當 坐 著 。 奏 可 。
漢 氏 高 皇 帝 比著 戒 云 ， 罷 吏 卒 ， 為 賓 食， 誠 欲 承 天 心 ， 全 子 孫也 。 其 宗 廟 不 當 在 常 安 城 中 ， 及 諸 劉 為 諸 侯 者 當 與 漢 俱廢 。 陛 下 至 仁 ， 久 未 定 。
前 故 安 眾 侯 劉 崇 、 徐 鄉 侯 劉 快、 陵 鄉 侯 劉 曾 、 扶 恩 侯 劉 貴 等 更 聚眾 謀 反 。 今 狂 狡 之 虜 或 妄 自 稱 亡 漢 將 軍 ， 或 稱成 帝 子 子 輿 ， 至 犯 夷 滅 ， 連 未 止 者 ， 此 聖 恩 不 蚤 絕 其 萌牙 故 也 。
臣 愚 以 為 漢 高 皇 帝 為 新 室 賓 ， 享 食 明 堂 。 成 帝， 異 姓 之 兄 弟 ， 平 帝 ， 婿 也 ， 皆 不 宜 復 入 其 廟 。 元 帝 與皇 太 后 為 體 ， 聖 恩 所 隆 ， 禮 亦 宜 之 。
臣 請 漢 氏諸 廟 在 京 師 者 皆 罷 。 諸 劉 為 諸 侯 者 ， 以 戶 多 少 就 五 等 之差 ； 其 為 吏 者 皆 罷 ， 待 除 於 家 。 上 當 天 心 ， 稱高 皇 帝 神 靈 ， 塞 狂 狡 之 萌 。 」
莽 曰 ： 「 可 。 嘉新 公 國 師 以 符 命 為 予 四 輔 ， 明 德 侯 劉 龔 、 率 禮 侯 劉 嘉 等凡 三 十 二 人 皆 知 天 命 ， 或 獻 天 符 ， 或 貢 昌 言 ， 或 捕 告 反 虜 ， 厥 功 茂 焉 。 諸 劉 與 三 十 二 人 同 宗 共 祖 者 勿罷 ， 賜 姓 曰 王 。 」
唯 國 師 以 女 配 莽 子 ， 故 不 賜 姓 。 改 定安 太 后 號 曰 黃 皇 室 主 ， 絕 之 於 漢 也 。
冬 十 二 月 ， 雷 。
更 名 匈 奴 單 于 曰 降 奴 服 于 。
莽 曰 ： 「 降 奴 服 于 知 威 侮 五 行 ， 背 畔 四 條 ， 侵 犯 西 域 ，廷 及 邊 垂 ， 為 元 元 害 ， 罪 當 夷 滅 。 命 遣 立 國 將 軍 孫 建 等凡 十 二 將 ， 十 道 並 出 ， 共 行 皇 天 之 威 ， 罰 于 知 之 身 。
惟 知 先 祖 故 呼 韓 邪 單 于 稽 侯 累 世 忠 孝 ， 保塞 守 徼 ， 不 忍 以 一 知 之 罪 ， 滅 稽 侯 之 世 。 今 分 匈 奴 國土 人 民 以 為 十 五 ， 立 稽 侯 狦 子 孫 十 五 人 為 單 于 。
遣 中 郎將 藺 苞 、 戴 級 馳 之 塞 下 ， 召 拜 當 為 單 于 者 。 諸 匈 奴 人 當坐 虜 知 之 法 者 ， 皆 赦 除 之 。 」
遣 五 威 將 軍 苗 訢 、 虎 賁 將軍 王 況 出 五 原 ， 厭 難 將 軍 陳 欽 、 震 狄 將 軍 王 巡 出 雲 中 ， 振 武 將 軍 王 嘉 、 平 狄 將 軍 王 萌 出 代 郡 ， 相 威 將 軍李 棽 、 鎮 遠 將 軍 李 翁 出 西 河 ， 誅 貉 將 軍 陽 俊 、 討穢 將 軍 嚴 尤 出 漁 陽 ， 奮 武 將 軍 王 駿 、 定 胡 將 軍 王 晏 出 張掖 ， 及 褊 裨 以 下 百 八 十 人 。 募 天 下 囚 徒 、 丁 男 、 甲 卒 三十 萬 人 ， 轉 眾 郡 委 輸 五 大 夫 衣 裘 、 兵 器 、 糧 食 ， 長 吏 送自 負 海 江 淮 至 北 邊 ， 使 者 馳 傳 督 趣 ， 以 軍 興 法 從 事 ，天 下 騷 動 。 先 至 者 屯 邊 郡 ， 須 畢 具 乃 同 時 出 。
莽 以 錢 幣 訖 不 行 ， 復 下 書 曰 ： 「 民 以 食 為命 ， 以 貨 為 資 ， 是 以 八 政 以 食 為 首 。 寶 貨 皆 重 則 小 用 不給 ， 皆 輕 則 僦 載 煩 費 ， 輕 重 大 小 各 有 差 品 ， 則 用便 而 民 樂 。 」 於 是 造 寶 貨 五 品 ， 語 在 食 貨 志 。
百 姓 不 從， 但 行 小 大 錢 二 品 而 已 。 盜 鑄 錢 者 不 可 禁 ， 乃 重 其 法 ，一 家 鑄 錢 ， 五 家 坐 之 ， 沒 入 為 奴 婢 。
吏 民 出 入 ， 持 布 錢以 副 符 傳 ， 不 持 者 ， 廚 傳 勿 舍 ， 關 津 苛 留 。 公 卿 皆 持 以 入 宮 殿 門 ， 欲 以 重 而 行 之 。
是 時 爭 為 符 命 封 侯 ， 其 不 為 者 相 戲 曰 ： 「 獨 無 天帝 除 書 乎 ？ 」 司 令 陳 崇 白 莽 曰 ： 「 此 開 姦 臣 作 福 之 路 而亂 天 命 ， 宜 絕 其 原 。 」 莽 亦 厭 之 ， 遂 使 尚 書 大 夫 趙 並 驗治 ， 非 五 威 將 率 所 班 ， 皆 下 獄 。
初 ， 甄 豐 、 劉 歆 、 王 舜 為 莽 腹 心 ， 倡 導 在 位 ， 褒 揚 功 德 ； 「 安 漢 」 、 「 宰 衡 」 之 號 及 封 莽 母 、 兩子 、 兄 子 ， 皆 豐 等 所 共 謀 ， 而 豐 、 舜 、 歆 亦 受 其 賜 ， 並富 貴 矣 。
非 復 欲 令 莽 居 攝 也 。 居 攝 之 萌 ， 出 於 泉 陵 侯 劉慶 、 前 煇 光 謝 囂 、 長 安 令 田 終 術 。
莽 羽 翼 已 成 ， 意 欲 稱攝 。 豐 等 承 順 其 意 ， 莽 輒 復 封 舜 、 歆 兩 子 及 豐 孫 。
豐 等爵 位 已 盛 ， 心 意 既 滿 ， 又 實 畏 漢 宗 室 、 天 下 豪 桀 。 而 疏遠 欲 進 者 ， 並 作 符 命 ， 莽 遂 據 以 即 真 ， 舜 、 歆 內 懼 而 已。
豐 素 剛 強 ， 莽 覺 其 不 說 ， 故 徙 大 阿 、 右 拂 、 大司 空 豐 ， 託 符 命 文 ， 為 更 始 將 軍 ， 與 賣 餅 兒 王 盛同 列 。 豐 父 子 默 默 。
時 子 尋 為 侍 中 京 兆 大 尹 茂 德 侯 ， 即作 符 命 ， 言 新 室 當 分 陝 ， 立 二 伯 ， 以 豐 為 右 伯 ，太 傅 平 晏 為 左 伯 ， 如 周 召 故 事 。
莽 即 從 之 ， 拜 豐 為 右 伯。 當 述 職 西 出 ， 未 行 ， 尋 復 作 符 命 ， 言 故 漢 氏 平 帝 后 黃皇 室 主 為 尋 之 妻 。
莽 以 詐 立 ， 心 疑 大 臣 怨 謗 ， 欲 震 威 以懼 下 ， 因 是 發 怒 曰 ： 「 黃 皇 室 主 天 下 母 ， 此 何 謂 也 ！ 」收 捕 尋 。 尋 亡 ， 豐 自 殺 。
尋 隨 方 士 入 華 山 ， 歲 餘 捕 得 ，辭 連 國 師 公 歆 子 侍 中 東 通 靈 將 、 五 司 大 夫 隆 威 侯 棻 ， 棻弟 右 曹 長 水 校 尉 伐 虜 侯 泳 ， 大 司 空 邑 弟 左 闕 將 軍堂 威 侯 奇 ， 及 歆 門 人 侍 中騎 都 尉 丁 隆 等 ， 牽 引 公 卿 黨 親 列 侯 以 下 ， 死 者 數 百 人 。
尋 手 理 有 「 天 子 」 字 ， 莽 解 其 臂 入 視 之 ， 曰 ： 「 此 一 大子 也 ， 或 曰 一 六 子 也 。 六 者 ， 戮 也 。 明 尋 父 子 當 戮 死 也。 」 乃 流 棻 于 幽 州 ， 放 尋 于 三 危 ， 殛 隆 于 羽 山 ， 皆 驛 車 載 其 屍 傳 致 云 。
莽 為 人 侈 口 蹶 顄 ， 露 眼 赤 精 ， 大 聲 而 嘶 。 長 七 尺 五 寸 ， 好 厚 履 高 冠 ， 以 氂 裝 衣 ， 反膺 高 視 ， 瞰 臨 左 右 。
是 時 有 用 方 技 待 詔 黃 門 者 ，或 問 以 莽 形 貌 ， 待 詔 曰 ： 「 莽 所 謂 鴟 目 虎 吻 豺 狼 之 聲 者也 ， 故 能 食 人 ， 亦 當 為 人 所 食 。 」 問 者 告 之 ， 莽 誅 滅 待詔 ， 而 封 告 者 。 後 常 翳 雲 母 屏 面 ， 非 親 近 莫 得 見也 。
是 歲 ， 以 初 睦 侯 姚 恂 為 寧 始 將 軍 。
三 年 ， 莽 曰 ： 「 百 官 改 更 ， 職 事 分 移 ， 律 令 儀 法， 未 及 悉 定 ， 且 因 漢 律 令 儀 法 以 從 事 。
令 公 卿 大 夫 諸 侯二 千 石 舉 吏 民 有 德 行 通 政 事 能 言 語 明 文 學 者 各 一 人 ， 詣王 路 四 門 。 」
遣 尚 書 大 夫 趙 並 使 勞 北 邊 ， 還 言 五 原 北 假 膏 壤 殖穀 ， 異 時 常 置 田 官 。 乃 以 並 為 田 禾 將 軍 ， 發 戍 卒屯 田 北 假 ， 以 助 軍 糧 。
是 時 諸 將 在 邊 ， 須 大 眾 集 ， 吏 士 放 縱 ， 而內 郡 愁 於 徵 發 ， 民 棄 城 郭 流 亡 為 盜 賊 ， 并 州 、 平 州 尤 甚。 莽 令 七 公 六 卿 號 皆 兼 稱 將 軍 ， 遣 著 武 將 軍 逯 並 等 填 名都 ， 中 郎 將 、 繡 衣 執 法 各 五 十 五 人 ， 分 填 緣 邊 大郡 ， 督 大 姦 猾 擅 弄 兵 者 ， 皆 便 為 姦 於 外 ， 撓 亂 州 郡 ， 貨 賂 為 市 ， 侵 漁 百 姓 。
莽 下 書 曰 ： 「 虜 知 罪 當 夷 滅， 故 遣 猛 將 分 十 二 部 ， 將 同 時 出 ， 一 舉 而 決 絕 之 矣 。 內置 司 命 軍 正 ， 外 設 軍 監 十 有 二 人 ， 誠 欲 以 司 不 奉 命 ， 令軍 人 咸 正 也 。
今 則 不 然 ， 各 為 權 勢 ， 恐 猲 良 民 ， 妄 封 人 頸 ， 得 錢 者 去 。 毒 並 作 ， 農 民 離 散 。 司 監 若 此 ， 可 謂 稱 不 ？ 自 今 以 來 ， 敢 犯 此 者， 輒 捕 繫 ， 以 名 聞 。 」 然 猶 放 縱 自 若 。
而 藺 苞 、 戴 級 到 塞 下 ， 招 誘 單 于 弟 咸 、 咸 子 登 入塞 ， 脅 拜 咸 為 孝 單 于 ， 賜 黃 金 千 斤 ， 錦 繡 甚 多 ， 遣 去 ；將 登 至 長 安 ， 拜 為 順 單 于 ， 留 邸 。
太 師 王 舜 自 莽 篡 位 後 病 悸 ， 寖 劇 ， 死 。 莽曰 ： 「 昔 齊 太 公 以 淑 德 累 世 ， 為 周 氏 太 師 ， 蓋 予 之 所 監也 。 其 以 舜 子 延 襲 父 爵 ， 為 安 新 公 ， 延 弟 褒 新 侯匡 為 太 師 將 軍 ， 永 為 新 室 輔 。 」
為 太 子 置 師 友 各 四 人 ， 秩 以 大 夫 。 以 故 大 司 徒 馬宮 為 師 疑 ， 故 少 府 宗 伯 鳳 為 傅 丞 ， 博 士 袁 聖 為 阿 輔 ， 京兆 尹 王 嘉 為 保 拂 ， 是 為 四 師 ；
故 尚 書 令 唐 林 為 胥附 ， 博 士 李 充 為 奔 走 ， 〔 二 〕 諫 大 夫 趙 襄 為 先 後 ， 中 郎將 廉 丹 為 禦 侮 ， 是 為 四 友 。
又 置 師 友 祭 酒 及 侍 中 、 諫 議、 六 經 祭 酒 各 一 人 ， 凡 九 祭 酒 ， 秩 上 卿 。 琅 邪 左 咸 為 講春 秋 、 潁 川 滿 昌 為 講 詩 、 長 安 國 由 為 講 易 、 平 陽 唐 昌 為講 書 、 沛 郡 陳 咸 為 講 禮 、 崔 發 為 講 樂 祭 酒 。 遣 謁 者 持 安車 印 綬 ， 即 拜 楚 國 龔 勝 為 太 子 師 友 祭 酒 ， 勝 不 應 徵 ， 不食 而 死 。
寧 始 將 軍 姚 恂 免 ， 侍 中 崇 祿 侯 孔 永 為 寧 始 將 軍 。
是 歲 ， 池 陽 縣 有 小 人 景 ， 長 尺 餘 ， 或 乘 車 馬 ， 或步 行 ，據持 萬 物 ， 小 大 各 相 稱 ， 三 日 止 。
瀕 河 郡 蝗 生 。河 決 魏 郡 ， 泛 清 河 以 東 數 郡 。 先 是 ， 莽 恐 河 決 為元 城 冢 墓 害 。 及 決 東 去 ， 元 城 不 憂 水 ， 故 遂 不 隄 塞 。
四 年 二 月 ， 赦 天 下 。
夏 ， 赤 氣 出 東 南 ， 竟 天 。
厭 難 將 軍 陳 歆 言 捕 虜 生 口 ， 虜 犯 邊 者皆 孝 單 于 咸 子 角 所 為 。 莽 怒 ， 斬 其 子 登 於 長 安 ， 以 視 諸蠻 夷 。
大 司 馬 甄 邯 死 ， 寧 始 將 軍 孔 永 為 大 司 馬 ， 侍 中 大贅 侯 輔 為 寧 始 將 軍 。
莽 每 當 出 ， 輒 先 索 城 中 ， 名 曰 「 橫 」 。 是 月 ， 橫 五 日 。
莽 至 明 堂 ， 授 諸 侯 茅 土 。 下 書 曰 ： 「 予 以 不 德 ，襲 于 聖 祖 ， 為 萬 國 主 。 思 安 黎 元 ， 在 于 建 侯 ， 分 州 正 域， 以 美 風 俗 。 追 監 前 代 ， 爰 綱 爰 紀 。
惟 在 堯 典 ， 十 有 二州 ， 衛 有 五 服 。 詩 國 十 五 ， 抪 遍 九 州 。殷頌 有 『 奄 有 九 有 』 之 言 。 禹 貢 之 九 州 無 并 、 幽 ，周 禮 司 馬 則 無 徐 、 梁 。 帝 王 相 改 ， 各 有 云 為 。 或 昭 其 事， 或 大 其 本 ， 厥 義 著 明 ， 其 務 一 矣 。
昔 周 二 后 受 命 ， 故有 東 都 、 西 都 之 居 。 予 之 受 命 ， 蓋 亦 如 之 。 其 以 洛 陽 為新 室 東 都 ， 常 安 為 新 室 西 都 。 邦 畿 連 體 ， 各 有 采 任 。 州從 禹 貢 為 九 。
爵 從 周 氏 有 五 。 諸 侯 之 員 千 有 八 百 ， 附 城之 數 亦 如 之 ， 以 俟 有 功 。 諸 公 一 同 ， 有 眾 萬 戶 ， 土 方 百里 。 侯 伯 一 國 ， 眾 戶 五 千 ， 土 方 七 十 里 。 子 男 一 則 ， 眾戶 二 千 有 五 百 ， 土 方 五 十 里 。 附 城 大 者 食 邑 九 成 ， 眾 戶九 百 ， 土 方 三 十 里 。 自 九 以 下 ， 降 殺 以 兩 ， 至 於一 成 。 五 差 備 具 ， 合 當 一 則 。
今 已 受 茅 土 者 ， 公十 四 人 ， 侯 九 十 三 人 ， 伯 二 十 一 人 ， 子 百 七 十 一 人 ， 男四 百 九 十 七 人 ， 凡 七 百 九 十 六 人 。 附 城 千 五 百 一 十 一 人。 九 族 之 女 為 任 者 ， 八 十 三 人 。 及 漢 氏 女 孫 中 山 承 禮 君、 遵 德 君 、 修 義 君 更 以 為 任 。 十 有 一 公 ， 九 卿 ， 十 二 大夫 ， 二 十 四 元 士 。
定 諸 國 邑 采 之 處 ， 使 侍 中 講 禮 大 夫 孔秉 等 與 州 部 眾 郡 曉 知 地 理 圖 籍 者 ， 共 校 治 于 壽 成 朱 鳥 堂。 予 數 與 群 公 祭 酒 上 卿 親 聽 視 ， 咸 已 通 矣 。
夫 褒 德 賞 功， 所 以 顯 仁 賢 也 ； 九 族 和 睦 ， 所 以 褒 親 親 也 。 予 永 惟 匪解 ， 思 稽 前 人 ， 將 章 黜 陟 ， 以 明 好 惡 ， 安 元 元 焉。 」
以 圖 簿 未 定 ， 未 授 國 邑 ， 且 令 受 奉 都 內 ， 月 錢 數 千。 諸 侯 皆 困 乏 ， 至 有 庸 作 者 。
中 郎 區 博 諫 莽 曰 ： 「 井 田 雖 聖 王 法 ， 其 廢久 矣 。 周 道 既 衰 ， 而 民 不 從 。 秦 知 順 民 之 心 ， 可 以 獲 大利 也 ， 故 滅 廬 井 而 置 阡 陌 ， 遂 王 諸 夏 。
訖 今 海 內 未 厭 其敝 。 今 欲 違 民 心 ， 追 復 千 載 絕 跡 ， 雖 堯 舜 復 起 ，而 無 百 年 之 漸 ， 弗 能 行 也 。 天 下 初 定 ， 萬 民 新 附 ， 誠 未可 施 行 。 」
莽 知 民 怨 ， 乃 下 書 曰 ： 「 諸 名 食 王 田 ， 皆 得賣 之 ， 勿 拘 以 法 。 犯 私 買 賣 庶 人 者 ， 且 一 切 勿 治 。 」
初 ， 五 威 將 帥 出 ， 改 句 町 王 以 為 侯 ， 王 邯 怨 怒 不附 。 莽 諷 牂 柯 大 尹 周 歆 詐 殺 邯 。 邯 弟 承 起 兵 攻 殺歆 。
先 是 ， 莽 發 高 句 驪 兵 ， 當 伐 胡 ， 不 欲 行 ， 郡 強 迫 之， 皆 亡 出 塞 ， 因 犯 法 為 寇 。 遼 西 大 尹 田 譚 追 擊 之 ， 為 所殺 。 州 郡 歸 咎 於 高 句 驪 侯 騶 。
嚴 尤 奏 言 ： 「 貉 人 犯 法 ，不 從 騶 起 ， 正 有 它 心 ， 宜 令 州 郡 且 尉 安 之 。 今 猥被 以 大 罪 ， 恐 其 遂 畔 ， 夫 餘 之 屬 必 有 和 者 。 匈 奴 未 克 ， 夫 餘 、 穢 貉 復 起 ， 此 大 憂 也 。 」
莽 不 尉 安， 穢 貉 遂 反 ， 詔 尤 擊 之 。 尤 誘 高 句 驪 侯 騶 至 而 斬 焉 ， 傳首 長 安 。
莽 大 說 ， 下 書 曰 ： 「 乃 者 ， 命 遣 猛 將 ， 共 行 天罰 ， 誅 滅 虜 知 ， 分 為 十 二 部 ， 或 斷 其 右 臂 ， 或 斬其 左 腋 ， 或 潰 其 胸 腹 ， 或 紬 其 兩 脅 。 今 年 刑 在 東方 ， 誅 貉 之 部 先 縱 焉 。 捕 斬 虜 騶 ， 平 定 東 域 ， 虜知 殄 滅 ， 在 于 漏 刻 。
此 乃 天 地 群 神 社 稷 宗 廟 佑 助 之 福 ，公 卿 大 夫 士 民 同 心 將 率 虓 虎 之 力 也 。 予 甚 嘉 之 。其 更 名 高 句 驪 為 下 句 驪 ， 布 告 天 下 ， 令 咸 知 焉 。 」 於 是貉 人 愈 犯 邊 ， 東 北 與 西 南 夷 皆 亂 云 。
莽 志 方 盛 ， 以 為 四 夷 不 足 吞 滅 ， 專 念 稽 古 之 事 ，復 下 書 曰 ： 「 伏 念 予 之 皇 始 祖 考 虞 帝 ， 受 終 文 祖 ， 在 璇璣 玉 衡 以 齊 七 政 ， 遂 類 于 上 帝 ， 禋 于 六 宗 ， 望 秩 于 山 川， 遍 于 群 神 ， 巡 狩 五 嶽 ， 群 后 四 朝 ， 敷 奏 以 言 ， 明 試 以功 。
予 之 受 命 即 真 ， 到 于 建 國 五 年 ， 已 五 載 矣 。陽 九 之 阨 既 度 ， 百 六 之 會 已 過 。 歲 在 壽 星 ， 填 在 明 堂 ，倉 龍 癸 酉 ， 德 在 中 宮 。 觀 晉 掌 歲 ， 龜 策 告 從 ， 其 以 此 年 二 月 建 寅 之 節 東 巡 狩 ， 具 禮 儀 調 度 。 」
群 公 奏 請 募 吏 民 人 馬 布 帛 綿 ， 又 請 內 郡 國 十 二 買 馬， 發 帛 四 十 五 萬 匹 ， 輸 常 安 ， 前 後 毋 相 須 。至 者過 半 ， 莽 下 書 曰 ： 「 文 母 太 后 體 不 安 ， 其 且 止 待 後 。 」
是 歲 ， 改 十 一 公 號 ， 以 「 新 」 為 「 心 」 ， 後 又 改「 心 」 為 「 信 」 。
五 年 二 月 ， 文 母 皇 太 后 崩 ， 葬 渭 陵 ， 與 元 帝 合 而溝 絕 之 。 立 廟 於 長 安 ， 新 室 世 世 獻 祭 。 元 帝 配 食， 坐 於 床 下 。 莽 為 太 后 服 喪 三 年 。
大 司 馬 孔 永 乞 骸 骨 ， 賜 安 車 駟 馬 ， 以 特 進 就 朝 位。 同 風 侯 逯 並 為 大 司 馬 。
是 時 ， 長 安 民 聞 莽 欲 都 雒 陽 ， 不 肯 繕 治 室 宅 ， 或 頗 徹 之 。 莽 曰 ： 「 玄 龍 石 文 曰 『 定 帝 德 ， 國 雒 陽』 。 符 命 著 明 ， 敢 不 欽 奉 ！ 以 始 建 國 八 年 ， 歲 纏 星 紀 ， 在 雒 陽 之 都 。 其 謹 繕 脩 常 安 之 都 ， 勿 令 壞 敗 。 敢有 犯 者 ， 輒 以 名 聞 ， 請 其 罪 。 」
是 歲 ， 烏 孫 大 小 昆 彌 遣 使 貢 獻 。 大 昆 彌 者 ， 中 國外 孫 也 。 其 胡 婦 子 為 小 昆 彌 ， 而 烏 孫 歸 附 之 。 莽 見 匈 奴諸 邊 並 侵 ， 意 欲 得 烏 孫 心 ， 乃 遣 使 者 引 小 昆 彌 使 置 大 昆彌 使 上 。 保 成 師 友 祭 酒 滿
昌 劾 奏 使 者 曰 ：「 夷 狄 以 中 國 有 禮 誼 ， 故 詘 而 服 從 。 大 昆 彌 ， 君 也 ， 今序 臣 使 於 君 使 之 上 ， 非 所 以 有 夷 狄 也 。 奉 使 大 不 敬 ！ 」莽 怒 ， 免 昌 官 。
西 域 諸 國 以 莽 積 失 恩 信 ， 焉 耆 先 畔 ， 殺 都 護 但 欽。
十 一 月 ， 彗 星 出 ， 二 十 餘 日 ， 不 見 。
是 歲 ， 以 犯 挾 銅 炭 者 多 ， 除 其 法 。
明 年 改 元 曰 天 鳳 。
天 鳳 元 年 正 月 ， 赦 天 下 。
莽 曰 ： 「 予 以 二 月 建 寅 之 節 行 巡 狩 之 禮 ， 太 官 齎糒 乾 肉 ， 內 者 行 張 坐 臥 ， 所 過 毋 得 有 所 給 。 予 之 東 巡 ， 必 躬 載 耒 ， 每 縣 則 耕 ， 以 勸 東 作 。 予 之 南 巡 ， 必 躬 載 耨 ， 每 縣 則 薅 ， 以 勸 南 偽 。 予之 西 巡 ， 必 躬 載 銍 ， 每 縣 則 穫 ， 以 勸 西 成 。 予 之 北 巡 ，必 躬 載 拂 ， 每 縣 則 粟 ， 以 勸 蓋 藏 。 畢 北 巡 狩 之 禮， 即 于 土 中 居 雒 陽 之 都 焉 。 敢 有 趨 讙 犯 法 ， 輒 以 軍 法 從事 。 」
群 公 奏 言 ： 「 皇 帝 至 孝 ， 往 年 文 母 聖 體 不豫 ， 躬 親 供 養 ， 衣 冠 稀 解 。 因 遭 棄 群 臣 悲 哀 ， 顏 色 未 復， 飲 食 損 少 。
今 一 歲 四 巡 ， 道 路 萬 里 ， 春 秋 尊 ， 非 糒 乾肉 之 所 能 堪 。 且 無 巡 狩 ， 須 闋 大 服 ， 以 安 聖 體 。臣 等 盡 力 養 牧 兆 民 ， 奉 稱 明 詔 。 」
莽 曰 ： 「 群 公、 群 牧 、 群 司 、 諸 侯 、 庶 尹 願 盡 力 相 帥 養 牧 兆 民 ， 欲 以稱 予 ， 繇 此 敬 聽 ， 其 勗 之 哉 ！ 毋 食 言 焉 。 更 以 天鳳 七 年 ， 歲 在 大 梁 ， 倉 龍 庚 辰 ， 行 巡 狩 之 禮 。 厥 明 年 ，歲 在 實 沈 ， 倉 龍 辛 巳 ， 即 土 之 中 雒 陽 之 都 。 」
乃 遣 太 傅平 晏 、 大 司 空 王 邑 之 雒 陽 ， 營 相 宅 兆 ， 圖 起 宗 廟 、 社 稷、 郊 兆 云 。
三 月 壬 申 晦 ， 日 有 食 之 。 大 赦 天 下 。 策 大 司 馬 逯並 曰 ： 「 日 食 無 光 ， 干 戈 不 戢 ， 其 上 大 司 馬 印 韍 ， 就 侯氏 朝 位 。 太 傅 平 晏 勿 領 尚 書 事 ， 省 侍 中 諸 曹 兼 官 者 。 以利 苗 男 訢 為 大 司 馬 。 」
莽 即 真 ， 尤 備 大 臣 ， 抑 奪 下 權 ， 朝 臣 有 言 其 過 失者 ， 輒 拔 擢 。 孔 仁 、 趙 博 、 費 興 等 以 敢 擊 大 臣 ， 故 見 信任 ， 擇 名 官 而 居 之 。
公 卿 入 宮 ， 吏 有 常 數 ， 太 傅平 晏 從 吏 過 例 ， 掖 門 僕 射 苛 問 不 遜 ， 戊 曹 士 收 繫僕 射 。 莽 大 怒 ， 使 執 法 發 車 騎 數 百 圍 太 傅 府 ， 捕士 ， 即 時 死 。
大 司 空 士 夜 過 奉 常 亭 ， 亭 長 苛 之 ， 告 以 官名 ， 亭 長 醉 曰 ： 「 寧 有 符 傳 邪 ？ 」 士 以 馬 箠 擊 亭長 ， 亭 長 斬 士 ， 亡 ， 郡 縣 逐 之 。 家 上 書 ， 莽 曰 ： 「 亭 長 奉 公 ， 勿 逐 。 」 大 司 空 邑 斥 士 以 謝 。
國 將哀 章 頗 不 清 ， 莽 為 選 置 和 叔 ， 敕 曰 ： 「 非 但 保 國將 閨 門 ， 當 保 親 屬 在 西 州 者 。 」 諸 公 皆 輕 賤 ， 而 章 尤 甚。
四 月 ， 隕 霜 ， 殺 屮 木 ， 海 瀕 尤 甚 。 六 月 ， 黃 霧 四 塞 。 七 月 ， 大 風 拔 樹 ， 飛 北 闕 直 城 門 屋 瓦。 雨 雹 ， 殺 牛 羊 。
莽 以 周 官 、 王 制 之 文 ， 置 卒 正 、 連 率 、 大 尹 ， 職如 太 守 ； 屬 令 、 屬 長 ， 職 如 都 尉 。 置 州 牧 、 部 監 二 十 五人 。 見 禮 如 三 公 。 監 位 上 大 夫 ， 各 主 五 郡 。 公 氏 作 牧 ，侯 氏 卒 正 ， 伯 氏 連 率 ， 子 氏 屬 令 ， 男 氏 屬 長 ， 皆 世 其 官， 其 無 爵 者 為 尹 。
分 長 安 城 旁 六 鄉 ， 置 帥 各 一 人 。 分 三輔 為 六 尉 郡 ， 河 東 、 河 內 、 弘 農 、 河 南 、 潁 川 、南 陽 為 六 隊 郡 ， 置 大 夫 ， 職 如 太 守 ； 屬 正 ， 職 如都 尉 。 更 名 河 南 大 尹 曰 保 忠 信 卿 。 益 河 南 屬 縣 滿 三 十 。置 六 郊 州 長 各 一 人 ， 人 主 五 縣 。
及 它 官 名 悉 改 。 大 郡 至分 為 五 。 郡 縣 以 亭 為 名 者 三 百 六 十 ， 以 應 符 命 文 也 。 緣邊 又 置 竟 尉 ， 以 男 為 之 。 諸 侯 國 閒 田 ， 為 黜 陟 增減 云 。
莽 下 書 曰 ： 「 常 安 西 都 曰 六 鄉 ， 眾 縣 曰 六尉 。 義 陽 東 都 曰 六 州 ， 眾 縣 曰 六 隊 。 粟 米 之 內 曰 內 郡 ， 其 外 曰 近 郡 。 有 鄣 徼 者 曰 邊 郡 。 合 百 二 十 有 五 郡。 九 州 之 內 ， 縣 二 千 二 百 有 三 。
公 作 甸 服 ， 是 為 惟 城 ；諸 在 侯 服 ， 是 為 惟 寧 ； 在 采 、 任 諸 侯 ， 是 為 惟 翰 ；在 賓 服 ， 是 為 惟 屏 ； 在 揆 文 教 ， 奮 武 衛 ， 是 為惟 垣 ； 在 九 州 之 外 ， 是 為 惟 藩 ： 各 以 其 方 為 稱 ，總 為 萬 國 焉 。 」
其 後 ， 歲 復 變 更 ， 一 郡 至 五 易 名 ， 而 還復 其 故 。 吏 民 不 能 紀 ， 每 下 詔 書 ， 輒 繫 其 故 名 ，
曰 ： 「制 詔 陳 留 大 尹 、 太 尉 ： 其 以 益 歲 以 南 付 新 平 。 新平 ， 故 淮 陽 。 以 雍 丘 以 東 付 陳 定 。 陳 定 ， 故 梁 郡 。 以 封丘 以 東 付 治 亭 。 治 亭 ， 故 東 郡 。 以 陳 留 以 西 付 祈 隧 。 祈隧 ， 故 滎 陽 。 陳 留 已 無 復 有 郡 矣 。 大 尹 、 太 尉 ， 皆 詣 行在 所 。 」 其 號 令 變 易 ， 皆 此 類 也 。
令 天 下 小 學 ， 戊 子 代 甲 子 為 六 旬 首 。 冠 以 戊 子 為元 日 ， 昏 以 戊 寅 之 旬 為 忌 日 。 百 姓 多 不 從者 。
匈 奴 單 于 知 死 ， 弟 咸 立 為 單 于 ， 求 和 親 。 莽 遣 使者 厚 賂 之 ， 詐 許 還 其 侍 子 登 ， 因 購 求 陳 良 、 終 帶 等 。 單于 即 執 良 等 付 使 者 ， 檻 車 詣 長 安 。 莽 燔 燒 良 等 於 城 北 ，令 吏 民 會 觀 之 。
緣 邊 大 飢 ， 人 相 食 。 諫 大 夫 如 普 行 邊 兵 ， 還 言 「 軍 士 久 屯 塞 苦 ， 邊 郡 無 以 相 贍 。 今 單 于 新 和 ， 宜因 是 罷 兵 。 」
校 尉 韓 威 進 曰 ： 「 以 新 室 之 威 而 吞 胡 虜 ，無 異 口 中 蚤 蝨 。 臣 願 得 勇 敢 之 士 五 千 人 ， 不 齎 斗 糧 ， 飢食 虜 肉 ， 渴 飲 其 血 ， 可 以 橫 行 。 」 莽 壯 其 言 ， 以 威 為 將軍 。
然 采 普 言 ， 徵 還 諸 將 在 邊 者 。 免 陳 欽 等 十 八 人 ， 又罷 四 關 填 都 尉 諸 屯 兵 。 會 匈 奴 使 還 ， 單 于 知 侍 子 登 前 誅死 ， 發 兵 寇 邊 ， 莽 復 發 軍 屯 。
於 是 邊 民 流 入 內 郡 ， 為 人奴 婢 ， 乃 禁 吏 民 敢 挾 邊 民 者 棄 市 。
益 州 蠻 夷 殺 大 尹 程 隆 ， 三 邊 盡 反 。 遣 平 蠻 將 軍 馬 茂 將 兵 擊 之 。
寧 始 將 軍 侯 輔 免 ， 講 易 祭 酒 戴 參 為 寧 始 將 軍 。
二 年 二 月 ， 置 酒 王 路 堂 ， 公 卿 大 夫 皆 佐 酒 。 大 赦 天 下 。
是 時 ， 日 中 見 星 。 大 司 馬 苗 訢 左 遷 司 命 ， 以 延 德 侯 陳 茂 為 大 司 馬 。
訛 言 黃 龍 墮 死 黃 山 宮 中 ， 百 姓 奔 走 往 觀 者 有 萬 數。 莽 惡 之 ， 捕 繫 問 語 所 從 起 ， 不 能 得 。
單 于 咸 既 和 親 ， 求 其 子 登 屍 ， 莽 欲 遣 使 送 致 ， 恐咸 怨 恨 害 使 者 ， 乃 收 前 言 當 誅 侍 子 者 故 將 軍 陳 欽 ， 以 他罪 繫 獄 。 欽 曰 ： 「 是 欲 以 我 為 說 於 匈 奴 也 。 」 遂自 殺 。
莽 選 儒 生 能 顓 對 者 濟 南 王 咸 為 大 使 ， 五 威將 琅 邪 伏 黯 等 為 帥 ， 使 送 登 屍 。 敕 令 掘 單 于 知 墓 ， 棘 鞭其 屍 。 又 令 匈 奴 卻 塞 於 漠 北 ， 責 單 于 馬 萬 匹 ， 牛 三 萬 頭， 羊 十 萬 頭 ， 及 稍 所 略 邊 民 生 口 在 者 皆 還 之 。 莽 好 為 大言 如 此 。
咸 到 單 于 庭 ， 陳 莽 威 德 ， 責 單 于 背 畔 之 罪 ， 應敵 從 橫 ， 單 于 不 能 詘 ， 遂 致 命 而 還 之 。 入 塞 ， 咸 病 死 ，封 其 子 為 伯 ， 伏 黯 等 皆 為 子 。
莽 意 以 為 制 定 則 天 下 自 平 ， 故 銳 思 於 地 里 ， 制 禮作 樂 ， 講 合 六 經 之 說 。 公 卿 旦 入 暮 出 ， 議 論 連 年 不 決 ，不 暇 省 獄 訟 冤 結 民 之 急 務 。 縣 宰 缺 者 ， 數 年 守 兼 ， 一 切 貪 殘 日 甚 。
中 郎 將 、 繡 衣 執 法 在 郡 國 者 ， 並 乘 權勢 ， 傳 相 舉 奏 。 又 十 一 公 士 分 布 勸 農 桑 ， 班 時 令 ， 案 諸章 ， 冠 蓋 相 望 ， 交 錯 道 路 ， 召 會 吏 民 ， 逮 捕 證 左 ， 郡 縣賦 斂 ， 遞 相 賕 賂 ， 白 黑 紛 然 ， 守 闕 告 訴 者 多 。
莽自 見 前 顓 權 以 得 漢 政 ， 故 務 自 眾 事 ， 有 司 受 成苟 免 。 諸 寶 物 名 、 帑 藏 、 錢 穀 官 ， 皆 宦 者 領 之 ；吏 民 上 封 事 書 ， 宦 官 左 右 開 發 ， 尚 書 不 得 知 。 其畏 備 臣 下 如 此 。
又 好 變 改 制 度 ， 政 令 煩 多 ， 當 奏 行 者 ， 輒 質 問 乃 以 從 事 ， 前 後 相 乘 ， 憒 眊 不渫 。 莽 常 御 燈 火 至 明 ， 猶 不 能 勝 。 尚 書 因 是 為 姦寢 事 ， 上 書 待 報 者 連 年 不 得 去 ， 拘 繫 郡 縣 者 逢 赦 而 後 出， 衛 卒 不 交 代 三 歲 矣 。
穀 常 貴 ， 邊 兵 二 十 餘 萬 人 仰 衣 食， 縣 官 愁 苦 。 五 原 、 代 郡 尤 被 其 毒 ， 起 為 盜 賊 ，數 千 人 為 輩 ， 轉 入 旁 郡 。 莽 遣 捕 盜 將 軍 孔 仁 將 兵 與 郡 縣合 擊 ， 歲 餘 乃 定 ， 邊 郡 亦 略 將 盡 。
邯 鄲 以 北 大 雨 霧 ， 水 出 ， 深 者 數 丈 ， 流 殺 數 千 人。
立 國 將 軍 孫 建 死 ， 司 命 趙 閎 為 立 國 將 軍 。 寧 始 將軍 戴 參 歸 故 官 ， 南 城 將 軍 廉 丹 為 寧 始 將 軍 。
三 年 二 月 乙 酉 ， 地 震 ， 大 雨 雪 ， 關 東 尤 甚， 深 者 一 丈 ， 竹 柏 或 枯 。
大 司 空 王 邑 上 書 言 ： 「 視 事 八年 ， 功 業 不 效 ， 司 空 之 職 尤 獨 廢 頓 ， 至 乃 有 地 震 之 變 。願 乞 骸 骨 。 」
莽 曰 ： 「 夫 地 有 動 有 震 ， 震 者 有 害 ， 動 者不 害 。 春 秋 記 地 震 ， 易 繫 坤 動 ， 動 靜 辟 脅 ， 萬 物 生 焉 。 災 異 之 變 ， 各 有 云 為 。 天 地 動 威 ， 以 戒 予 躬 ， 公何 辜 焉 ， 而 乞 骸 骨 ， 非 所 以 助 予 者 也 。 使 諸 吏 散 騎 司 祿大 衛 脩 寧 男 遵 諭 予 意 焉 。 」
五 月 ， 莽 下 吏 祿 制 度 ， 曰 ： 「 予 遭 陽 九 之 阨 ， 百六 之 會 ， 國 用 不 足 ， 民 人 騷 動 ， 自 公 卿 以 下 ， 一 月 之 祿十 布 二 匹 ， 或 帛 一 匹 。 予 每 念 之 ， 未 嘗 不 戚 焉。
今 阨 會 已 度 ， 府 帑 雖 未 能 充 ， 略 頗 稍 給 ， 其 以 六 月 朔庚 寅 始 ， 賦 吏 祿 皆 如 制 度 。 」 四 輔 公 卿 大 夫 士 ， 下 至 輿僚 ， 凡 十 五 等 。 僚 祿 一 歲 六 十 六 斛 ， 稍 以 差 增 ， 上 至 四輔 而 為 萬 斛 云 。
莽 又 曰 ： 「 『 普 天 之 下 ， 莫 非 王 土 ； 率土 之 賓 ， 莫 非 王 臣 。 』 蓋 以 天 下 養 焉 。
周 禮 膳 羞百 有 二 十 品 ， 今 諸 侯 各 食 其 同 、 國 、 則 ； 辟 、 任、 附 城 食 其 邑 ； 公 、 卿 、 大 夫 、 元 士 食 其 采 。多 少 之 差 ， 咸 有 條 品 。 歲 豐 穰 則 充 其 禮 ， 有災 害 則 有 所 損 ， 與 百 姓 同 憂 喜 也 。 其 用 上 計 時 通 計 ， 天下 幸 無 災 害 者 ， 太 官 膳 羞 備 其 品 矣 ； 即 有 災 害 ， 以 什 率多 少 而 損 膳 焉 。
東 嶽 太 師 立 國 將 軍 保 東 方 三 州 一 部 二 十五 郡 ； 南 嶽 太 傅 前 將 軍 保 南 方 二 州 一 部 二 十 五 郡 ； 西 嶽國 師 寧 始 將 軍 保 西 方 一 州 二 部 二 十 五 郡 ； 北 嶽 國 將 衛 將軍 保 北 方 二 州 一 部 二 十 五 郡 ； 大 司 馬 保 納 卿 、 言 卿 、 仕卿 、 作 卿 、 京 尉 、 扶 尉 、 兆 隊 、 右 隊 、 中 部 左 洎 前 七 部； 大 司 徒 保 樂 卿 、 典 卿 、 宗 卿 、 秩 卿 、 翼 尉 、 光尉 、 左 隊 、 前 隊 、 中 部 、 右 部 ， 有 五 郡 ； 大 司 空 保 予 卿、 虞 卿 、 共 卿 、 工 卿 、 師 尉 、 列 尉 、 祈 隊 、 後 隊 、 中 部洎 後 十 郡 ； 及 六 司 ， 六 卿 ， 皆 隨 所 屬 之 公 保 其 災害 ， 亦 以 十 率 多 少 而 損 其 祿 。 郎 、 從 官 、 中 都 官 吏 食 祿都 內 之 委 者 ， 以 太 官 膳 羞 備 損 而 為 節 。
諸 侯 、 辟、 任 、 附 城 、 群 吏 亦 各 保 其 災 害 。 幾 上 下 同 心 ， 勸 進 農 業 ， 安 元 元 焉 。 」
莽 之 制 度 煩 碎 如 此 ， 課 計 不可 理 ， 吏 終 不 得 祿 ， 各 因 官 職 為 姦 ， 受 取 賕 賂 以 自 共 給。
是 月 戊 辰 ， 長 平 館 西 岸 崩 ， 邕 涇 水 不 流 ， 毀 而 北行 。 遣 大 司 空 王 邑 行 視 ， 還 奏 狀 ， 群 臣 上壽 ， 以 為 河 圖 所 謂 「 以 土 填 水 」 ， 匈 奴 滅 亡 之 祥也 。 乃 遣 并 州 牧 宋 弘 、 游 擊 都 尉 任 萌 等 將 兵 擊 匈 奴 ， 至邊 止 屯 。
七 月 辛 酉 ， 霸 城 門 災 ， 民 間 所 謂 青 門 也 。 戊 子 晦 ， 日 有 食 之 。 大 赦 天 下 。 復 令 公 卿 大 夫 諸侯 二 千 石 舉 四 行 各 一 人 。 大 司 馬 陳 茂 以 日 食 免 ，武 建 伯 嚴 尤 為 大 司 馬 。
十 月 戊 辰 ， 王 路 朱 鳥 門 鳴 ， 晝 夜 不 絕 ， 崔 發 等 曰： 「 虞 帝 闢 四 門 ， 通 四 聰 。 門 鳴 者 ， 明 當 修 先 聖之 禮 ， 招 四 方 之 士 也 。 」 於 是 令 群 臣 皆 賀 ， 所 舉 四 行 從朱 鳥 門 入 而 對 策 焉 。
平 蠻 將 軍 馮 茂 擊 句 町 ， 士 卒 疾 疫 ， 死 者 什 六 七 ，賦 斂 民 財 什 取 五 ， 益 州 虛 耗 而 不 克 ， 徵 還 下 獄 死 。
更 遣寧 始 將 軍 廉 丹 與 庸 部 牧 史 熊 擊 句 町 ， 頗 斬 首 ， 有 勝 。 莽徵 丹 、 熊 ， 丹 、 熊 願 益 調 度 ， 必 克 乃 還 。
復 大 賦 斂 ， 就都 大 尹 馮 英 不 肯 給 ， 上 言 「 自 越 巂 遂 久 仇 牛 、 同 亭 邪 豆之 屬 反 畔 以 來 ， 積 且 十 年 ，郡 縣 距 擊 不 已 。 續 用馮 茂 ， 苟 施 一 切 之 政 。 僰 道 以 南 ， 山 險 高 深 ， 茂 多 敺 眾遠 居 ， 費 以 億 計 ， 吏 士 離 毒 氣 死 者 什 七 。
今 丹 、 熊 懼 於 自 詭 期 會 ， 調 發 諸 郡 兵 穀 ， 復 訾 民取 其 十 四 ， 空 破 梁 州 ， 功 終 不 遂 。 宜 罷 兵屯 田 ， 明 設 購 賞 。 」
莽 怒 ， 免 英 官 。 後 頗 覺 寤 ， 曰 ： 「英 亦 未 可 厚 非 。 」 復 以 英 為 長 沙 連 率 。
翟 義 黨 王 孫 慶 捕 得 ， 莽 使 太 醫 、 尚 方 與 巧 屠 共 刳剝 之 ， 量 度 五 藏 ， 以 竹 筳 導 其 脈 ， 知 所 終始 ， 云 可 以 治 病 。
是 歲 ， 遣 大 使 五 威 將 王 駿 、 西 域 都 護 李 崇 將 戊 己校 尉 出 西 域 ， 諸 國 皆 郊 迎 貢 獻 焉 。
諸 國 前 殺 都 護 但 欽 ，駿 欲 襲 之 ， 命 佐 帥 何 封 、 戊 己 校 尉 郭 欽 別 將 。 焉耆 詐 降 ， 伏 兵 擊 駿 等 ， 皆 死 。 欽 、 封 後 到 ， 襲 擊 老 弱 ，從 車 師 還 入 塞 。 莽 拜 欽 為 填 外 將 軍 ， 封 劋 胡 子 ， 何 封 為 集 胡 男 。 西 域 自 此 絕 。
Translation and Notes: Part B
In [the year-period] Shih-chien-kuo, the first year, the first month, on the first day of the month, [Wang] Mang led the highest ministers, marquises, high ministers, and gentlemen to offer the imperial seal and [ceremonial] apron 1 of an Empress Dowager and present it to the Grand Empress Dowager [nee Wang, 2 in order to] obey the mandate [given through] the portents and do away with her title from the Han [dynasty].
Previously, [Wang] Mang had married a daughter of the Marquis of Yi-ch'un(a), [Wang Hsien(2a)], who was surnamed Wang. 3 She was made the Empress. She had originally given birth to four boys: Yü(3), Huo(b), An(1a), and Lin(1a). Two sons had previously been executed. [Wang] An(1a)'s mind was almost completely gone, so [Wang Mang] made [Wang] Lin(1a) the Imperial Heir-apparent, and made [Wang] An(1a) the Admirable Prince of the Hsin [House. Wang Mang] enfeoffed the six sons of [Wang] Yü: [Wang] Ch'ien(2) as Duke of Prospering Merits, [Wang] Shou as Duke of Brilliant Merits, [Wang] Chi(5b) as Duke of Perfected Merits, [Wang] Tsung as Duke of Eminent Merits, [Wang] Shih as Duke of Shining Merits, and [Wang] Li(4) as Duke of Marked Merits. A general amnesty [was granted] to the empire.
[Wang] Mang thereupon gave a charter-mandate to the Young Prince [Liu Ying(1a)], which said, " `O thou' 4 Ying! Anciently, August Heaven assisted the Grand Founder of your [dynasty, Emperor Kao, so that his descendants] succeeded [each other] for twelve reigns and enjoyed the state for two hundred ten years. `The [Heaven]-determined order of succession rests upon my person.' 5 Does not the Book of Odes say, `They became subject to the Chou [dynasty, for] the mandate of Heaven is not constant'? 6 I enfeoff you as the Duke of Established Tranquillity, foreover to be a guest of the Hsin House. Alas! Reverence the beneficence of Heaven. Go and take your position and do not neglect my commands."
It also said, "Let a region a hundred li square, with altogether ten thousand households in [the prefectures of] P'ing-Yüan, An-tê, T'a-yin, Ko, and Chung-ch'iu become the state of the Duke of Established Tranquillity, and let there be set up a temple to his ancestors, [the Emperors] of the Han [dynasty], at his state, just as [was done] for the descendants of the Chou [dynasty]. 7 Let him carry on the first day of the [Han] first month and the colors of the robes of that [dynasty], 8 from generation to generation serving his ancestors, so that they may eternally, because of their famous 9 virtue and abundant achievements, enjoy sacrifices for successive generations. Let the Empress [nee Wang] of [Emperor] Hsiao-p'ing become the Duchess Dowager of Established Tranquillity."
When the reading of the charter was ended, [Wang] Mang himself grasped the hand of the Young Prince, dropped tears, and sighed, saying, "Anciently, when the Duke of Chou had the position of regent, he was finally able to `return [the government] to his intelligent prince.' 10 [But] now, only [because] I am pressed by the majestic mandate of August Heaven, am I unable to follow my intention [to return the government to you]." He sorrowed and sighed for a long time. A Palace Tutor took the Young Prince down below the Hall, faced him north, and pronounced him a subject [of the new dynasty]. None of the many lower officials who acted as assistants to those who had positions [in the court at this ceremony] failed to be moved and influenced.
The coadjuting ministers were moreover all enfeoffed and installed according to [the list in] the metal casket. The Grand Tutor Assisting on the Left and General of Agile Cavalry, the Marquis of An-yang, Wang Shun(4b), became the Grand Master and was enfeoffed as the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Hsin [Dynasty]. The Grand Master over the Masses, the Marquis Conforming to Virtue, P'ing Yen, became the Grand Tutor and the Duke Conforming to the Hsin [Dynasty]. The Junior Supporter, the Hsi-and-Ho and Governor of the Capital, the Marquis of Hung-and-Hsiu, Liu Hsin(1a), became the State Master and the Duke Honoring the Hsin [Dynasty]. 11 Ai Chang, from Tzu(3a)-t'ung in Kuang-han [Commandery], became the State General and the Duke Beautifying the Hsin [Dynasty]. The foregoing were the Four Coadjutors. Their rank was that of the highest rank of the highest [ministers].
The Grand Guardian Serving at the Rear, the Marquis of Ch'eng-yang, Chen Han, became the Commander-in-chief and the Duke Serving the Hsin [Dynasty]. The Marquis Making Great Efforts, Wang Hsün(3), became the Grand Minister over the Masses and the Duke Ornamenting the Hsin [Dynasty]. The General of Foot-soldiers, the Marquis of Ch'eng-tu(b), Wang Yi(5), became the Grand Minister of Works and the Duke Prospering the Hsin [Dynasty]. The foregoing were the three highest ministers.
The Grand Supporter Aiding on the Right, the Grand Minister of Works and General of the Guard, the Marquis of Kuang-yang, Chen Feng, became the General of a New Beginning and the Duke Extending the Hsin [Dynasty]. Wang Hsing(a), from the imperial capital, became the General of the Guard and the Duke Upholding the Hsin [Dynasty]. The General of Light Chariots, the Marquis of Ch'eng-wu, Sun Chien, became the General Establishing the State and the Duke Perfecting the Hsin [Dynasty]. Wang Sheng, from the imperial capital, became the General of the Van and the Duke Exalting the Hsin [Dynasty]. The foregoing were the Four Generals. Altogether there were eleven highest ministers.
Wang Hsing(a) was a former clerk to a Prefect of a City-gate, 12 and Wang Sheng had been a seller of cakes. In accordance with the mandate [given through] the portent, [Wang] Mang sought out and secured more than ten persons with these surnames and given names. These two persons' features responded to divination and physiognomization, so they were elevated directly from [the condition of] wearing plain clothes and were given [these high] offices, in order to show that it was a supernatural [matter]. The other persons [with these surnames and given names] were all installed as Gentlemen. On this day, altogether several hundred persons were enfeoffed and installed in the offices of high ministers, grandees, Palace Attendants, and Masters of Writing. Those [members of] the Liu [clan] who had been Commandery Administrators were all changed to be Grandee-remonstrants.
[The name of] the Ming-kuang Palace was changed to be the Lodge of Established Tranquillity, and the Duchess Dowager of Established Tranquillity inhabited it.
The yamen of the former 13 Grand Herald was made the residence of the Duke of Established Tranquillity, [Liu Ying(1a)]. At both of these [residences] there were established guards for the gates, and commissioners inspected and directed them. It was ordered that [Liu Ying(1a)'s] nurses 14 and wet-nurses should not be permitted to talk with him. He was constantly [kept] within the four walls [of his residence, so that] when he grew up, he could not name the six [kinds of] domestic animals. Later [Wang] Mang married him to his granddaughter (a child of [Wang] Yü(3)). 15
[Wang] Mang's charters to his various high officials said: "As [the planet] Jupiter presides over `respectfulness,' 16 so [the Chief of] the Eastern [Sacred] Peak 17 and Grand Master has charge of bringing `timely rains.' As its cerulean splendor enlarges tranquillity, so he investigates [the sun's] shadow by the sundial." 18
"As [the planet] Mars presides over `wisdom', 19 so [the Chief of] the Southern [Sacred] Peak and Grand Tutor is in charge of bringing `timely warmth.' 20 As its red spendor enlarges tranquillity, so he investigates sounds by the musical tubes." 21
"As [the planet] Venus presides over `orderliness,' so [the Chief of] the Western [Sacred] Peak and State Master has charge of bringing `timely sun-shine.' 22 As its white splendor gives form to tranquillity, so he investigates measures of capacity by weighing instruments." 23
"As [the planet] Mercury presides over `deliberation,' so [the Chief of] the Northern [Sacred] Peak and State General has charge of bringing `timely cold.' 24 As its sombre brilliance harmonizes tranquillity, so he investigates the planets by the clepsydra." 25
"As the Moon [has charge of] punishments, and is the great limb 26 [of the heavenly powers], so the Commander-[in-chief] on the left has charge of bringing about military responses [to evil deeds. As we] investigate squareness 27 by the standard of the try-square, so he has charge of presiding over astrological phenomena, `reverently in accordance with [the observation] of the vast heavens, to deliver the seasons respectfully to the common people,' 28 and to give stimulation and encouragement to agricultural pursuits, in order [to bring about] an abundant harvest of grain."
"As the Sun has charge of virtues 29 and is the great arm [of the heavenly powers, so] the [Grand] Minister over the Masses on the right has charge of bringing auspicious presages [concerning] civil [matters]. As a circle is investigated by testing it with the compasses, 30 so he has charge of presiding over human ways. The `five [fundamental] teachings' are to be supported by him. He is to lead the common people, to receive [commands] from the throne, to propagate and beautify the customs and usages, and the five grades [of people will be well] instructed." 31
"[As the constellation of the Northern] Bushel [has charge of] balancing [i.e., judging] 32 and is the great heart [(or center) of heaven], so in the center the [Grand] Minister of Works has charge of preparing designs [i.e., planning] for (animate and inanimate) things. As length is investigated by the [carpenter's] line, so he has charge of presiding over the principles of geographical arrangements, of balancing and ruling the waters and the earth, and is in charge of [the spirits of] the famous mountains and streams, of multiplying birds and beasts, and of making grass and trees luxurious and abundant."
[Wang Mang thus] gave a charter-mandate to each one according to his duties, [using] words like those in the "Canons" and the "Announcements." 33 He established a Director of Confidence in the Commander-in-chief, a Director of Uprightness to the Grand Minister over the Masses, and a Director of Obedience to the Grand Minister of Works, whose positions were those of senior high ministers.
He [had previously] changed the title of the Grand Minister of Agriculture to be the Hsi-and-Ho, 34 and later changed it to be the Communicator. The Grand Judge was called the Deciding Judge, the Grand Minister of Ceremonies was called the Arranger of the Ancestral Temples, the Grand Herald was called the Director of Music, the Privy Treasurer was called the Provider of Works, and the Chief Commandant of Waters and Parks was called the My Forester. [These six officials], with the [three senior] high ministers who were directors to the three highest ministers were together [ranked as] the nine high ministers. They were divided and [each] made subordinate to [some one of] the three highest ministers. For each high minister there were established three grandees, and for each grandee there were established three First Officers, so that altogether there were twenty-seven grandees and eighty-one First Officers. 35 They were separately put in charge of the various duties in the offices of the imperial capital.
He changed the title of the Superintendant of the Imperial Household to be the Director of Palaces, the Grand Coachman to be the Grand 36 Charioteer, the Commandant of the Palace Guard to be the Grand 37 Guard, the Bearer of the Gilded Mace to be the Inciter to Military Deeds, and the [Colonel of] the Capital [Encampments] 38 to be the Chief of the Army. He also established the office of Grand Keeper of the Robes, who had charge of the imperial chariots of state, robes, and imperial articles. Later [this officer] also had charge of troops. The ranks and positions [of the foregoing six officials] were all those of the highest [rank] of the high ministers; they were entitled the Six Superintendants.
[The titles of] Grand Administrators of commanderies were changed to be Grand Governors, [commandery] Chief Commandants were called Grand Commandants, Prefects and Chiefs of prefectures were called Rulers, [Attending] Secretaries were called Upholders of the Laws, the Majors in Charge of Official Carriages were called [the Directors of] the Four Gates to the Royal Apartments.
The Ch'ang(1)-lo Palace was called the Ch'ang(2)-lo House, the Wei-yang (Never Completed) Palace was called the Shou-ch'eng House (the House Where a Long Life is Perfected), the Front Hall was called the Hall with the Royal Apartments, and Ch'ang1-an was called Ch'ang(2)-an.
The names of the [civil] ranks were changed: the [occupants of positions ranking at] 100 piculs were called Common Officers, the [occupants of positions ranking at] 300 piculs were called Lower-ranking Officers, the [occupants of positions ranking at] 400 piculs were called Middle-ranking Officers, the [occupants of positions ranking at] 500 piculs were called Mandated Officers, the [occupants of positions ranking at] 600 piculs were called First Officers, the [occupants of positions ranking at] 1000 piculs were called Lower-ranking Grandees, the [occupants of positions ranking at] equivalent to 2000 piculs were called Middle-ranking Grandees, the [occupants of positions ranking at] 2000 piculs were called Upper-ranking Grandees, and the [occupants of positions ranking at] fully 2000 piculs were called High Ministers. The carriages, robes, aprons, and mortarboard hats of each [differed according to] their different degrees.
There were also established [the Grandee] in Charge of Respectfulness, [the Grandee] in Charge of Accordance [with the Way, 39 the Grandee] in Charge of Clearsightedness, [the Grandee] in Charge of Attentiveness, and the Grandee in Charge of Perspicaciousness, 40 who, together with the Musician Chanting the Odes and the Ruler for Removing the Viands were to have charge of [the Emperor's] errors. Their charters said,
"I have heard that the sages of the most [ancient times] wished to make their virtues brilliant, so never failed to cultivate their persons carefully, in order that they might tranquillize [everyone, even those] at a distance. For this purpose I have established you to have charge of your `five activities.' 41 Do not hide my faults and do not assist me in vainglory. `In your likes and dislikes make no errors' 42 and hold to the mean. O! Put forth all your efforts!"
[Wang Mang] ordered that the [Directors of Four Gates to] the Royal Apartments should establish the banner for initiating improvements, the post for speaking ill and criticizing, 43 and the drum for those who dare to admonish. 44 Four Grandee-remonstrants were regularily seated at the Gates to the King's Apartments to receive those who would speak of matters.
The members of the Wang clan who were related [closely enough so that they would wear] the one-year's mourning were enfeoffed as Marquises, [those who would wear] the nine-months' mourning became Earls, [those who would wear] the five-months' mourning became Viscounts, and [those who would wear] the three-months' mourning became Barons. The females all became Baronesses. The males all had Mu (concord) and the females had Lung (prosperous) in their titles. 45 All received seals and cords.
[Wang Mang] ordered that for the nobles there should be appointed Ladies Dowager, Ladies, and Heirs, who would also receive seals and cords.
[His message] also said, " `Heaven has not two suns, nor has Earth two kings' 46 ---this is the unchangeable way of all the kings. Some of the nobles of the Han clan were entitled Kings, and even the barbarians [beyond] the four [frontiers] followed [this practise]. It is contrary to the ancient institutions and absurd [in view of the principle that there is only] one sovereign [in the world]. Let it be fixed that the titles of vassal kings shall all be [changed to] Duke, and that those of the barbarians [beyond] the four [frontiers] who have usurped this title and called themselves Kings shall all be changed and become Marquises."
It also said: "According to the Way of the [ancient] lords and kings, one followed [the ways of his predecessor, so that [their principles] were transmitted [from one to another]. As a recompense for their abundant virtues for hundreds of generations [after their death] they should enjoy sacrifices. I reflect that the Yellow Lord, the Lord, Shao-hao, the Lord, Chuan-hsü, the Lord, K'u, the Lord, Yao, the Lord, Shun, the Lord, Yü of the Hsia [dynasty], Kao-yao, and Yi Yin all possessed sage virtues and ascended to August Heaven, [becoming gods]. Their achievements were sublime and their brilliance was spread 47 to a distance. I esteem them highly and have `instituted a search' 48 for their descendants in order to recompense them by [enfeoffing descendants to] sacrifice to them. Verily, the Wang clan are descendants of the Lord of Yü, [Shun], who was descended from the Lord, K'u, and the Liu clan are descendants of Yao, who was descended from Chuan-hsü." 49
Thereupon he enfeoffed Yao Hsün as the Marquis of Original Concord to make offerings as the descendant of the Yellow Lord and Liang Hu as the Earl Renewing Distant [Sacrifices] to make offerings as the descendant of Shao-hao. The Imperial Grandson, the Duke of Prospering Merits, [Wang] Ch'ien(2), was to make offerings as the descendant of the Lord, K'u. Liu Hsin(1b) became the Earl of Vast Glories to make offerings as the descendant of Chuan-hsü. [Liu] Tieh, the son to the State Master, Liu Hsin(1a), became the Marquis of Yi-and-Hsiu, to make offerings as the descendant of Yao. Kuei Ch'ang became the Marquis of the Beginning of Concord to make offerings as the descendant of the Lord of Yü, [Shun]. Shan Tsun became the Viscount as a Recompense for Counsel to make offerings as the descendant of Kao-yao. Yi Hsüan became the Viscount in Recompense to the [Supporting] Governor, to make offerings as the descendant of Yi Yin. The position of the descendant of the Han [dynasty], the Duke of Established Tranquillity, Liu Ting(1a), was made that of a Guest. [The title of] the descendant of the Chou [dynasty], the Duke of Wei(s), 50 Chi Tang, was changed, and he was enfeoffed as the Duke of Manifest Peace and was also made a Guest. [The title of] the descendant of the Yin [dynasty], the Duke of Sung, K'ung Hung, whose rank was altered [because of] the change in [the dynasty], was changed, and he was enfeoffed as the Marquis of Manifest Brilliance and his position was made that of a Respected Guest. 51 A descendant of the Hsia [dynasty], Szu Feng, [a man] from Liao-hsi [Commandery], was enfeoffed and made the Marquis of Manifest Merits and was also made a Respected Guest. (To the most ancient examplars of the four dynasties there were made sacrifices to exemplars in the Ming-t'ang, and they were made the coadjutors of the August First Deceased Ancestor, the Lord of Yü, [Shun].) 52 The descendant of the Duke of Chou, the Viscount in Recompense to [the Duke of] Lu, Chi Chiu, and the descendant of Duke Hsüan-ni [in Recompense for Perfection, Confucius], the Viscount in Recompense for Perfection, K'ung Chün, had already been previously appointed.
[Wang] Mang also said, "When previously I was Regent, I founded a temple for the suburban sacrifices, established a temple for the distant ancestors, and set up [an altar for] the gods of the soils and grains. The gods in heaven and earth responded by [granting] favors. Sometimes `lights descended from above, dissolving into a crow'; 53 sometimes there was a yellow emanation which steamed up 54 dazzlingly clear, thereby making manifest my brilliant [inheritance from] the Yellow [Lord] and Yü [Shun].
"From the Yellow Lord to King Po of Chi-nan, [Wang Sui], there have indeed been five surnames in the generations of the founders [of my clan]. 55 The Yellow Lord had twenty-five sons, and granted them twelve separate surnames. My ancestor who was the Lord of Yü, [Shun], received the surname Yao; in [the time of] T'ao-and-T'ang [Yao], [my ancestors] were surnamed Kuei; in [the time of] the Chou [dynasty], they were surnamed Ch'en; in [the state of] Ch'i, they were surnamed T'ien; and in Chi-nan [Commandery] they were surnamed Wang.
"I have humbly remembered my August Deceased Original Ancestor, the Yellow Lord, and my August Deceased First 56 Ancestor, the Lord of Yü, [Shun], and have hence performed to them the sacrifice to an exemplar (tsung) in the Ming-t'ang. It is proper that [these ancestors] should be [given the proper] ranks among the founders and exemplars in my personal ancestral temple. Let there be established five shrines to founders [of my line] and four shrines to immediate ancestors, 57 and let the queens and ladies [of these ancestors] all receive offerings with [their husbands]. In the suburban sacrifice, let the Yellow Lord be the coadjutor of Heaven, and let the Queen of the Yellow [Lord] be made the coadjutrix of Earth. Let the Eastern Residence of the Marquis of Hsin-tuc become the great clan temple 58 where [these ancestors] shall be worshipped yearly and seasonally. Those whom my family esteem shall be sacrificed to for posterity thruout the empire. 59
"All [the members of] all the five clans [surnamed] Yao, Kuei, Ch'en, T'ien, and Wang are distant descendants of the Yellow [Lord] and of Yü [Shun], and so are my fellowclansman. Does not the Book of History say, `Effect a generous kindness and nice observance of distinctions among the nine [classes of] kindred'? 60 Let it be ordered that in the empire the names [of persons bearing] these five surnames should be entered upon the register of the Arranger of the Ancestral Temples; all are to be made [members of] the imperial house. From generation to generation, they shall be exempted and shall not pay anything. Let [the members of] the Wang clan from Yüan-ch'eng be ordered not to intermarry [among themselves], in order to distinguish [this clan] and to regulate relationships." 61
[Wang Mang] enfeoffed Ch'en Ch'ung as Marquis of Ruling Concord to make offerings as the descendant of King Hu [of Ch'en], 62 and T'ien Feng as Marquis of Hereditary Concord, to make offerings as the descendant of King Ching. 63
[As to] all those [Provincial] Shepherds and [Commandery] Administrators in the empire, who, because of [the rebellion of] Chai Yi, Chao Ming, and others, had led their provinces or commanderies [to attack these rebels and thus] had cherished loyalty and filial piety, the Shepherds were enfeoffed as Barons and the Administrators as Sub-Vassals. [Wang Mang] also enfeoffed as Barons the sons of all those who had formerly shown him kindness, [the sons of] Tai Ch'ung, Chin Shê, Chi Hung, Yang 64 Ping and others.
He sent the Chief Commandant of Cavalry, [Hsieh] Hsiao, and others in separate parties to prepare funerary parks and altars to the Yellow Lord at the Ch'iao Sacred Place in Shang Commandery, 65 to the Lord of Yü, [Shun], at [Mt.] Chiu-yi in Ling-ling [Commandery], to King Hu in [the former kingdom of] Huai-yang, to King Ching of Ch'en at Lin-tzu in Ch'i [Commandery], to King Min [of Ch'i] at Chü in Ch'eng-yang [Commandery], to King Po, [Wang Sui], at Tung-p'ing-ling in Chi-nan [Commandery], and to King Ju, [Wang Ho(4a)], at Yüan-ch'eng in Wei Commandery. At the four seasons, commissioners were to bring sacrifices to them. Those whose temples had to be built, because the empire had just recently been tranquillized, were temporarily to have [their tablets] gathered together and to be offered sacrifice in the Grand [Ancestral] Temple of the Ming-t'ang. [The temple of Emperor] Kao of the Han [dynasty] was made the Temple of the Accomplished Ancestor. 66
[Wang] Mang said [in a message], "My August Deceased First Ancestor, the Lord of Yü, [Shun], received [the throne] by the abdication of T'ang [Yao]. In the age of the original ancestor of the Han dynasty, the Lord of T'ang, [Yao], there was the model for transmitting the state [to another dynasty]. I myself in turn received the metal charter from the genius of Emperor Kao of the Han [dynasty]. When I ponder recompensing the generosity of previous dynasties, how could there be a time when I should forget [the Han dynasty]? There are seven Founders or Exemplars 67 in the Han dynasty. According to the proprieties, there should be established temples for them in the state of [the Duke of] Established Tranquillity. Let their funerary parks, funerary chambers, and temples at the imperial capital be not abolished, and let sacrifices and oblations [be made] as formerly. In the autumn, the ninth month, I will myself in person enter the temples of [Emperors] Kao, Yüan, Ch'eng, and P'ing of the Han dynasty.
"The various [members of] the Liu [clan] will be changed to be enregistered with the Grand Governor of the imperial capital, 68 and not be relieved from their exemption [from taxes], but each one shall [continue to be exempted] to the end of his life. The Provincial Shepherds shall frequently visit and ask after them, and shall bring it about that they should not [undergo] any encroachments or injustices."
He also said, "When I previously was in [the position of] the chief director [of the administration, 69 and became Regent and Acting [Emperor], I pondered deeply the dangers [at the end of] the three [times] seven [decades] of the Han dynasty, 70 that the emanation of virtue from the Red [Lord] was exhausted, and I thought and sought, searching widely for means whereby I might support the Liu [house] and lengthen its period [on the throne]. There was nothing that I failed to do. For that reason, I made the beneficial metal knife-[money], hoping thereby to assist [the dynasty]. 71 Nevertheless when Confucius wrote the Spring and Autumn to make it a model for later kings, [he continued it] until the fourteenth year of [Duke] Ai [of Lu], when one age ended. Comparing it with present [times], it was also fourteen years [after Emperor] Ai [ascended the throne that the Han dynasty ended its rule]. 72 Since the calculated [number of years allotted] for the age of the Red [Lord] was exhausted, I could not eventually have the power to save [that dynasty]. August Heaven made plain its majesty, so that the virtue of the Yellow [Lord] was due to arise and to make [Heaven's] great mandate abundantly apparent, entrusting me with the empire. Now the people all say that August Heaven has dethroned the Han [dynasty] and set up the Hsin [dynasty], that he has dismissed the Liu [clan from the throne] and caused the Wang [clan] to rise.
"Verily the word for Liu is made up of mao, metal, and knife. [The wearing of] the first-month kang-mao [amulets] and the convenience of the metal-knife-[money] cannot now be permitted to occur. 73[This matter] was widely debated by the ministers and gentlemen, and they all said, `That Heaven and men respond alike is brilliantly apparent. Let the kang-mao [amulets] be done away with, and let no one wear them at their girdles; let the knife-cash be abrogated, and let them not be used as a convenience [for exchange], in order to respond to and accord with the will of Heaven and to rejoice the minds of the people'."
Thereupon [the coinage] was changed and there were made small cash, 6 fen in diameter, weighing one shu. Their inscription said, "A diminutive cash, worth one [cash]." Together with the preceding large cash, [which were worth], fifty [of the smaller cash], there were two denominations [of coins] circulating at the same time. 74 [Wang Mang] wanted to prevent the common people from counterfeit casting [of cash], so issued a prohibition that they were not to be allowed to possess copper or charcoal. 75
In 76 the fourth month, the Marquis of Hsü-hsiang, Liu K'uai, formed a cabal of several thousand persons and raised troops in his state. [Liu] K'uai's elder brother, [Liu] Yin(2a), had been the former King of Chiao-tung under the Han [dynasty], and had at this time been changed to be the Duke Supporting and Rendering Homage [to the Hsin Dynasty. When Liu] K'uai mobilized his troops and attacked Chi-mo, [Liu] Yin(2a) closed the city gates and had himself bound in prison. The officials and common people resisted [Liu] K'uai, so that [Liu] K'uai was defeated and fled to Ch'ang-kuang, where he died.
[Wang] Mang said [in a message], "When anciently my ancestor, King Min [of Ch'i, who reigned over territory which is the present] Chi-nan [Commandery], was distressed by the robber [state of] Yen and left Lin-tzu (in [the state of] Ch'i) to take refuge at Chü, a man of his clan, T'ien Tan1, made extensive and clever plans, captured and killed a general of Yen, and re-established the state of Ch'i. Today the gentlemen and grandees of Chi-mo have again been of the same mind [with me] and have extirpated rebellious caitiffs. I commend most highly those who have been loyal and have compassion upon those who are guiltless.
"Let [Liu] Yin(2a) and the others be pardoned. Except for [Liu] K'uai's wife and children, his blood relatives and relatives by marriage, who ought to be sentenced, are not to be tried. In making consoling inquiries about those who have died, the person in charge of these inquiries shall grant to those who have died fifty thousand [cash] per person for burial money. [Liu] Yin(2a) understood the great mandate [of Heaven] and deeply hated [Liu] K'uai, for which reason [the latter] suffered immediately for his crimes. 77 Let the state of [Liu] Yin(2a) be made a full ten thousand households, with a territory a hundred li square."
[Wang Mang] also enfeoffed the more than ten courtiers [who had been concerned with] the mandates [from Heaven given by means of] portents. 78
[Wang] Mang said [in a message], "When the ancients established the cottages of eight families on the ching [system] 79 and one husband and one wife had a hundred mou of cultivated land and paid one-tenth in taxes, then the state had enough and the common people were opulent and composed songs of praise. The foregoing was the way of T'ang [Yao] and of Yü [Shun], and that which the three dynasties practised obediently.
"The [state of] Ch'in was inhuman and made the taxes heavy, in order that [the ruler] might himself have [a large] income. [The ruler] exhausted the strength of the common people in order to satisfy his desires to the utmost. He destroyed the institutions of the sages and did away with the ching[system of] cultivated fields. For this reason the taking posession of and joining together [of fields by the wealthy] arose and avarice and vileness was born. The strong made designs to secure cultivated fields by the thousands [of mou] and the weak [even] lacked [enough of] a habitation in which to stand up an awl.
"[That state] also established market-places for male and female slaves, putting [human beings] in like enclosures with those for cattle and horses. In their rule over their common people and subjects, [the Ch'in rulers] arbitrarily cut short their [very] lives, and villainous and oppressive persons took advantage of the opportunity to make profits, even kidnapping and selling other peoples' wives and children, going contrary to the will of Heaven and disordering human relationships, which is contradictory to the principle that `of all living things, [i.e., animals and plants, produced by] Heaven and Earth, man is the noblest.' 80 The Book of History says, `[If you do not obey my commands], I will thereupon enslave and dishonor you,' 81 [according to which passage] only those who did not obey [the king's] commands should indeed suffer this punishment. 82 [of being enslaved].
"The 83 Han dynasty reduced and lightened the land tax, taking [only] one-thirtieth, [but in addition] there were regularly [required] conscript service and capitation-taxes, which [even] the sick and aged were all required to pay, 84 while powerful common people encroached upon [the poor, letting their own] fields [out on] shares, robbing [people] by the rentals [required for their land, so that while] in name they were taxed only one-thirtieth, in reality they are taxed or pay as rent five-tenths of their produce. 85 Fathers and sons, husbands and wives plowed and weeded for a whole year, [but] what they got was insufficient to keep themselves alive. Hence the horses and dogs of the rich had surplus beans and grain and [the rich] were proud and did evil, while the poor could not satiate themselves with brewer's grains, became destitute, and acted wickedly. Both [rich and poor] fell into crime, so that the punishments had to be employed and could not be set aside.
"When previously I was the chief director [of the administration], I first ordered that the empire's public cultivated fields [should be organized on] the ching [system according to the number] of persons, and consequently at that time there were happy presages of auspicious [large-eared] cereals. [But] there happened to be rebellious caitiffs and treasonable rebels, so that [the scheme] was temporarily stopped.
"Now I change the names of the cultivated fields in the empire to be `the King's fields,' 86 and of male and female slaves to be `private adherents.' All are not to be permitted to be bought or sold. Let it be that those [rich families with] less than eight males, who have more cultivated fields than those in one ch'ing, shall divide the cultivated fields that are in excess [of those in one ch'ing] and give them to their nine [classes of] relatives or to [people in] their neighborhood. 87 Those who formerly had no cultivated fields and who ought now to receive cultivated fields [shall be treated] in accordance with the regulations. If there are any who presume to speak evil of the sage institution of the ching [system of] cultivated fields, and mislead the crowd lawlessly, `they shall be thrown out to the four frontiers [and be made] to resist the elves and goblins,' 88 as in the former case my August Deceased First Ancestor, the Lord of Yü, [Shun], did."
At this time, the people had considered the Han [dynasty's] five-shu cash convenient, and, because Wang Mang's cash coins had been put out in two [denominations], large and small, and so were difficult to tell [apart], and moreover had been changed and altered several times, so that they were not to be trusted, [therefore the people] all privately used the five-shu cash at the market and in purchases, saying falsely that the large cash are due to be abolished and that no one is willing to keep them.
[Wang] Mang was troubled by it and again issued a written message that all those who hoard five-shu cash and say that the large cash are due to be abolished are similar to those who criticize the ching system of cultivated fields and should be "thrown out to the four frontiers." 89 Thereupon farmers and merchants lost their occupations, food and goods were both rendered useless, and the common people even wept in the marketplaces and highways. Moreover those who were tried for buying or selling fields or residences, male or female slaves, or for casting cash, from the nobles, high ministers, and grandees down to ordinary common people, and who suffered punishment, could not be counted.
In the autumn, [Wang Mang] sent twelve Generals of the Five Majestic [Principles], Wang Ch'i and others, [each with his five Lieutenant Generals], 90to publish through the empire the Mandate [of Heaven Given Through] Portents, in 42 fascicles. There were five matters of "Happy Presages of Virtues," twenty-five of "Mandates Through Portents," and twelve of "Responses of Heavenly Favors," forty-two fascicles in all.
[The chapters on] "Happy Presages of Virtues" said that in the reigns of [Emperors] Wen and Hsüan, yellow dragons appeared at Ch'eng-chi and Hsin-tu(b), 91 that a catalpa pillar at the gate to the grave of the Deceased Eminent Founder [of Wang Mang's clan], King Po, 92 [Wang Sui], had sprouted a branch with leaves, and the like. [The chapters on] "Mandates Through Portents" spoke of the well, the stone, the metal casket, and the like. 93 [The chapters on] "Responses of Heavenly Favors" spoke of a hen having been metamorphosed into a cock and the like. The language [of the book] was like the Classics, 94 accorded with them and made use of them in making its interpretations. Its final conclusion was that [Wang] Mang was due to have taken the place of the Han [emperors] and to possess the empire. 95
In sum it said, "When lords or kings are to receive the mandate [of Heaven], there inevitably are portents and auspices concerning the presages of the virtues [and powers through whose dominance they rule], which assist and complete the mandate to the five [powers], 96 and make this circumstance known by responses of heavenly favor. Then only can [a dynasty] achieve sublime merit and transmit it to its descendants, who will eternally enjoy boundless prosperity. Hence, when the Hsin dynasty arose, the happy presages of the virtue [of its power] came forth after the three sevens [of decades] and the nine generations [of emperors] of the Han [dynasty had elapsed]. 97
"The mandate [to the Hsin dynasty] commenced when [Wang Mang was the Marquis of] Hsin-tuo and received an auspicious presage from [the state of] Huang-chih. 98 His kingship began [with the stone] at Wu-kung. 99 The mandate was fixed [upon him by the portent from the man of] Tzu(3b)- t'ung. 100 The mandate was completed by [the happening] at Tang-[ch'ü] in Pa [Commandery. 101 The gods] expressed their favor by twelve responses, [so that] the method which Heaven has used to [show that it] protects and blesses the Hsin dynasty is indeed deep and indeed substantial.
"The red stone at Wu-kung appeared in the last year of Emperor P'ing of the Han dynasty, when the 102 virtue of fire had been completely dissipated and the virtue of earth was due to take the place [of the virtue of fire]. August Heaven was solicitous [on account of this circumstance] and so rejected the Han [dynasty] and gave [His mandate] to the Hsin [dynasty], using the red stone as its first mandate to the Emperor. The Emperor, [Wang Mang, however] humbly refused to accept [this title] and hence occupied [the throne] as regent.
"[But that action] did not accord with the will of Heaven, hence in that autumn, the seventh month, Heaven again used the varicolored horse of 103 [the constellation] San-t'ai. The Emperor, [Wang Mang], again humbly refused, and did not yet ascend the throne, hence [there came] a third [mandate] by an iron contract, a fourth [mandate] by a stone tortoise, a fifth [mandate] by a portent from Yü [Shun], a sixth [mandate] by an inscribed sceptre, a seventh [mandate] by a black seal, an eighth [mandate] by a stone message at Mou-ling, a ninth [mandate] by a dark dragon stone, a tenth [mandate] by a supernatural well, 104 an eleventh [mandate] by a great supernatural stone, and a twelfth [mandate] by a copper portent and a design on silk. 105 The happy presages which expressed the mandate [of Heaven] gradually became [more and more] outstanding until they reached [the number of] twelve, in order to announce plainly that the Emperor of the Hsin [dynasty should ascend the throne].
"The Emperor pondered deeply that the majesty of Heaven Above could not but be feared. Hence he did away with the title of Regent, yet still called himself the Acting [Emperor], and changed the year-period to Ch'u-shih, intending thereby to stop the mandate of Heaven and yet to carry out and satisfy the will of the Lords on High. Yet that was not the purpose for which August Heaven had so carefully 106 sent down his mandate through portents. Hence on that [very] day Heaven again settled [his hesitancy] by a tortoise letter. 107 A Gentleman-in-attendance, Wang Hsü, moreover saw a man clothed in a white plain cloth thin garment with a square collar of red ribbon, wearing on his head the small bonnet, standing in front of the Hall With the Royal Apartments. He said to [Wang] Hsü, `Today, in heaven [everyone] is of the same mind to confide the people of the world to [Wang Mang] as Emperor.' 108 While [Wang] Hsü was marvelling at it and walked more than ten double-paces, the man was suddenly not seen.
"On the evening of [the day] ping-yin, at the Temple of [Emperor] Kao of the Han dynasty, there was a metal casket with a design and a charter, [stating that] Emperor Kao had received the mandate of Heaven to transmit the state to the Emperor of the Hsin [dynasty]. The next morning, the Elder of the Imperial House, the Marquis of Loyalty and Filial Piety, Liu Hung(3b), reported it. Thereupon the ministers were summoned to discuss it. When they had not yet reached a decision, the great supernatural stone man spoke, saying, `Hasten the Emperor of the Hsin [dynasty] to the Temple of [Emperor] Kao, [where he is] to receive the Mandate. Do not delay.'
"Thereupon the Emperor of the Hsin [dynasty, Wang Mang], at once mounted his chariot and went to the Temple of [Emperor] Kao of the Han dynasty and received the mandate. The day of receiving the mandate was ting-mao. 109Ting is fire, which is the virtue of the Han dynasty; mao is that whereby the [Han dynasty's] surname, Liu, becomes this written character. 110 It makes plain that the virtue of fire, [which was that of] the Han [dynasty] and of the Liu [clan], is exhausted, and that [the state] has been transmitted to the house of Hsin.
"Since the Emperor was perfect in `humility,' 111 he renounced firmly [the honors indicated by] the twelve responses [from the gods] by portents, [but] he was compelled by the plain mandate [of Heaven] and could not refuse. He was startled and reverently awed, and worried 112 and sad that the ending of the Han dynasty could not have been arrested. He was indefatigable in assisting 113 [the Han dynasty, but] he could not carry out his purposes, and, because of that, for three nights he did not go to his bed and for three days he did not touch food. He invited and questioned the highest ministers, marquises, high ministers, and grandees, and all said, `It is proper that you should receive [the rule] according to the majestic mandate of Heaven Above.' Thereupon he changed the year-period, fixed upon his title, and [gave 114 the opportunity for] a new beginning to [all] within [the four] seas.
"When the House of
Hsin had been fixed [upon the throne], the gods in heaven and earth were glad and
rejoiced, and emphasized it by responses of [celestial] favor. Their fortunate
presages were continuous and reiterated. The Book of
The Generals of the Five Majestic [Principles], in respectful obedience to the mandate [given by] portents, brought seals and cords and gave them to the kings, the marquises, and those of lower [rank], down to the lower officials whose official titles had been changed, and, outside [the country], to the Huns, to the Western Frontier Regions, and to the barbarians outside the borders. From all [of these persons], immediately that [the Generals] had given out the seals and cords of the House of Hsin, they thereupon took up the seals and cords of the former Han [dynasty]. There were granted, to the lower officials, two steps in noble rank per person, to common people, one step in noble rank per person, to the women of a hundred households, a sheep and wine, and to the barbarians, currency and silk, to each proportionately. A general amnesty [was granted] to the empire.
The Generals of the Five Majestic [Principles] rode in chariots [emblazoned] with the lines of [the hexagram] Ch'ien, [representing Heaven], yoked to [the hexagram] K'un [in the shape of] six mares. 116 On their backs they bore the feathers of the golden pheasant, 117 and their robes were decorated very extraordinarily. For each General there were established Lieutenants of the Left, of the Right, of the Van, of the Rear, and of the Center, five Lieutenants in all. Their clothes and hats, chariots and robes, and the horses yoked [to their chariots] were severally like the colors and numbers of their directions. 118 The Generals carried credentials with the title, "A Messenger of the Supreme One" and the Lieutenants bore banners with the title, "A Messenger of the Five Lords [on High." Wang] Mang's charter-mandate to them read, "In the whole world, go to its four extremities and do not leave any place unvisited."
Those who went out eastwards reached Hsüan-t'u [Commandery], Lo-lang [Commandery], the Kao-chü-li, and the Fu-Yü. Those who went out to the south passed over [the border] beyond Yi Province, where they degraded the King of Kou-t'ing and made him a marquis. Those who went out to the west reached the Western Frontier Regions and changed all the kings there to be marquises.
Those who went out to the north reached the court of the Huns and gave the Shan-Yü a seal which changed the words in the Han [dynasty's] seal, doing away with the word "imperial seal" and reading [instead], "official seal." When the Shan-Yü desired and asked for his former seal, Ch'en Jao had broken it to pieces. A discussion is in the "Memoir on the Huns." 119 The Shan-Yü became furious. Kou-t'ing and the Western Frontier Regions moreover later finally all revolted because of this [change of titles]. When [Ch'en] Jao returned, he was installed as General-in-chief and was enfeoffed as Viscount of Majestic Virtue.
In the winter it thundered and the t'ung trees blossomed.
[Wang Mang] established [as regular officials] Directors of Mandates from the Five Majestic [Principles, Generals] of the Central City [of the Five Majestic Principles], and four Generals of the [respective] Passes [in the four directions for the Five Majestic Principles]. The Directors of Mandates were directors to the officials [ranking] in the highest class of the highest ministers and to those [ranking] lower. [The Generals of] the Central City [of the Five Majestic Principles] were in charge of the twelve city gates [of Ch'ang-an].
The charter-mandate to the Marquis of Ruling
Concord, Ch'en Ch'ung, read, "O thou Ch'ung!
Verily,  disobedience
to mandates is the source of sedition.  Great wickedness and knavishness is
the origin of rebellion.  The casting of counterfeit gold
and cash is a means whereby obstacles are
put [in the circulation of] the valuable currency.  Pride and extravagance
overpassing the regulations is the beginning of evil and disaster [to oneself].
 Divulging matters [discussed in] the Inner
Apartments and [matters] concerning the Masters of Writing is [what is called],
`When the delicate government
affairs are not kept secret, injury will result.'
 When those who are installed in
noble ranks at the court of a [true] king
[nevertheless] give thanks at the doors of private [persons] for the grace
[shown them, it is what is called] `blessings leave the public halls'
and the government goes to ruin. All these six matters are fundamental principles
of the state. For this reason I establish you as Director of Commands [of the
Five Majestic Principles].
His [charter-] mandate to the Marquis Delighting in Portents, Ts'ui Fa, read, " `The double gates and the beating of night watches are a preparation against violent visitors.' 128 You are to serve as General of the Central City of the Five Majestic [Principles]. When the central virtue 129 is perfected, all the world will delight in [Heaven's] portents."
His [charter]-mandate to the Marquis Making the Majestic [Principles] Brilliant, Wang Chi(6), read, "The fastnesses of the twists and overhangings 130 are at the south facing [the part of the ancient state], Ch'u [in Yü's province of] Ching. 131 You are to serve as the General of the Southern Passes for the Five Majestic [Principles]. Invigorate your military [power] and make efforts in guarding [the capital], making the majestic [principles] brilliant at my front." 132
His [charter]-mandate to the Marquis the Commandant of Concord, Wang Chia(1c), read, "The narrow places of [Mount] Yang-t'ou are at the north facing [the former feudal states of] Yen and Chao. You are to serve as the General of the Northern Passes for the Five Majestic [Principles]. At the Hu-k'ou [Pass], strike [the enemy] and occupy [strategic positions], commanding concord at my rear."
His [charter]-mandate to the Marquis Grasping 133 the Majestic [Principles], Wang Ch'i, read, "The difficult places of [Mounts] Hsiao and Mien-[ch'ih] are on the east, facing [the former states of] Cheng and Wei(s). You are to serve as the General of the Eastern Passes for the Five Majestic [Principles]. At the Han-ku [Pass], strike down dangers, grasping the majestic [principles] at my left."
His [charter]-mandate to the Viscount Cherishing the Ch'iang, Wang Fu(5b), read, "The obstacles of the Ch'ien(1) [River and Mount] Lung are on the west, facing the barbarians. You are to serve as the General of the Western Passes for the Five Majestic [Principles]. Make them secure, guard them vigilantly and cherish the Ch'iang at my right."
[Wang Mang] also sent Grandee-remonstrants [and others], fifty persons [in all], by divisions to cast cash in the commanderies and kingdoms.
In this year, a mad woman of Ch'ang-an, Pi, called out in the roads, saying, "Emperor Kao is furious [and says], `Quickly return my state. If not, in the ninth month I will inevitably kill you.' " [Wang] Mang had her arrested and killed. The Grandee in Charge of Brigands, Ch'en Ch'eng, who had to punish her, resigned of his own accord and left his office.
Liu Tu(1b) and others of [the former kingdom of] Chen-ting plotted to raise troops. [The plot] was discovered and all were executed, and in Chen-ting and in Ch'ang-shan [Commandery] there was a great rain of hail.
In the second year, the second month, an amnesty [was granted] to the empire. The Generals of the Five Majestic [Principles] and their Lieutenants, 72 persons [in all], returned and memorialized their reports. The vassal kings of the Han [dynasty] who had become Dukes had all given up their kingly seals and cords, had become common people, and none had disobeyed [Wang Mang's] commands. [Wang Mang] enfeoffed the Generals as Viscounts and the Lieutenants as Barons.
The ordinances for the six monopolies [lit., "controls"] were first established. It was commanded that the imperial government should  dispense liquors,  sell salt and  iron implements,  cast cash, and that all those who picked or took the various things from  famous mountains or great marshes were to be taxed.
It was also ordered  that the offices [in charge of] the market-places should collect [things when they are] cheap and sell them [when they are] dear, and should lend on credit to the common people, taking three [cash per] month as interest for a hundred [cash]. 134 The Hsi-and-Ho, [Lu K'uang], established one Officer for Liquor in each commandery, with a riding quadriga, to oversee the profit from the liquor.
A prohibition was made that the common people were not allowed to possess crossbows or cuirasses. [Those who violated this prohibition] 135 were to be exiled to Hsi-hai [Commandery].
When the Hun Shan-Yü's [envoy, who had come to the imperial capital,] had asked for [the Shan-Yü's] former imperial seal, [Wang] Mang had not given it to him, consequently [the Huns had] raided the border commanderies, killing and kidnapping officials and common people. 136
In the eleventh month, the General Establishing the State, [Sun] Chien, memorialized, "A general in the Western Frontier Regions, [Tan] Ch'in, has sent [to the court a message] which says, `In the ninth month, on [the day] hsin-szun, Ch'en Lang and Chung Tai, officials of the Mou-and-Chi Colonel, joined together, murdered their Colonel, Tiao Hu, and coerced officials and soldiers, calling themselves Generalissimos of the fallen Han [dynasty], and fled to the Huns.' 137
"Moreover in the present month, on [the day] kuei-ch'ou, 138 a man of unknown provenance obstructed the front of your servant Chien's chariot, calling himself Liu Tzu-Yü of the House of Han, a son of Emperor Ch'eng by a low-[class] wife, 139 [saying that] the Liu clan is due to be restored and that the palaces should quickly be emptied. I arrested and bound the man, 140 and he was [found to be a man of] Ch'ang(2)-an, surnamed Wu, with the courtesy name Chung.
"All of them have gone contrary to Heaven and disobeyed 141 His mandate, which is treason and inhumanity. I beg that you will pass sentence upon [Wu] Chung, together with [Ch'en] Liang and the others, and upon their blood relatives and relatives by marriage who are due to be sentenced with them." The memorial was approved.
[He also memorialized], 142 "Emperor Kao of the Han dynasty frequently made known a warning saying, `Dismiss the officials and soldiers [in the Han Ancestral Temples] and make [the Han emperors] guests at the sacrifice [in the temples of the present dynasty],' sincerely desiring to accord with the will of Heaven and to preserve his descendants. His ancestral temple ought not to be inside the city-walls of Ch'ang2-an, and, together with the [members of] the Liu [clan] who are nobles, they should all have been dismissed at the same time that the Han [dynasty was overthrown]. Your Majesty is most benevolent and for this long time has not settled [this matter].
"Previously, the former Marquis of An-chung, Liu Ch'ung(2c), the [former] Marquis of Hsü-hsiang, Liu K'uai, the [former] Marquis of Ling-hsiang, Liu Ts'eng(b), and the [former] Marquis of Fu-ên, Liu Kuei(b), and others, one by one collected a crowd and plotted to rebel. Now some perverse and treacherous caitiffs have falsely called themselves generals of the fallen Han [dynasty] and one person has called himself [Liu] Tzu-Yü, a son of Emperor Ch'eng, so that they have committed [crimes punishable by] being executed and their relatives being annihilated. The reason that these continual [rebellions] have not stopped is that your sage grace has not sooner cut off the early growths [of such events].
"Your servant stupidly considers that Emperor Kao of the Han [dynasty] should become a guest of the House of Hsin and enjoy sacrifices in the Ming-t'ang. Emperor Ch'eng was your cousin with a different surname and Emperor P'ing was your son-in-law. For all of them it is not proper that they should again enter their temples. Emperor Yüan became of one flesh with the Empress Dowager [nee Wang], and the rites by which your sage grace has exalted her are appropriate also for him.
"Your servant begs that the various temples of the Han dynasty in the imperial capital should all be abolished, that the various [members of] the Liu [clan] who are nobles should be put into the hierarchy of five degrees [of nobility] in accordance with the number of households [in their estates], and that those [members of the Liu clan] who are officials should all be dismissed and await new appointments at their homes. On the one hand, [this procedure] will accord with the will of Heaven and agree with the supernatural manifestations from Emperor Kao, and [on the other hand], 143 it will stop the beginnings of perverseness and treachery."
[Wang] Mang said [in his message], "It may be done. The Duke Honoring the Hsin [Dynasty], the State Master, [Liu Hsin(1a)], who, because of the mandate [given by] portents, has been made [one of] my Four Coadjutors, the Marquis of Brilliant Virtues, Liu Kung2, the Marquis Leading by the Rules of Proper Conduct, Liu Chia1s" and others, "thirty-two persons in all, all understood the mandate of Heaven; they either presented portents from Heaven or offered congratulatory sayings or arrested or informed upon rebellious caitiffs, so that their merits are abundant. The [members of] the Liu [clan] who are of the same clan and have the same grandfathers as these thirty-two persons are not to be dismissed and are to be granted the [imperial] surname, Wang."
Only the State Teacher, [Liu Hsin(1a)], was not granted this surname, because his daughter had been married to [Wang] Mang's son. The title of the Duchess Dowager of Established Tranquillity, [Wang Mang's daughter], was changed, and she was called the Princess of the Yellow Imperial House, in order to cut her off from the [house of] Han.
In the winter, the twelfth month, it thundered.
The title of the Shan-Yü of the Huns (Hsiung-nu) was changed, and he was called the Submitted Capture (Fu-Yü) of the Surrendered Slaves (Hsiang-nu).
[Wang] Mang said [in a message], "The Submitted Capture of the Surrendered Slaves, [Lüan-ti] Chih, has `despised and insulted the five powers,' 144 has turned his back upon and rebelled against the four articles, 145 has invaded and violated the Western Frontier Regions, and has extended himself to and reached the frontiers [of China], where he has made himself injurious to the great multitude. His crimes are such that he ought to be executed and his relatives annihilated. I command and send the General Establishing the State, Sun Chien," and others, "twelve generals [in all], to go out simultaneously by ten routes, and respectfully perform the majestic punishment of August Heaven upon the person of [Lüan-ti] Chih.
"But I ponder that the ancestor of [Lüan-ti] Chih, the former Shan-Yü Hu-han-hsieh, [Lüan-ti] Chi-hou-shan, was loyal and filial during successive reigns, protecting the barriers and guarding the frontiers. I cannot bear, because of the crime of one [Lüan-ti] Chih, to destroy the posterity of [Lüan-ti] Chi-hou-shan. Now I divide the state, territory, and people of the Huns and make of it fifteen [states], setting up fifteen descendants of [Lüan-ti] Chi-hou-shan as Shan-Yü."
He sent a General of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Lin Pao, [with] Tai Chi, to gallop just outside the barrier, summon, and install those who ought to become Shan-Yü. Those people of the Huns who ought to be sentenced because of the law [against] the caitiff [Lüan-ti] Chih were all [granted] amnesty and set free.
[Wang Mang] sent the General of the Five Majestic [Principles], Miao Hsin, and the General of the as Rapid as Tigers, Wang K'uang(4a), to go out of Wu-Yüan [Commandery], the General Repressing Difficulties, Ch'en Ch'in, and the General Making Barbarians Quake, Wang Hsün(2), to go out of Yün-chung [Commandery], the General Invigorating His Military [Power], Wang Chia(1c), and the General Tranquillizing the Barbarians, Wang Meng(2), to go out of Tai Commandery, the General Assisting the Majestic [Principles], Li Shen, and the General Maintaining Order in Distant [Places], Li Weng, to go out of Hsi-ho [Commandery], the General Executing the Mo, Yang Chün, and the General Expelling Filth, Chuang Yu, to go out of Yü-yang [Commandery], the General Inciting to Military Deeds, Wang Chün(4c), and the General Settling the Hu, Wang Yen(4), to go out of Chang-yi [Commandery], together with their lieutenant-, major-[generals], and subordinates, 180 persons [in all]. They enlisted the convicts, freemen, and armed soldiers of the empire, 300,000 persons [in all], transporting the taxes from many commanderies, 146 ---clothes and furs, military implements, and provisions, escorted by the Chief Officials [of the prefectures]. From the seacoast, the Yang-tze, and the Huai [Rivers] to the northern borders, commissioners, [riding in] galloping quadrigae, supervised and urged them, and acted in accordance with the law for levying an army. The empire was disturbed. Those who arrived first encamped in the border commanderies, waiting for them all to arrive, and then go out at the same time. 147
Because his cash and [other] currencies finally did not circulate, [Wang] Mang again issued a written message, which said, "The common people consider their food as their life and their goods as their wealth. For this reason among the eight [objects of] government, food is given the first place. 148 If the valuable currency is all of large [denominations], when one needs a small amount [of money], it is not available; if it is all of small [denominations], then transporting it is troublesome and expensive; if large and small [denominations], big and little [coins], are each of different kinds, then their use is convenient and the common people rejoice." Therefore [Wang Mang] created valuable currency of five kinds. A discussion is in the "Treatise on Food and Goods." 149
The people did not accord, and only used merely two denominations of cash, the large and the diminutive [cash]. Since those who cast counterfeit cash could not be stopped, [Wang Mang] made the penalties [against counterfeiting] heavy. When one family cast cash, the five [neighboring] families were to be sentenced for it, [their property was to be] confiscated, and they were to be enslaved.
When officials and common people went in or out [the barriers], they were to carry spade-money as an adjunct to their passport credentials. 150 For those who did not carry [spade-money], the [post]-kitchens and relay stations were not to house them, and at the barriers and fords they were to be investigated and detained. 151 The ministers were all to hold them when they entered the gates of the palaces and halls. The intention was to make them valuable and circulate.
At this time, [many persons] strove to make mandates [from Heaven by means of] portents in order to be enfeoffed as marquises. Those who did not make them, made sport, saying, "Were we alone without letters of appointment from the Lord of Heaven?" A Director of Mandates [from the Five Majestic Principles], Ch'en Ch'ung, advised [Wang] Mang of it, saying, "This [matter] is opening the way for wicked `subjects to confer [kingly] favors [upon themselves],' 152 and to bring confusion upon the mandate of Heaven. It would be proper to cut away its source." [Wang] Mang also had had his fill of it, and thereupon had a Grandee Master of Writing, Chao Ping, investigate and try [such offenders]. Those who [made known portents] which were not those published by the Generals and Lieutenants of the Five Majestic [Principles] were all sent to prison.
Previously, Chen Feng, Liu Hsin(1a), and Wang Shun(4b) had been [Wang] Mang's intimate advisors and had led those who were in office in making known [Wang Mang's] achievements and virtuous conduct for rewards. 153 His titles of [Duke] Giving Tranquillity to the Han [Dynasty] and Ruling Governor, together with the enfeoffment of [Wang] Mang's mother and his two sons and a nephew, 154 were all planned by [Chen] Feng together with the others. [Chen] Feng, [Wang] Shun(4b), and [Liu] Hsin(1a) had moreover received grants from him and had all become indeed wealthy and honorable.
They did not in addition want to bring it about that [Wang] Mang should become Regent. The first beginnings of his becoming the Regent came from the Marquis of Ch'üan-ling, Liu Ch'ing(4i), the Displayer of Splendor in the South, Hsieh Hsiao, and the Prefect of Ch'ang-an, T'ien Chung-shu.
When [Wang] Mang's wings had grown and he desired to be entitled Regent, [Chen] Feng and the others accepted and agreed with his intentions. [Wang] Mang immediately enfeoffed in addition the two sons of [Wang] Shun(4b) and of [Liu] Hsin(1a), together with [Chen] Feng's grandson.
When the noble rank and official position of [Chen] Feng and the others had been received, their ambitions were satisfied. They moreover really feared the Han imperial house and the prominent persons in the empire. But those who had been distant from [Wang Mang] and wanted to advance, simultaneously made mandates [from Heaven given through] portents. When [Wang] Mang thereupon employed them in order to ascend [the throne as] the actual [Emperor, Wang] Shun(4b) and [Liu] Hsin(1a) merely became inwardly fearful.
[Chen] Feng was ordinarily resolute, [so Wang] Mang became conscious that [Chen Feng] was not pleased. Hence [Wang Mang] removed him from being Grand Support Aiding on the Right and Grand Minister of Works, 155 and, taking advantage of a writing on a mandate by a portent, he made him the General of a New Beginning, ranking him the same as the seller of cakes, Wang Sheng. [Chen] Feng and his son kept silent [but were dissatisfied]. 156
At this time, [Chen Feng's] son, [Chen] Hsün, was a Palace Attendant, Grand Governor of the Capital, and Marquis of Abundant Virtues. He now made a mandate [from Heaven by means of a] portent, saying that the House of Hsin ought to divide [its territory at] Shan and set up two Chiefs [to govern that territory], making [Chen] Feng the Western Chief and the Grand Tutor, and P'ing Yen, the Eastern Chief, as in the former circumstances [was done for the Dukes of] Chou and of Shao. 157
[Wang] Mang thereupon followed this [mandate] and installed [Chen] Feng as the Western Chief. [Chen Feng] was to "report on his duties" 158 and go out to the west, but had not yet gone, when [Chen] Hsün again made a mandate [from Heaven by means of] a portent, which said that the Empress [nee Wang] of the former Emperor P'ing of the Han clan, the Princess of the Yellow Imperial House, was [to be] the wife of [Chen] Hsün.
[Wang] Mang had been set [on the throne] by fraud, so he suspected in his heart that his great officials would hate and malign him. He wanted to terrify them in order to make his inferiors fear him. Because of these [feelings], he burst out in anger and said, "The Princess of the Yellow Imperial House is a mother of the empire. What means this [statement] [about her becoming the wife of Chen Hsün]?" He [ordered Chen] Hsün arrested. [Chen] Hsün fled and [Chen] Feng committed suicide.
[Chen] Hsün followed a gentleman versed in the magical arts and entered [the solitudes of] Mt. Hua. After more than a year he was siezed. His confession implicated  the Palace Attendant, Supernaturally [Influencing] General [Whose Influence] Penetrates Eastwards, Grandee in Charge of the Five Behaviors, and Marquis Prospering the Majestic [Principles], Liu Fen, the son of the State Master and Duke, [Liu] Hsin(1a),  Liu Fen's younger brother, the Senior Department Head, Colonel of the Ch'ang River [Encampments], and Marquis Attacking Caitiffs, [Liu] Yung(4),  the General of the Eastern Passes 159 [for the Five Majestic Principles] and Marquis Grasping 160 the Majestic Principles, [Wang] Ch'i, the younger brother of the Grand Minister of Works, [Wang] Yi(5), together with  a disciple of Liu Hsin(1a), the Palace Attendant and Chief Commandant of Cavalry, Ting Lung, and others. They involved ministers, their cabals, and their relatives. The full marquises and those [ranking] lower who died were numbered by the hundreds.
In the lines of [Chen] Hsün's hands there were the words, "Son of Heaven." [Wang] Mang had his arms untied, had him enter [the palace], and looked at [his hands]. He said, "These [words] are `one big fellow.' " 161 Some one said, "[It is] `one lu fellow.' `Lu' is to put to death. 162 It makes plain that [Chen Feng and Chen] Hsün, father and son, must be put to death and die." Thereupon [Wang Mang] executed and banished [Liu] Fen to Yu Province, executed and expelled [(Wang) Ch'i to Mt. Ch'ung, executed and drove away Chen] Hsün to [Mt.] San-wei, and executed and killed [Ting] Lung on Mt. Yü. 163 The corpses of all were transported in post-chariots to their destinations.
As a man, [Wang] Mang had a large mouth and a receding chin, bulging eyes with brilliant 164 pupils, and a loud voice which was hoarse. He was seven feet five inches tall, 165 loved thick-[soled] shoes and tall bonnets, and used clothes padded with felt. 166 He stuck out his chest and made himself look tall, [so that he could] look down on those who were around him. 167
At this time, there was a person skilled in medical and allied arts who was an Expectant Appointee at the Yellow Gate. Someone asked him about [Wang] Mang's figure and countenance, and the Expectant Appointee replied, "[Wang] Mang is a person who may be said to have owl's eyes, tiger's jaws, and a wolf's voice. Hence he is able to eat people and is also due to be eaten by people." The person who questioned him gave information about [his reply, and Wang] Mang exterminated the Expectant Appointee [and his relatives] and enfeoffed the informer. Afterwards [Wang Mang] regularily screened himself with a mica fan, so that, except for his intimates, no one was permitted to have an audience with him.
In this year, the Marquis of Original Concord, Yao Hsün, was made the General of a Peaceful Beginning.
In the third year, [Wang] Mang said, "The many offices have been changed and altered and their duties have been redistributed, but the code, ordinances, ceremonies, and laws have not yet been all determined upon, [hence] temporarily the Han [dynasty's] code, ordinances, ceremonies, and laws should be followed and applied in [government] business."
He ordered that the ministers, grandees, nobles, [and officials ranking at] 2000 piculs might recommend one official or commoner each who showed an upright character, who was gifted in speech, and who was intelligent in literary studies. 168 [Such] persons were to go to the [Directors of] the Four Gates to the Royal Apartments.
[Wang Mang] sent the Grandee Master of Writing, Chao Ping, to bring encouragement to the northern borders. He returned and said that in Po-chia of Wu-Yüan [Commandery the soil] is fertile and produces grain, and that at other times offices for cultivated fields had regularily been established there. Thereupon [Wang Mang] made [Chao] Ping the General of Cultivated Fields and Grain to send frontier troops to garrison farms in Po-chia, in order to assist the army with provisions.
At that time, while the various generals who were at the border were waiting for the large bands [of soldiers] to be collected, their officers and soldiers did as they pleased, while the inner commanderies were troubled with levying [troops] and collecting [materials]. The common people left the cities and suburbs and became vagrants, becoming thieves and robbers. In Ping Province 169 they were especially numerous. [Wang] Mang ordered that the seven highest ministers and the six high ministers 170 should all be concurrently entitled Generals, and sent the General Outstanding in Military Affairs, Lu Ping, and others to control the famous cities, together with 55 Generals of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace and 55 Upholders of the Laws Clad in Embroidered Garments separately to control the large commanderies along the border, to correct the greatly cunning villains who were taking it upon themselves to make dupes of the troops. They all found it convenient to do evil in [the regions] outside [the capital], and caused confusion in the provinces and commanderies, making a business of bribes, taking advantage of the people for their own profit.
[Wang] Mang issued a written message, saying, "The caitiff [Lüan-ti] Chih's crimes are such that he is due to be annihilated [with his relatives]. Hence I sent my fierce generals, with separate [commands as] twelve divisional generals, to set out simultaneously and destroy him utterly at one stroke. Within [the capital], I established Directors of Mandates [from the Five Majestic Principles] and Chiefs of Armies; outside [the capital] I set up Superintendants of Armies, twelve persons [in all] verily intending that they should have charge over those who do not uphold my mandate and should cause the soldiers all to be upright.
"But now they are not so. Each uses his power and influence to intimidate good people, illegally putting seals upon common peoples' necks. When [these officials] secure [a bribe of] cash, they take [the seal] off. 171 Poisonous and venomous stings are simultaneously performed [at various places], so that the peasants have left [their homes and have become] scattered. If the Directors and Superintendants are as the foregoing, can they be said to be suitable [for their offices]? From this time and henceforth, those who presume to offend in this [manner] will be immediately arrested and held [in prison] and their names shall be reported to me." [The officials] however did as they liked just as before.
When Lin Pao and Tai Chi reached [the region] just outside the Barrier, they summoned and allured [Lüan-ti] Hsien, the younger brother of the Shan-Yü, [Lüan-ti Chih], and [Lüan-ti] Hsien's son, [Lüan-ti] Teng, to enter through the Barrier. By force they installed [Lüan-ti] Hsien as the Shan-Yü Hsiao, granting him a thousand catties of actual gold, and very much brocade and embroidery. They sent him away and brought [Lüan-ti] Teng to Ch'ang-an, [where he was] installed as the Shan-Yü Shun and retained in the [Hun] princes' quarters. 172
From the time that [Wang] Mang usurped the throne, the Grand Master, Wang Shun(4b), had been ill with [asthma and] 173 palpitation of the heart, which gradually became worse, so that he died. [Wang] Mang said [in a message], "Anciently the [Foreseen] Grand Duke of Ch'i, [Lü Shang], became the Grand Master of the Chou dynasty because of his purity and virtue during successive reigns---verily this is what I have perceived [in Wang Shun]. Let [Wang] Shun(4b)'s son, [Wang] Yen(2), succeed to his father's noble rank and become the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Hsin [Dynasty]; let [Wang] Yen(2)'s younger brother, the Marquis As Recompense to [the House of] Hsin, [Wang] K'uang(1a), become the Grand Master and General; and [let his house] forever be Coadjutors to the Hsin dynasty." 174
For the Heir-apparent, there were established four Masters and four Companions, who were ranked as Grandees. The former Grand Minister over the Masses, Ma Kung, became the Master of Doubts; the former Privy Treasurer, Tsung-po Feng, became the Assistant Tutor; the Erudit Yüan Sheng became the Supporting Coadjutor; the Governor of the Capital, Wang Chia1c, became the Aiding Guardian. The foregoing were the Four Masters.
The former Prefect of the Masters of Writing, T'ang Lin, became the Attacher of the Indifferent, the Erudit Li Ch'ung(1) became the Hastener to Submission, the Grandee-remonstrant Chao Hsiang became the Guide, the General of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Lien Tan, became the Defender. The foregoing were the four Companions.
There was also established one Libationer for the Masters and Companions, together with one [Libationer] for the Palace Attendants, one [Libationer for] the Remonstrants and Consultants, and one Libationer [to expound] each of the six Classics, nine Libationers altogether. They were ranked [the same as] the highest ranking of the high ministers. Tso Hsien, from Lang-ya [Commandery], became the [Libationer] Expounding the Spring and Autumn; Man Ch'ang, from Ying-ch'uan [Commandery], became the [Libationer] Expounding the Book of Odes; Kuo Yu, from Ch'ang-an, became the [Libationer] Expounding the Book of Changes; T'ang Ch'ang, from P'ing-yang, became the [Libationer] Expounding the Book of History; Ch'en Hsien, from P'ei Commandery, became the [Libationer] Expounding the Book of Rites; and Ts'ui Fa became the Libationer Expounding the Book of Music. [Wang Mang] sent an Internuncio, bringing a comfortable chariot, seal, and cord, to go to [the home of] and install Kung Sheng, of the [former] kingdom of Ch'u, as the Libationer for the Masters and Companions of the Heir-apparent. [Kung] Sheng would not respond to the summons, refused to eat, and died. 175
The General of a Peaceful Beginning, Yao Hsün, was dismissed and the Palace Attendant, the Marquis of Eminent Blessings, K'ung Yung, became the General of a Peaceful Beginning.
In this year, in the prefecture of Ch'ih-yang, there were shadows of dwarfs, a foot and more tall. Some rode in quadrigae with horses, some walked on foot, holding 176 all sorts of things. The size [of these shadows in each group] were all proportionate to each other. On the third day, it stopped.
In the commanderies on the banks of the [Yellow] River, locusts sprang up, and the [Yellow] River broke its banks in Wei Commandery, overflowing several commanderies from Ch'ing-ho [Commandery] eastwards. Previous to this [time, Wang] Mang had feared that the [Yellow] River would break its banks and injure the tumuli and graves [of his great-grandfather, Wang Ho, and his descendants], at Yüan-ch'eng, [but] when it broke its banks, it went eastwards and Yüan-ch'eng was not troubled by the water. Hence he therefore did not dike it.
In the fourth year, the second month, an amnesty [was granted to] the empire.
In the summer, a red emanation came out in the southeast, reaching to heaven.
The General Repressing Difficulties, Ch'en Ch'in, 177 said that he had captured some caitiff [Huns] alive, and that [they had told] that violations of the border by the caitiffs had all been done by [Lüan-ti] Chio, the son of Shan-Yü Hsiao, [Lüan-ti] Hsien. [Wang] Mang became angry and decapitated [Lüan-ti Hsien's] son, [Lüan-ti] Teng, at Ch'ang-an, in order to make him an example to the barbarians.
The Commander-in-chief, Chen Han, died, and the General of a Peaceful Beginning, K'ung Yung, became the Commander-in-chief. The Palace Attendant and Grand Keeper of the Robes, Hou Fu, became the General of a Peaceful Beginning.
Every time that [Wang] Mang had to go out [of the palace], immediately preceding there was a search in the city, which was called a "general search." In this month there was a general search for five days. 178
When [Wang] Mang reached the Ming-t'ang and gave the nobles their clods [enveloped in] quitch-grass 179 [as a sign of enfeoffment], he issued a written message which said, "Although I am not virtuous, because I have inherited [the merits accumulated by] my sage ancestors, I have become the lord of the ten-thousand states. Now the tranquillizing of the great multitude consists in establishing a nobility, dividing up [the country into] 180 provinces and correcting their frontiers, in order to beautify [peoples'] customs, and so I have sought out and surveyed the fundamental and subordinate principles of the earlier dynasties.
"Verily, in the `Canon of Yao' [it speaks of] twelve provinces and [concerning] defences [it speaks of] five domains; 181 the Book of Odes [speaks of] fifteen states, distributed among nine provinces; 182 the `Sacrificial Odes of Yin' have the saying, `[T'ang the Victorious] grandly possessed his nine possessions'; 183 and the `Tribute of Yü' [speaks of] nine provinces, not having a Ping or Yu [Province], 184 while the Chou Offices, [sub] t he Commander-[in-chief], has however no Hsü or Liang [Province]. 185 The lords and kings changed [the arrangements] of their [predecessors]. Each one [distinguished himself] by his words or actions, some making their deeds brilliant and some enlarging their foundations, [but] their purposes were outstanding and their intentions were the same.
"Anciently, two sovereigns of the Chou [dynasty] received the mandate [of Heaven], hence [the dynasty] had dwelling-places at the Eastern Capital, [Lo], and at the Western Capital, [Feng]. Since I have received the mandate [of Heaven], I should verily also be like them. Let Lo-yang become the Eastern Capital of the House of Hsin and let Ch'ang(2)- an become the Western Capital of the House of Hsin, [two] royal domains with the appropriate organizations, each [royal domain] including territory for the estates of high bureaucrats and baronesses. The provinces shall accord with those in the `Tribute of Yü and shall be nine [in number].
"The noble ranks shall follow those of the Chou dynasty and shall be five [in number]. The number of the nobles shall be [limited to] 1800, and the number of the Sub-Vassals shall in addition be the same [as that of the nobles, which positions] shall await those who distinguish themselves. The various dukes shall [each] have the territory of one t'ung, 186 the multitude in ten thousand households, a territory a hundred li square. The marquises and earls shall [each] have one kuo, the multitude in five thousand households, a territory seventy li square. The viscounts and barons shall [each] have one tsê, 187 the multitude in 2500 households, a territory fifty li square. Great Vassals shall have as their estates nine ch'eng, 188 the multitude in 900 households, a territory 30 li square. From nine [ch'eng] on down, [the estates of Vassals] shall decrease [by stages of] two [ch'eng], down to one ch'eng. When [the position of these] five degrees [of Sub-Vassals] are all filled, [their territories] will together be equal to one tsê. 189
"Those who have now already received their clods [enveloped in] quitch-grass are: fourteen dukes, 190 93 marquises, 21 earls, 171 viscounts, and 497 barons, altogether 796 persons. [There are also] 1511 Sub-Vassals and 83 women among the nine [classes of royal] relatives who have become Baronesses. Moreover the female descendants of the Han dynasty, the Baronetess Serving the Rules of Proper Conduct, the Baronetess Obedient to Virtue, and the Baronetess Cultivating Moral Principles, in [the former kingdom of] Chung-shan, have been changed and made Baronesses. For the eleven highest ministers, the nine high ministers, the twelve grandees, and the twenty-four First Officers, their states, estates, or the places from which they draw their revenues have been fixed.
"I have caused the Palace Attendant and Grandee Expounding the Book of Rites, K'ung Ping, and others, with [the people] in the provincial divisions and the many commanderies who understand and know the principles of geographical arrangements, maps, and tax registers, together to examine them carefully and study them in the Vermillion Bird Hall of the Shou-ch'eng [House] and determine upon [the division of the empire into nine divisions]. I and the various highest ministers, Libationers, and high ministers of the highest rank have several times in person considered [this matter], so that I have already comprehended it all.
"Verily, the recompensing of virtuous conduct and the rewarding of achievements are the means of making illustrious men of virtue and stability. Harmony among one's nine [classes of] relatives is their way of making a return for one's love of one's relatives. Since for a long time I have pondered unremittingly and have thought and investigated [the deeds of] persons in previous [generations], I shall make brilliant the demotions and promotions, so as to make plain the good and evil [of officials] and tranquillize the great multitude."
Because the maps and tax registers [for the new division of the country] had not yet been completed, [Wang Mang] had not yet given [these appointees] any states or estates and temporarily ordered that they should receive several thousand cash per month as salary from the [income of] the capital and inner [commanderies]. The nobles were all miserably poor, and there were even some who hired themselves out.
A Gentleman-of-the-Household, Ou Po, admonished [Wang] Mang, saying, "Although the ching [system of] cultivated fields was a law of the sage-kings, it has already been abolished for a long time. When the practises of the Chou [dynasty] had decayed, so that the common people did not follow them, the Ch'in [dynasty] knew how to accommodate itself to the common peoples' minds so as to be able to make great profits. Hence [this dynasty] did away with the cottages of the ching [system] and established [salable] subdivisions [of cultivated fields], and therefore came to rule over all China.
"Down to the present, [all] within [the four] seas have not yet had their fill of the perversity of the [Ch'in dynasty in removing the ching system]. If now you wish to go contrary to the desires of the common people and restore the lost practises of a thousand years ago, even though Yao and Shun should arise again, [yet] without a hundred years of gradual [training], they would be unable to put [these ancient practises] into effect. The empire has recently been tranquillized and the many common people have newly attached themselves [to you, so that the ching system] cannot yet be really put into practise."
[Wang] Mang knew that the common people hated [his arrangements], 191 so he issued a written message, which said, "Those who own or enjoy the income from the King's Fields are all permitted to sell them and are not to be restricted by the law. 192 Those who violate [the law against] private buying and selling of ordinary people [as slaves] will moreover temporarily not be punished."
When previously the Generals and Lieutenants of the Five Majestic Principles had gone out, they had changed [the title of] the King of Kou-t'ing to be that of Marquis. The King, [Wu] Han, was resentful and angry and would not be subordinate [to Chinese nobles, so Wang] Mang hinted to the Grand Governor of Tsang-k'o [Commandery], Chou Hsin, to kill [Wu] Han by a ruse. [After this had been done, Wu] Han's younger brother, [Wu] Ch'eng, raised troops, attacked, and killed [Chou] Hsin.
Previous to this [time, Wang] Mang [ordered] the troops of Kao-chü-li to be put into the field and they then would have made an expedition against the northern barbarians (Hu), [but] they did not wish to go. When the commandery [authorities tried to] compel and force them [to move], they all fled, went out of the barrier, and thereupon violated the laws and engaged in robbery. When the Grand Governor of Liao-hsi [Commandery], T'ien T'an, pursued and attacked them, he was killed by them. The provincial and commandery [authorities] put the blame upon a marquis of the Kao-chü-li, Tsou.
Chuang Yu memorialized, saying, "The violations of the law by the Mo people did not arise from Tsou. Even if [Tsou] had evil intentions, it would be proper to order the provincial and commandery [authorities] temporarily to soothe him. If now he is suddenly 193adjudged [guilty of] a serious crime, it is to be feared that he will thereupon rebel. Some of the Fu-Yü and their like would certainly respond to him. Since the Huns have not yet been conquered, if the Fu-Yü and the Wei-mo arise again, there would be serious trouble."
[Wang] Mang did not [direct the officials] to console and calm [Tsou], and the Wei-mo accordingly revolted. By an imperial edict, [Wang Mang] ordered [Chuang] Yu to attack them. [Chuang] Yu lured Tsou, the marquis of the Kao-chü-li, to come, and beheaded him.
When his head had been transmitted to Ch'ang-an, [Wang] Mang was greatly pleased, and issued a written message which said, "Recently, I have commanded and sent my fierce generals to perform respectfully 194 the punishment [directed by] Heaven, to execute and annihilate the caitiff [Lüan-ti] Chih. They are divided into twelve regiments. 195 Some are to cut off his right arm, some to cut thru his left arm-pit, some to break thru his chest and abdomen, and some to pull out his ribs. In this year punishments are in the eastern quarter, 196 so the regiments who were to punish the Mo set out first, arrested and beheaded the caitiff Tsou, and tranquillized and made secure the eastern frontiers. The destruction and annihilation of the caitiff [Lüan-ti] Chih will come in a moment.
"This [success] was a blessing through the aid and assistance of Heaven, Earth, the many gods, the gods of the soils and grains, and the [royal] ancestral temples, and through the power [coming from] the Ministers, Grandees, Officers, and common people being of the same mind and from the generals and lieutenants being [like] roaring tigers. I approve most heartily of them. Let the name of the Kao (high)-chü-li be changed to be Hsia(low)-chü-li, and let it be published to all the world in order that everyone shall know of it." Thereupon the Mo people violated the borders all the more and the northeastern together with the southwestern barbarians were both in rebellion.
[Wang] Mang's intentions were then grand, and he did not consider the barbarians of the four [quarters] worth destroying, but concentrated his mind on searching out ancient ways. He again issued a written message, which said, "I humbly think that my August Deceased First Ancestor, the Lord of Yü, [Shun], `received [Yao's] retirement [from the royal duties in the temple of] the Accomplished Ancestor,' and that he `examined the Fine Jade [Turning] Mechanism and the Jade Balance, in order that he might bring into accord the seven Governors.' Thereupon `he performed the sacrifice lei to the Lords on High, performed the sacrifice yin to his six exemplars, performed the sacrifice from a distance (wang) and arranged in order the mountains and streams, made a universal sacrifice (pien) to the many gods,' `made tours of inspection to' the five sacred peaks, and `held four courts for the various princes, at which they set forth and presented [matters] by word of mouth and were clearly tested by their deeds.' 197
"[From the time that] I received the mandate [of Heaven] and ascended [the throne as] the actual [Emperor], down to the fifth year of [the period Shih]-chien-kuo, will be already five years. Since the distresses of the nine dry years will have already been crossed and the [untoward] occurrences in 106 [years] will have already been passed, 198 [the planet] Jupiter will be in Shou-hsing, [the planet] Saturn will be in the [heavenly] Ming-t'ang, the Azure Dragon will be at kuei-yu, the [ruling] virtue will be in the Central Palace, 199 [the hexagrams] Kuan and Chin will control the year, 200 and [divination by] the tortoise-shell and the milfoil have given information that they approve, let there be prepared a levy and collection of taxes for the rites and ceremonies of a tour of inspection eastwards for that year, in the second month, at the conjuction inaugurating the second astronomical month." 201
The various highest ministers memorialized begging that there should be solicited from the officials and common people, men, horses, linen cloth, silk cloth, 202 and brocade. It was also begged that the twelve inner commanderies and kingdoms should buy horses and dispatch 450,000 rolls of silk, transporting them to Ch'ang(2)-an. Those which were to be sent earlier and later were not to wait for each other. When [only] more than half arrived, [Wang] Mang issued a written message which said, "Since the person of the Empress Dowager the Mother of Culture [nee Wang] is not in good health, let [the transportation] be temporarily stopped and await a future [order]."
In this year, [Wang Mang] changed the titles of the eleven highest ministers, [altering] hsin(1) to be hsin(2). Later he again changed hsin(2) to be hsin(4). 203
In the fifth year, the second month, the Empress Dowager the Mother of Culture [nee Wang] died. 204 She was buried in the Wei Tomb with [her husband], Emperor Yüan, but separated from him by a ditch. 205 A temple for her was established at Ch'ang-an, at which the House of Hsin was from generation to generation to offer sacrifices, which Emperor Yüan was [also] to partake as her spouse, seated below her couch. [Wang] Mang wore mourning for the Empress Dowager [nee Wang] to the third year.
The Commander-in-chief, K'ung Yung, begged to retire, and he was granted a comfortable chariot with a quadriga of horses, and as [a person who ranked as] Specially Advanced, he took his place at court. The Marquis Unifying the Customs, Lu Ping, was made the Commander-in-chief.
At this time, the common people of Ch'ang-an The heard that [Wang] Mang wanted to make his capital at Lo-yang, so they were unwilling to repair their residences, and some [people] destroyed their [houses] considerably. [Wang] Mang said [in a message], "The inscription on the dark dragon stone said, `Fix the virtue of the emperor [as that of earth and locate] the capital at Lo-yang.' 206 The mandate [of Heaven by means of] portents is manifest and clear. Could I presume not to uphold it reverently? Because in the eighth year of [the period] Shih-chien-kuo [the planet] Jupiter will move to [the contellations of] Hsing-chi, [which is equated] with the capital at Lo-yang, let the capital at Ch'ang2-an be carefully put in repair, and let it not be spoilt. Those who presume to violate [this order] shall immediately have their names reported and [the officials] shall beg [the throne to ratify appropriate punishment for] the crimes [of those people]."
In this year, the Greater and Lesser K'un-mi of the Wu-sun sent envoys to offer tribute. The Greater K'un-mi, [Yi-chih-mi], was a grandson of the Chinese [House of Han] on the distaff side. 207 His son by a wife who was a northwestern barbarian (Hu) had become the Lesser K'un-mi, to whom the Wu-sun had turned and adhered. [Wang] Mang saw that the Huns were simultaneously invading the various borders, so, with the intention of seeking to obtain the affection of the Wu-sun, he sent a commissioner to lead the envoy from the Lesser K'un-mi and place him [in the court at a station] above that of the envoy of the Greater K'un-mi.
The Libationer for the Masters and Companions [of the Heir-apparent] Guarantor of His Perfection, Man Ch'ang, memorialized, impeaching [Wang Mang's] commissioner, saying, "The barbarians consider that China has [a knowledge of] what is right and proper, hence they submit and are obedient to [China]. The Greater K'un-mi is the prince [and the Lesser K'un-mi is his subject]. Now to rank the envoy of a subject above the envoy of his prince is not the way to hold [the affection of] the barbarians. The commissioner was seriously disrespectful." [Wang] Mang became angry and dismissed [Man] Ch'ang from his office.
The various states of the Western [Frontier] Regions considered that [Wang] Mang had repeatedly broken [the ties of] grace and faithfulness [binding them to China. The state of] Karashahr (Yen-ch'i) revolted first, murdering the Protector-General [of the Western Frontier], Tan Ch'in.
In the eleventh month, a broom-star appeared. In twenty-odd days it disappeared. 208
In this year, because those who violated [the law against] possessing copper and charcoal were too many, this law done away with.
For the next year, [Wang Mang] changed the year-period, calling it T'ien-feng. 209
In [the year-period] T'ien-feng, the first year, the first month, an amnesty [was granted] to the empire, and [Wang] Mang said [in a message], "In the second month, at the conjunction inaugurating the second An astronomical month, I will perform the rites of a tour of inspection. The Grand Provisioner [will take care of] the dry provisions for traveling and the dried meat and the [Prefect of] the Flunkies 210 [will take care of] the traveling curtains for my sitting and sleeping-[places, so that the localities] by which I pass will not be permitted to furnish anything.
"When I tour eastwards, I must in person carry a plow, 211 and every county shall thereupon plow, in order to encourage `the beginning [of the work of ploughing] at the eastern [season, spring].' 212 When I tour southwards, I must in person carry a hoe, and every county shall thereupon weed, thereby encouraging `the development 213 in the southern [season, summer]. 214 When I tour westwards, I must in person carry a sickle, and every county shall thereupon reap, thereby encouraging `harvesting in the western [season, autumn].' 215 When I tour northwards, I must in person carry a flail, and every county shall thereupon garner [their grain], 216 thereby encouraging covering up and storing [the harvest]. When I have completed the rites of the tour of inspection northwards, I will thereupon go to the center of the earth and dwell in the capital at Lo-yang. If any [people] presume to run and make a noise, violating the law, they will immediately be dealt with according to military law." 217
The various highest ministers memorialized, saying, "You, Emperor, are most filial. In the last year, when the sage person of the [Empress Dowager] the Mother of Culture [nee Wang] was not in good health, you yourself in person supplied her needs, rarely taking off your clothes or bonnet. When thereupon it happened that she left her subjects, you became melancholy. The color of your features has not yet returned, and you have eaten and drunk too little.
"Now for you to make four tours in one year, [to travel] a road ten thousand li [in length]---your age is honorable, so that you cannot endure [living on] dry provisions and dried meat. For the time being, do not make [these] tours of inspection. You need to end your deep mourning in order to rest your sage person. Your subjects will use all their power to care for and shepherd the myriad common people and will support and accord with your brilliant edicts."
[Wang] Mang replied, "If the highest ministers, the [Provincial] Shepherds, the high officials, the nobles, and `the heads of offices' 218 are willing to use all their power, leading each other in caring for and shepherding the myriad common people, and wish thereby to assist me and in this way to obey respectfully, 219 let them make [all possible] efforts in this [direction], and not swallow their words. I will change [my plans] and in the seventh year of [the period] T'ien-feng, when [the planet] Jupiter will be in Ta-liang and the Azure Dragon will be at keng-ch'en, I will perform the rites of a tour of inspection. The next year Jupiter will be in Shih-ch'en and the Azure Dragon at hsin-szun, when I will go to the center of the earth at the capital in Lo-yang."
[Wang Mang] thereupon sent the Grand Tutor, P'ing Yen, and the Grand Minister of Works, Wang Yi(5), to Lo-yang to plan and perform divination for [making] a map of the pomeria for [future] graves, and to build the [imperial] ancestral temple, the altars to the gods of the soils and grains, and the pomeria for [the altars for] suburban sacrifices.
In the third month, on [the day] jen-shen, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun, and a general amnesty [was granted] to the empire. The document to the Commander-in-chief, Lu Ping, said, "The sun has been eclipsed so that it had no light, since the shields and spears had not been gathered in. Let the Commander-in-chief transmit to the emperor his seal and [ceremonial] apron [in token of his dismissal] and take the position of a marquis of a noble clan in the court. The Grand Tutor, P'ing Yen, shall not be Intendant of Affairs of the Masters of Writing. Let the Palace Attendants and Department Heads who concurrently hold other positions be dispensed with. Let Miao Hsin, an advantageous male, 220 become the Commander-in-chief."
When Wang Mang had taken the throne as actual [Emperor], he took special precautions against his great officials and restrained and took away the power of his subordinates. If a court official said anything about the faults of [the high officials, Wang Mang] each time promoted [the speaker]. Because K'ung Jen, Chao Po, Fei Hsing, and others dared to attack the great officials, [these daring critics] were trusted, were selected for outstanding positions, and held [such positions].
When the ministers entered the palaces, there was a regular number of officials [for their suite]. When the officials accompanying the Grand Tutor, P'ing Yen, were greater [in number] than the regulation [allowed], a Supervisor at a side-gate minutely questioned [P'ing Yen about it] without showing any deference to him. A Mou Department Head and Officer [in his train] arrested and bound the Supervisor. [Wang] Mang was furious and sent an Upholder of the Laws to send out several hundred chariots and horsemen, surround the yamen of the Grand Tutor, and arrest the Officer, who thereupon died.
An Officer of the Grand Minister of Works passed at night by a commune [under the control of] the Master of Ceremonies. When the Chief of the Commune was severe with [the Officer and the latter] made known the name of his office, the Chief of the Commune said drunkenly, "Surely you have passport credentials?" The Officer beat the Chief of the Commune with his horsewhip, and the Chief of the Commune beheaded the Officer and fled. The commandery and prefectural [authorities] pursued him, and his household sent to the Emperor a letter [explaining the matter. Wang] Mang said, "The Chief of the Commune was was upholding the public [good]. Do not pursue him," and the Grand Minister of Works, [Wang] Yi(5), had his Officer's [body] mutilated 221 in order to excuse himself.
Since the State General, Ai Chang, was considerably lacking in purity, [Wang] Mang selected and established for him a Third Brother Ho. His [imperial] command said, "Do not only protect the doors of the State General's female apartments; it is necessary to protect his blood relatives and relatives by marriage in the western provinces." 222 The various highest ministers were all light-[weight] and of little worth, [Ai] Chang especially so.
In the fourth month, there was a fall of frost which killed the vegetation, especially at the sea-shore. In the sixth month, a yellow fog [filled up everything within] the four quarters. In the seventh month, a great wind uprooted trees and blew off the roof-tiles on [the buildings at] the Northern Portal [of the Palace] and at the Chih-ch'eng gate [of Ch'ang-an] and hail fell, killing cattle and sheep.
In accordance with the text of the Chou-li and the "Royal Regulations," [Wang] Mang established Directors of Confederations, Leaders of Combinations, and Grand Governors, whose duties were to be the same as those of [the former] Grand Administrators, and [established] Prefects of Associations and Chiefs of Associations with duties the same as those of [the former] Chief Commandants. He established [nine] Provincial Shepherds who were to be received in audience with [the same] formalities as those [shown] to the three highest ministers, and twenty-five Superintendents of Regional Divisions, 223 who were to rank as Upper-ranking Grandees. Each one was to have charge of five commanderies. Dukes with noble clans occupied [the positions of] Shepherds, marquises with noble clans [occupied the positions of] Rulers of Confederations, earls with noble clans [occupied the positions of] Leaders of Combinations, viscounts with noble clans [occupied the positions of] Prefects of Associations, and barons with noble clans [occupied the positions of] Chiefs of Associations. All those offices were made hereditary. Those who did not have any noble ranks were made [Grand] Governors.
The neighborhood of the city of Ch'ang-an was divided into six districts, and one Leader was established for each [district]. The capital commanderies were divided and made into six commandants' commanderies. 224 [The commanderies of] Ho-tung, Ho-nei, Hung-nung, Jung-yang, 225 Ying-ch'uan, and Nan-yang became the six Neighboring Commanderies, and Grandees were established [for them] with duties like those of the [former] Grand Administrators, and Directors of Associations with duties like those of the [former] Chief Commandants. The title of the Grand Governor of Ho-nan [Commandery] was changed to be the High Minister Protecting and devoted to the Hsin(4) [Dynasty]. The counties subordinate to Ho-nan [Commandery] were increased to be a full thirty, and six suburbs were established with a Chief of a Department for each [suburb], each [Chief of a Department] having charge of five counties.
Moreover the names of the other offices were all changed. The large commanderies were divided into even as many as five [commanderies], 226 and three hundred sixty commanderies and counties were given the names of communes, in order to accord with the words of the mandates [of Heaven as transmitted by] portents. At the borders there were also established Commandants of the Frontiers. Barons were given [these offices. The numbers of] reserved fields within nobles' estates were increased or decreased in order to promote or demote [these nobles]. 227
[Wang] Mang issued a written message, which said, "At the Western Capital, Ch'ang(2)-an, [the capital commanderies] shall be called the Six Districts and the various counties shall be called those of the six Commandants; at the Eastern Capital, Yi(4)-yang(b), [the capital commanderies] shall be called the Six Departments, 228 and the various counties shall be called [those of] the six Neighboring [Commanderies]. Within [the area which] `contributes grain in the husk and cleaned grain,' [the commanderies] are to be called the Contributing Commanderies. 229 Outside of them, [the commanderies] are to be called the Attached Commanderies. Those [commanderies] which contain barriers or palisades are to be called Border Commanderies. Altogether there are one hundred and twenty-five commanderies in nine provinces with two thousand two hundred and three counties.
"Those who do public service in the imperial domain are those `constituting fortified walls.' Those in the Domain of the Nobles are those `securing repose.' Those in the territories allotted to high bureaucrats, baronesses, and the patrols are those `constituting buttresses.' 230 Those in the Domain of Submission 231 are those `constituting screens.' Those in [the regions where they] `cultivate the lessons of learning and moral duties [and where they] show the energies of war and defence' 232 are those `constituting [unfortified] walls.' Those outside the nine provinces are those `constituting fences.' 233 Each one is to be styled in accordance with the region [in which his fief is located]; altogether they constitute the myriad states."
In subsequent years, [Wang Mang] again changed [names], even changing the name of a single commandery five times, returning and restoring its former [name], so that the officials and common people could not keep records of [these names], and whenever a written imperial edict was issued, the former names [of places mentioned therein] were each time attached.
[For example], he said, "An imperial edict of decree to the Grand Governor and Grand Commandant of Ch'en-liu [Commandery]. Let [the territory] from Yi-sui and southwards be transferred to Hsin-p'ing [commandery]. (Hsin-p'ing [commandery] is the former Huai-yang [Commandery].) From Yung-ch'iu and eastwards [the territory] is to be transferred to Ch'en-ting [Commandery]. (Ch'en-ting [Commandery] is the former Liang Commandery.) From Feng-ch'iu and eastwards [the territory] is to be transferred to the Chih Commune [Commandery]. (The Chih Commune [Commandery] is the former Tung Commandery.) From [the city of] Ch'en-liu and westwards, [the territory] is to be transferred to the Imperial Domain Neighboring [Commandery]. (The Imperial Domain Neighboring [Commandery] is the former Jung-yang [Commandery].) Ch'en-liu is now not any more to be a commandery. Its Grand Governor and Grand Commandant are both to go to the place where the [Emperor] is." The changes and alterations in [Wang Mang's] ordinances regarding names were all of the foregoing sort.
[Wang Mang] ordered that in the primary schools of the empire [the day] mou-tzu should take the place of [the day] chia-tzu as the first day of the sixty-[day] cycle. 234 In capping [boys at maturity], mou-tzu should be considered as the best day. For marriages, the decade [beginning with the day] mou-yin235 should be considered as days to be avoided. [But] most of the people did not obey [this order].
When the Hun Shan-Yü, [Lüan-ti] Chih, had died, and his younger brother, [Lüan-ti] Hsien, had been set up as Shan-Yü, he asked for peace and alliance by marriage [with the Chinese imperial house. Wang] Mang sent an envoy to give him rich presents and to promise falsely to return his son, [Lüan-ti] Teng, who had been an Attendant [at the Chinese court]. Thereupon [Wang Mang] offered rewards for Ch'en Liang, Chung Tai, and the others [of their group] and the Shan-Yü immediately siezed [Ch'en] Liang and the others, and delivered them to the envoys. In carts with cages they went to Ch'ang-an, where [Wang] Mang had [Ch'en] Liang and the others burnt [to death] at the north of the city, and ordered the officials and common people to gather in order to see it. 236
At the borders there was a great famine, so that people ate each other. The Grandee-remonstrant, Ju P'u, [was sent to] inspect the border troops and returned, saying, "The soldiers have encamped at the barriers for a long time and have suffered [because] the border commanderies have no means of furnishing supplies for them. Now that the Shan-Yü has newly made peace, it would therefore be proper to dismiss the troops."
Colonel Han Wei came forward and said, "For the majesty of the Hsin House to swallow the northern barbarian (Hu) caitiffs is no harder than [to swallow such small things as] fleas or lice in one's mouth. Your servant wishes to take five thousand brave and daring gentlemen, and, without taking along a bushel of food, in hunger to eat the flesh of the caitiffs and in thirst to drink their blood, so that I shall be able to traverse [their territory freely." Wang] Mang admired his words and made him the Majestically Acting General.
But he adopted [Ju] P'u's words and summoned the various generals who were at the border to return, dismissing Ch'en Ch'in and others, eighteen persons [in all]. He also abolished the various garrisons of soldiers [belonging to] the Chief Commandants posted at the four passes [to the imperial capital]. 237
[But] it happened that when the Hun envoy returned, the Shan-Yü came to know that his son, [Lüan-ti] Teng, who had been an Attendant, had previously been executed, so he mobilized his troops and raided the borders, [hence Wang] Mang had again to mobilize the military garrisons. Thereupon the people of the border wandered into the inner commanderies and became slaves and slave-women of those people. Then a prohibition was made, that if officials or common people should presume to possess people from the borders, they should be publicly executed.
The barbarians in Yi-chou [Commandery] killed their Grand Governor, Ch'eng Lung, so that the whole of the three borders [to the province] were in rebellion. [Wang Mang] sent the General Tranquillizing the Southern Barbarians, Feng 238 Mou, leading troops, to attack them.
The General of a Peaceful Beginning, Hou Fu, was dismissed, and the Libation Officer Expounding the Book of Changes, Tai Ts'an, was made the General of a Peaceful Beginning.
In the second year, the second month, a banquet was held in the Hall with the Royal Apartments, and all the ministers and grandees were present at the feast. A general amnesty [was granted] to the empire.
At this time a star was visible at noon, 239 and the Commander-in-chief, Miao Hsin, was transferred to a lower position to be Director of Mandates. The Marquis Extending Virtue, Ch'en Mou, was made the Commander-in-chief.
[Some common people] 240 falsely said that a yellow dragon had fallen down and died in the Huang-shan Palace, and [many] people hastily ran there. Those who went to see it numbered by the ten-thousands. [Wang] Mang hated it, and arrested and bound [some of those people], in order to ask whence this saying arose. He was not [however] able to trace [its source.] 241
Since the Shan-Yü, [Lüan-ti] Hsien, had made peace and an alliance by marriage [with the Chinese imperial house], he asked for the corpse of his son, [Lüan-ti] Teng. [Wang] Mang wanted to send envoys to bring it to him, [but] he feared that because of his grudge [Lüan-ti] Hsien would kill the envoys. So he arrested the former General [Repressing Difficulties], Ch'en Ch'in, who had previously said that [Wang Mang] ought to execute [Lüan-ti Teng,] the son [of the Shan-Yü], in attendance [upon the Chinese Emperor], and had him bound in prison for another crime. 242 [Ch'en] Ch'in said, "This [act is because Wang Mang] wants to use me to excuse [himself] to the Huns," and thereupon committed suicide.
243 Wang Mang selected [as envoys] Confucian masters who were "able to answer [questions] unassisted." 244 Wang Hsien(2c) from Chi-nan [Commandery] was made the Chief Envoy and the General of the Five Majestic [Principles]; Fu(5) Yen, [a man of] Lang-yeh Commandery], and others, were made Lieutenant Envoys to accompany the corpse of [Lüan-ti] Teng. [Wang Mang] ordained that they were to dig up the tomb of the Shan-Yü [Lüan-ti] Chih, and to whip his corpse with thorns. He also ordered the Huns to withdraw their frontiers north of the [Gobi] Desert, and imposed as an indemnity upon the Shan-Yü ten thousand head of horses, thirty thousand head of cattle, and a hundred thousand head of sheep. Moreover of the few people and livestock from the borders who had been kidnapped, insofar as they were still alive, [the Shan-Yü] should return them all. [Wang] Mang loved to talk grandly, as in the foregoing [order]. 245
When [Wang] Hsien(2c) reached the court of the Shan-Yü, he set forth [Wang] Mang's majestic virtue and reprimanded the Shan-Yü for his crimes of rebellion. In his replies, [Wang Hsien(2c)] responded to his opponents in every way, so that the Shan-Yü was not able to argue him down. Thereupon [Wang Hsien(2c)] carried out [Wang Mang's] mandate and brought back these [people and livestock]. 246 When he entered through the barrier, [Wang] Hsien(2c) had 247 been ill and died. [Wang Mang] enfeoffed his son as an earl. Fu(5) Yen and the others were all made viscounts.
[Wang] Mang's notion was that if institutions were fixed, the empire would naturally become tranquil. Hence he thought in detail concerning geographical arrangements, the institution of rites, and the composition of music. In discussing the harmonization and matching of the explanations to the six Classics, the ministers entered [his presence] at dawn and left at dusk. He discussed 248 for successive years without coming to [final] decisions, so that he did not have leisure to examine law-cases, decide complaints of injustices, or to settle the urgent business of the common people, and when there were vacancies among the rulers of the counties, [Wang Mang left] for several years [officials as] acting [magistrates or as magistrates] concurrently [holding other positions, with the result that] the covetousness and injuriousness of all [his officials] alike daily became greater.
The 249 Generals of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace and Administrators of the Laws Clad in Embroidered Garments who were in the commanderies and states all took advantage of their authority and opportunities, and in turn 250 recommended each other in memorials. Moreover when the Officers of the eleven highest ministers were dispersed to encourage agriculture and sericulture, to proclaim the ordinances for the [various] seasons, and to examine into various documentary matters, the [official] bonnets and [chariot] coverings of one [set of officials] could [almost] be seen by the succeeding [set], 251 and they jostled one another on the roads. They would summon meetings of the officials and common people and arrest eye-witnesses. When the commanderies and counties [gathered] capitation-taxes, [these officials] exchanged bribes and presents, so that [even] white and black were confused and those who watched at the [palace] portals [to intercept] accusations were many.
[Wang] Mang himself knew that he had previously usurped the [imperial] power, and had thereby obtained the government from the Han [dynasty], hence he took care to control the multitude of [government] affairs himself and when the high officials received [orders directing] the detailed disposition [of cases], they merely did enough to avoid [punishment]. The various offices [in charge of] the valuable objects, the famous treasuries, and the taxes were all in charge of eunuchs. When officials or common people presented to the Emperor matters in sealed letters, the eunuchs serving in the palace offices or [members of the imperial] entourage broke the seals, so that the Masters of Writing did not get to know about them. 252 Such were [Wang Mang's] fear of and precautions against his courtiers and subordinates.
He also loved to change and alter the institutions and regulations, so that the government ordinances were numerous, and those which needed to be put into practise 253 had each time to be asked about, before anything could be done. When earlier and later [documents] succeeded each other, they became unclear, confused, and could not be cleared up. 254 [Wang] Mang constantly employed the light of a lamp until daylight, but nevertheless he was not able to accomplish his work. Taking advantage of this [circumstance], the Masters of Writing did evil and laid matters aside, so that those who had sent letters to the throne and awaited replies [at the Palace Portals] did not get to leave for successive years. Those who had been arrested and bound [in prison] in the commanderies or counties could only get out when it happened that there was an amnesty, and the soldiers of the [palace] guard were not changed even in the third year. 255
Grain was constantly expensive. More than two hundred thousand border troops depended for their clothes and food upon the imperial government. They were discontented and bitter. Wu-Yüan and Ta Commanderies suffered especially from them, [so that people in these commanderies] arose and became thieves and robbers, several thousand persons becoming a troop, turning around and entering the neighboring commanderies. [Wang] Mang sent the General Siezing Robbers, K'ung Jen, with troops, to join with the commandery and county [authorities] to attack [the robbers]. Only after more than a year were [the robbers] put down. The border commanderies were moreover almost on the point of being emptied [of people].
North of Han-tan there was a great rain and fog, and the waters rose. The deepest [places] were several tens of feet [deep]. It carried away and killed several thousands of persons.
The General Establishing the State, Sun Chien, died, and the Director of Mandates [from the Five Majestic Principles], Chao Hung, became the General Establishing the State. The General of a Peaceful Beginning, Tai Ts'an, was returned to his former office [of Libation Officer Expounding the Book of Changes], and the General of the Southern City Wall [of Ch'ang-an], Lien Tan, became the General of a Peaceful Beginning.
In the third year, the second month, on [the day] yi-yu, there was an earthquake and a great fall of snow, which was especially severe east of the [Han-ku] Pass. The deepest [places] were ten feet [deep]. The bamboos and arbor vitae trees all 256 withered.
The Grand Minister of Works, Wang Yi(5), presented a letter, saying, "I have overseen my affairs to the eighth year, and my efforts have not been successful. In my duties as [Grand] Minister of Works, I have [moreover] been more especially useless, so that recently there has even been the grievous vicissitude of an earthquake. I wish to beg to retire."
[Wang] Mang replied, "Verily, Earth has movements and has quakes. The quakes cause injury, [but] the movements do not cause injury. The Spring and Autumn records earthquakes and the Book of Changes, in the "Great Appendix," [says] that [the hexagram] k'un, [representing Earth], moves. When [Earth] moves it opens, and when it rests, it closes, and [in this way] all things are brought to birth. 257 Each grievous vicissitude of visitation or prodigy has its message and action, so Heaven and Earth move majestically in order to warn me. What crime have you, Duke, committed that you beg to retire? [This] is not the way to assist me. I send the Inspector of Officials, Cavalryman Without Specified Appointment, Director of Emoluments, and Grand Guard, the Baron Cultivating Tranquillity, Tsun(2), to inform you of my will."
In the fifth month, [Wang] Mang issued regulations for the salaries of officials, saying, "I have met with the distresses of the nine dry years and the [untoward] occurrences in the 106 [years. 258 The revenues for] the expenses of the state have been insufficient, so that the common people are in disturbance. For the ministers and those of lower [ranks], the emolument for one month has been two rolls of 800-thread linen cloth 259 or one roll of silk. Every time I think of it, I never fail to be sad.
"Now that the distresses and [untoward] occurrences have already been overpassed, although the government treasuries have not yet been able to be filled, [yet] something can be taken out to supply [what is needed]. On the first day of the sixth month, [the day] keng-yin, let all the salaries of officials be for the first time distributed all according to the regulations. The four coadjutors, the ministers, the grandees, the officers, and on down to the lower officials [constitute] altogether fifteen grades. The salary of the lower officials for one year shall be 66 hu. [This amount] shall be gradually increased by steps up to [the rank of] the four Coadjutors, [for whom] it shall be made 10,000 hu."
Wang Mang also said,
"The nobles shall now each receive the income of their t'ung, kuo, or t'sê; 263 princesses, baronesses, and vassals shall receive the income of their estates; ministers, grandees, and first officers shall receive the income of the territory allocated to them. There are regulations for all the differences in the amount of their [revenues]. When the harvests are abundant, the rites [regarding the amounts given them] shall be fully carried out; when there are visitations or disasters [to the crops, their revenues] shall be decreased, so that they shall suffer and rejoice along with the people. Let it be that at the time when the [yearly] accounts [from the commanderies] are presented, [there shall be made] a general account for the empire. If there happily have been no visitations or disasters, the Grand Provisioner [shall provide] the complete number of imperial dishes. [But] if there have been visitations or disasters, the amount shall be calculated in percentages, and the dishes [at the imperial table] shall be reduced [proportionately]. 264
"[The Chief of] the Eastern [Sacred] Peak and Grand Master and the General Establishing the State shall act as guarantors for twenty-five commanderies of three provinces and one regional division in the eastern quarter; [the Chief of] Southern Sacred Peak and Grand Tutor and the General of the Van shall act as guarantors for twenty-five commanderies of two provinces and one regional division in the southern quarter; [the Chief of] the Western [Sacred] Peak and State Master and the General of a Peaceful Beginning shall act as guarantors for twenty-five commanderies of one province and two regional divisions in the western quarter; [the Chief of] the Northern [Sacred] Peak and State General and the General of the Guard shall act as guarantors for twenty-five commanderies of two provinces and one regional division in the northern quarter. The Commander-in-chief shall act a guarantor for ten commanderies in the eastern and southern [parts of] the central regional divisions [subject to] the Communicator and high minister, the Deciding Judge and high minister, the Capital Commandant [Grandee], the Sustainer Commandant [Grandee], the Metropole Neighboring Commandery, and the Western Neighboring Commandery. 265 The Grand Minister over the Masses shall act as guarantor for five commanderies in the central regional divisions and western regional division [subject to] the Director of Music and high minister, the Arranger of the Ancestral Temples and high minister, 266 the Supporter Commandant [Grandee], the Commandant of Splendor [Grandee], the Eastern Neighboring Commandery, and the Southern Neighboring Commandery. The Grand Minister of Works shall act as guarantor for ten commanderies in the central regional divisions and northwards [subject to] the My Forester and high minister, the Provider of Works and high minister, 267 the Master Commandant [Grandee], the Commandant of Magnificence [Grandee], the Imperial Domain Neighboring Commandery, and the Northern Neighboring Commandery. The directors and high ministers 268 shall all join with the highest ministers to whom they are subordinate in acting as guarantors against visitations and disasters [in the regions for which] their [superiors act as guarantors].
"If there have been calamities or injuries to the crops in the regions for which they act as guarantors], the amount shall also be calculated in percentages, and their salaries shall be reduced [proportionately]. Gentlemen, the Imperial Retinue, and officials of the imperial capital offices, who receive their salaries from the receipts within the [imperial] capitals, shall take the amount of the imperial dishes [provided by] the Grand Provisioner as the measure [for their salaries]. Nobles, princesses, baronesses, vassals, and minor officials shall also each act as guarantors against visitations and disasters [in] their [districts]. I hope that [thus] superiors and inferiors will be of the same mind and will encourage the advancement of agriculture and tranquillize the great multitude." [Wang] Mang's regulations were as complicated and detailed as the foregoing.
The calculations of the taxes could not be made out, so that the officials did not eventually obtain any salaries. Each one took advantage of the duties of his office to do evil, receiving and exacting bribes and presents in order to support himself.
269 In this month, on [the day] mou-ch'en, the western bank of the Ch'ang-p'ing Lodge collapsed, blocking up the Ching River, so that it could not run, was cut off, and flowed northwards. 270 [Wang Mang] sent the Grand Minister of Works, Wang Yi(5), to inspect it. When he returned and memorialized a description [of the occurrence], the courtiers offered congratulations, considering that it was what the Diagrams From the River had said, that earth pressing upon water is a happy auspice of the Huns being destroyed. [Wang Mang] thereupon sent the Shepherd of the Ping Province, Sung Hung, the Scouting and Attacking Chief Commandant, Jen Meng, 271 and others, leading troops, to attack the Huns. They went to the border, and stopped to garrison it.
In the seventh month, on [the day] hsin-yu, there was a visitation [of fire] to the Pa City-gate, which among the common people is called the Cerulean Gate, and on [the day] mou-tzu, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. A general amnesty [was granted] to the empire, and [Wang Mang] again ordered the ministers, grandees, nobles, and [officials ranking at] 2000 piculs each to recommend one person with the four [types of virtuous] conduct. 272 The Commander-in-chief, Ch'en Mou, was dismissed because of the eclipse of the sun, and the Earl Establishing Military Power, Chuang Yu, was made the Commander-in-chief.
In the tenth month, on [the day] mou-hsü, 273 the Vermillion Bird Gate to the Royal Apartments cried out for a day and night without ceasing. Ts'ui Fa and others said, "The Lord of Yü, [Shun], `opened the gates to the four [quarters] to hear with the ears in the four [quarters].' 274 The crying out of the gate makes plain that you ought to cultivate the rites of the ancient sages in order to attract gentlemen from the four quarters." Thereupon [Wang Mang] ordered that the courtiers should all felicitate him. Those who were recommended for the four [types of virtuous] conduct entered by way of the Vermillion Bird Gate in order to take the examinations.
The General Tranquillizing the Southern Barbarians, Feng Mou, had attacked Kou-t'ing, and six or seven-tenths of his soldiers had died from pestilence. As a levy for military purposes upon the common people's wealth he had taken five-tenths, so that the Yi Province was empty and waste, yet [the rebellious barbarians] were not vanquished. [Wang Mang] summoned him to return and sent him to prison, where he died.
In his place, [Wang Mang] sent the General of a Peaceful Beginning, Lien Tan, together with the [Provincial] Shepherd of Yung Regional Division, Shih Hsiung, to attack Kou-t'ing. 275 When they had cut off a considerable [number of] heads and had had a victory, [Wang] Mang summoned [Lien] Tan and [Shih] Hsiung [to come to the capital. Lien] Tan and [Shih] Hsiung wanted [instead] to increase the taxes, [whereupon] they would be certain to conquer.
Thereupon they returned and again made a great levy for military purposes. The Grand Governor of Chiu-tu [Commandery], Feng Ying, was not willing to furnish [anything], and sent [a memorial] to the throne, saying, "From the time that Chou Niu of Sui-chiu [county] and Hsieh-tou of T'ung Commune and the like in Yüeh-sui [Commandery] revolted, it has been almost the tenth year, in which [time] the commanderies and counties have been resisting the attacks of [the barbarians] without cessation. When, in succession to [Ch'eng Lung], Feng Mou was employed, he temerariously put into practise a temporary policy, which was that, altho south of P'o-tao the mountains are high and defiles are deep, [Feng] Mou many times expelled their bands from distant places, so that the expense has been counted by the hundred-thousands [of cash] and officers and soldiers have suffered from poisonous emanations, 276 seven-tenths of them dying.
"Now [Lien] Tan and [Shih] Hsiung are afraid that they themselves would be reprimanded [for not having completed their task] in the appointed time, and [seek to] levy and mobilize the troops and grain of the commandery, to re-appraise [the property of] the common people and take four-tenths of it. They have impoverished and ruined Liang Province, but their efforts will not eventually meet with success. It would be proper to dismiss the troops and garrison farms and openly offer rewards [for the rebels]."
[Wang] Mang became angry and dismissed [Feng] Ying from his office. [But] later he awakened considerably to [the truth] and said, "[Feng] Ying should not however be severely condemned," and rewarded [Feng] Ying by making him the Leader of the Combination in Ch'ang-sha [Commandery].
Wang-sun Ch'ing, [who belonged to] the faction of Chai Yi, was arrested and secured, and [Wang] Mang sent the Grand Physician and the Master of Recipes, with a skilled butcher, all together to dissect and flay [Wang-sun Ch'ing], to measure and examine his five viscera, and to use fine bamboos to trace out his arteries, so as to find out their beginnings and ends, saying that [thereby] they would know how to cure illness. 277
In this year, [Wang Mang] sent as the Chief Envoy, the General of the Five Majestic Principles, Wang Chün4c, with the Protector General of the Western Frontier Regions, Li Ch'ung(2), leading the Mou-and-Chi Colonel, [Kou Ch'in], to go out to the Western Frontier Regions. All the various states welcomed [the envoys] at their suburbs and offered tribute.
The state of Karshahr (Yen-ch'i) 278 had previously murdered the Protector General Tan Ch'in, so [Wang] Chün(4c) wanted to make a surprise attack upon it. He ordered his Associate Lieutenant, Ho Feng, and the Mou-and-Chi Colonel, Kuo Ch'in(b), to separate their commands [from his]. Karshahr (Yen-Ch'i) made a pretense of surrendering, and and ambushed troops, who attacked [Wang] Chün(4c) and the others, so that all [his company] died. [Kuo] Ch'in(b) and [Ho] Feng reached [Karshahr shortly] after [Wang Chün(4c) had been killed, before the troops had returned], and made a surprise attack upon its aged and weak [people, massacring them]. They returned by way of Turfan (Chü-shih) and entered the [Chinese] barrier. [Wang] Mang installed [Kuo] Ch'in(b) as the General Maintaining Order in Foreign Parts, and enfeoffed him as the Viscount Exterminating Northwestern Barbarians. Ho Feng was made the Baron Quieting the Northwestern Barbarians. From this time on, the Western Frontier Regions were cut off [from China].
1. Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922) points out that in the parallel passage, 98: 14a(12), the term fu(1) 韍 is written fu(2) 紱. Seemingly the Grand Empress Dowager's ceremonial apron was made of silk instead of leather, as befits a lady, and the word for this article, when the article is made of silk, could be written with the silk radical as early as the time of Wang Mang or of Pan Ku; cf. 99 A: n. 18.3.
2. The Grand Empress Dowager bitterly opposed Wang Mang's usurpation of the imperial title; she possessed the Ch'in dynasty's imperial seal, which Chao Tzu-ying had surrendered to Emperor Kao, and which was called "The seal whereby the Han dynasty transmits the state 漢傳國璽." When Wang Mang asked for this important seal, she refused to give it up, saying that Wang Mang was worse than a pig or dog. She was however compelled by threats to give up this seal and she accepted the Hsin dynasty's seal. But secretly she continued certain of the Han dynasty's practises, which Wang Mang had abolished. Cf. 98: 13a-15a; Glossary sub Wang, Grand Empress Dowager nee.Wang Mang made her his Empress Dowager, i.e., instead of being the grandmother of a Han emperor, she became the (adopted) mother of the Hsin emperor. Wang Mang later wore mourning for her as for his own mother; cf. 99 B: 21b.
3. The Wang clan of Yi-ch'un was not related to the Wang clan of Yüan-ch'eng, to which Wang Mang belonged, so that this marriage was considered quite proper; cf. 99 B: 6a and n. 6.4.
4. A phrase from Analects XX, i, 1.
5. A quotation from Book of History, II, ii, 14 (Legge, p. 61) and Analects XX, i, 1.
6. Book of Odes, 235; III, i, i, 5 (Legge, p. 430).
7. Cf. HS 6: 19a; 12: 7a.
8. Hu San-hsing remarks caustically, "All these were empty words." Cf. 99 B: 2b.
9. Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that 命 and 名 were anciently interchanged.
10. A quotation of Book of History V, xiii, 1 (Legge, p. 434) for the third time in this chapter.
11. The Sung Ch'i ed. says that Chin Shao's HS Yin-yi reads 陭 for 阿. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the Southern ed. (poss. x cent., or the Southern Academy ed., 1531) reads 林 for 休. The Ching-yu ed. agrees with our text.
12. Hu San-hsing explains, " `A clerk to a Prefect of a City-gate' served a Colonel of a City-gate. He had charge of writings."
13. The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the Shao ed. (xi or xii cent.) has not the word 故, but the New ed. (unknown) inserts it. The Ching-yu ed. lacks it.
14. Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) asserts that the word pao 保 should be inserted after the o 阿, in accordance with Han-chi 30: 10b. He declares that pao and o are always used together, that without pao the phrasing would not be good and the meaning (merely "wet-nurses," omitting the other nurses) would not be complete. In HS 75: 26a, a similar phrasing, pao-o, is read.
15. Yang Shu-ta, in his "Examples of Historical Method in the HS," Yenching Jour. of Chin. Studies, no. 3, June, 1928, p. 441 f, states that the phrase, "a child of [Wang] Yü," is an example of Pan Ku's use of author's explanatory notes---a practise first used by him in a historical work. Since the practise of writing annotations in smaller characters was not invented until a generation later (Ma Jung is said to have first used it in his edition of the Chou-li, A.D. 138-40; cf. Maspero, "Melanges Chinois et Bouddhiques," Inst. Belge des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, I [1931-32], p. 183), Pan Ku had to insert such an annotation into the text as a phrase in apposition with the term explained, which appository phrase accordingly interrupts the sentence. Yang Shu-ta instances seven other examples from different parts of the HS. Perhaps this use of explanatory notes was taken by Pan Ku from official documents such as the edict of Wang Mang to be found on 99 B: 25b.
16. This and the next three paragraphs constitute four series of correspondences between (a) four planets (and the corresponding powers or elements), (b) personal qualities, (c) quarters of the compass, (d) ministers, (e) types of weather, (f) colors, (g) the activities of nature during the four seasons, and (h) measuring instruments: 1. (a) Jupiter (wood), (b) respectfulness, (c) the east, (d) the Grand Master, (e) timely rain, (f) cerulean, (g) rising (spring), (h) the sun-dial.2. (a) Mars (fire), (b) wisdom, (c) the south, (d) the Grand Tutor, (e) timely warmth (f) red, (g) enlarging (summer), (h) the musical tubes.3. (a) Venus (metal), (b) orderliness, (c) the west, (d) the State Master, (e) timely cool sunshine, (f) white, (g) taking form (autumn), (h) weighing instruments.4. (a) Mercury (water), (b) deliberation, (c) the north, (d) the State General (because executions [war] were set for the winter), (e) timely cold, (f) black, (g) harmony (winter), (h) the clepsydra.The fifth of these correspondences: (a) Saturn (earth), (b) sageness, (c) the center, (e) timely wind, (f) yellow, (g) (no season), is omitted, because this series corresponds to (d) the King, Wang Mang.Among these correspondences, (b) and (e) are quoted from the "Great Plan," Book of History V, iv, verses 6 and 34 respectively (Legge, 327, 340; Couvreur, 198, 207), as Prof Duyvendak points out. The powers or elements, colors, and directions are those assigned to these planets, but their order is not the same as that of the corresponding powers or elements in op. cit. V, iv, 5 (Legge, 325; Couvreur, 197), probably in order to enable the imperial virtue, sageness, to be coupled with Wang Mang's elemnet, earth Liu Hsiang wrote a "Discussion of the Tradition Concerning the Five Powers in the `Great Plan' [of the Book of History] 洪範五行傳論," which is lost, and most of these correspondences may have come from that book, SC ch. 27, or one of the various other works of this sort written in Han times. Cf. the correspondences in Couvreur, Dict. Classique, iii ed., p. 1059.The planet Jupiter was supposed to punish injustice and disrespectfulness; cf. Mh III, 356.
17. Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) explains, "All things are brought to birth in the eastern quarter [spring], hence he warned the Grand Master."Wang Hsien-ch'ien declares that 獄 is an error; the Ching-yu ed., the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. read 嶽 at this point and below.
18. Fu Chien declares that 煒 is pronounced the same as 暉 (hui). Ju Shun explains, "[It is] the brilliance of the cerulean [springtime] emanation," and Chin Shao adds, "It means that cerulean is the emanation of the yang principle, which first rises and goes upwards in order to complete all things. At the vernal and autumnal equinoxes a gnomen is set up to determine [due] east and west. East is where the sun first rises [at the equinoxes], hence `its shadow is examined by the sun-dial' belongs to [the planet Jupiter]."
19. Mars was supposed to punish violations of the rites by unusual heat; cf. Mh III, 364. Ying Shao glosses, "[Mars] punishes [lack of wisdom] by prolonged heat."
20. Chin Shao comments, "The southern quarter is the seat whence the yang principle rises."
21. Chin Shao explains, "Yung 頌 is 寬頌 (enlarge, be liberal, pardon). [Yen Shih-ku explains yung as 容. These two words are interchanged.] Summer 夏 [archaic pronunciation g'å] [means] 假 (to enlarge [archaic pronunciation kå; an assonance]. Things grow large, whereupon they manifest their tranquillity. The sixth month [is the time for] the beginning of the yin emanation, hence the earth is made to rule. `The middle number of earth is six. Six is the musical tube, [huang-chung]. The musical tube has a shape and a color. Its ruling color is yellow.' [A quotation from HS 21 A: 5b]. Hence `investigating the sounds by the musical tubes' belongs to [the planet Mars]."
22. Ying Shao explains, "When [a person's] words are not in accordance [with the Way], this is what is meant by not-yi 艾. Yi makes peaceful 安. The punishment for [failing to do] this is always [a superabundance of the principle] yang. Yang brings drought." Instead of yang 陽, Book of History V, iv, 34 has 暘, cool sunshine. Yen Shih-ku adds, "Yi should be read as 乂." Mh III, 371 states that Venus presides over killing and punishes murder.
23. Ying Shao explains, "The measures of capacity 量 are the tou and hu. 銓 re the steelyard and balances 權衡." Chin Shao adds, "All things perfect their forms in the western quarter [autumn, so that] their size and weight may all be known. Hence scales and `measures of capacity' belong to [the planet Venus]."
24. Ying Shao explains, "To listen to a person [but] without attentiveness, this is what is meant by not deliberating well. Mou 謀 is 圖. The punishment [for failing to do] this is prolonged cold." Chin Shao adds, "North is to be prostrated. When the yang emanation is prostrate underneath [the earth], the yin principle has charge of killing. Hence he has the State General guard against it." Mh III, 379 says that Mercury punishes for incorrect punishments.
25. Ying Shao explains, "We investigate the courses and degrees of the five planets by the clepsydra and its divisions." Chin Shao adds, "Ho 和 is to unite 合. All things are all united and stored in the northern quarter [winter]. Mercury is also in charge of peace, hence he said, `harmonizes tranquillity.' The regulations for the calendar arise from [the constellation] Tou [the Bushel, Ursa Major], which distinguishes the revolutions of the sun and moon by [the constellation] She-t'i [η, τ, ν; ο, π, ζ Bootes]. She-t'i occupies the place where the handle of the Bushel points, and is used to establish the seasons and the [twenty-four] solar terms, hence `investigating the planets' belongs to [the planet Mercury]."
26. I.e., executive; the officials were considered to be the "arms and legs" of the Emperor.
27. The earth was thought to be square and heaven round; both the moon and the earth are yin; hence heavenly phenomena that concern the earth (astrology) belong to the commander-in-chief.
28. A quotation from Book of History 2: 5b; I, ii, 3 (Legge, p. 18).
29. "Virtue" is to be taken in its ancient meaning of "power." "Arm" denotes "executive"; cf. n. 3.6.
30. Chin Shao explains, "The arms [can be made into the shape of] a circle, [as the limbs form right angles]. When `the five [things that must be] taught are [taught] with gentleness' [a quotation from Book of History II, i, v, 19 (Legge, p. 44; Couvreur, p. 26)], then a filial attitude of submission influences creatures and things and the four supernatural animals [probably: unicorn, phoenix, tortoise, dragon] appear. Hence `auspicious presages [concerning] civil [matters]' belongs to [the Sun]."
31. Yen Shih-ku explains, " `The five [fundamental] teachings (wu-chiao 五教)' [a phrase from Book of History II, i, v, 19 (Legge, p. 44)] means the justice (yi) of a father, the kindliness (tz'u) of a mother, the friendliness (yu) of an elder brother, the respectfulness (kung) of a younger brother, and the filial piety (hsiao) of a son. [This interpretation comes from Tso-chuan, Dk. Wen, XVIII (Legge, 2808, 283a). Mencius III, i, iv, 8 (Legge, p. 251f) has a slightly different list.] The five grades (wu-p'in 五品) are the five social usages (wu-ch'ang 五常), which means benevolence (jen), righteousness (yi), proper conduct (li), wisdom (chih), and trustworthiness (hsin)." The K'ung An-kuo interpretation of the above passage from the Book of History (Shang-shu Chu-su 3: 13a) however states that the five grades are the five social usages and K'ung Ying-ta ibid., 3: 13b) explains that the five grades are "the differences of honor within one family, namely, father, mother, elder, younger brother, and son, who are taught by justice, kindliness, friendliness, respectfulness, and filial piety"---the same list as that for the five fundamental teachings, which accordingly fits better here than Yen Shih-ku's list (which comes from Wang Ch'ung).
32. SC 27: 6 = Mh III, 341 states that the constellation Po-tou (the Northern Bushel) is the jade balance.
33. "Canon" is part of the title to Book of History I, bk. i and II, bk i; "Announcement" is similarly part of the title to op. cit. V, bks. vii, ix, x, xii, and xiii.
34. This change had been made in 1 A.D. Cf. 12: 3b.
35. These titles for the grades and the number of officials in each grade are taken from Tung Chung-shu's Ch'un-ch'iu Fan-lu, 7: 10a, ch. 24, "Kuan-chih Hsiang-Tien."
36. Li Tz'u-ming, HS Cha-chi , 7: 15b, suggests that the first word in 太御 and 太衛 was originally 大, as in 大贅 (Grand Keeper of the Robes) and (大尹 Grand Governor). The Ching-yu ed. at this point and on the next page and Wang Hsien-ch'ien's text of HS 99 B: 28a actually read 大衛.
37. Li Tz'u-ming, HS Cha-chi , 7: 15b, suggests that the first word in 太御 and 太衛 was originally 大, as in 大## (Grand Keeper of the Robes) and (大尹 Grand Governor). The Ching-yu ed. at this point and on the next page and Wang Hsien-ch'ien's text of HS 99 B: 28a actually read 大衛.
38. The text reads,` `the Commandant of the Capital 中尉," but that title had been changed in 104 B.C. to Bearer of the Gilded Mace, so that it is out of place here. Liu Pin suggests that the text should read 中壘校尉, the two middle characters of which have dropped out. I have followed this emendation.
39. The text reads, "Minister over the Masses 司徒." Liu Pin suggests emending the last character to 從, and Ch'i Shao-nan points out that this latter term harmonizes with the rest of this passage, for these titles are taken from Book of History V, iv, 6, (Legge, p. 326), the same one from which come the correspondences in n. 2.6.
40. Li Tz'u-ming, in his Cha-chi 7: 15b suggests that 中 should be 睿; in the Book of History (loc. cit.), the latter character is used. The former character has previously been used for the Director of Palaces, so would not be used here.
41. The "five activities" are, according to ibid.: demeanor, speech, seeing, hearing, and thinking, the virtues of which are those mentioned in the first five titles of the preceding paragraph.
42. A quotation from Tso-chuan, Dk Chao XV, (Legge 657(10), 659a).
43. For these two articles, cf. HFHD I, 243, n. 4; p. 244, n. 1.
44. The text reads 欲; Wang Nien-sun says it should be 敢 in accordance with the Ching-yu ed. (1035) and the parallel phrase in HS 48: 23b.The "drum for those who dare to admonish" is mentioned in the Ta-Tai Li (compiled i cent. A.D.) 3: 3a, ch. 48 (Wilhelm, Li Gi, p. 219), and Liu Pien (fl. 520-557) glosses, "Shun established it. He had those who would admonish, beat it in order that he might himself hear of them." Chia Yi mentions it in a memorial which alludes to that passage (HS 48: 23b). K'ung Kuang-sen (1752-1786) adds, "The ordinance of Yü said, `Those who would teach Us concerning the Way should strike the drum.' " Chou-li 31: 7b, 8a (Biot, II, 226) declares that the T'ai-p'u "places the drum for the royal apartments outside the gate to the main part of the royal apartments and has charge of controlling it [beating it to announce the time]. It awaits those who would communicate their misfortunes and those who transmit ordinances. When [the T'ai-p'u] hears the sound of the drum, he then quickly receives [the report of] the Yü-p'u or the Yü-shu-tzu [which two officials were in attendance upon the drum, to take the complaint or report of the person who had struck the drum]." Cheng Chung (ca. 5 B.C.-83 A.D.) comments, "It is like when those beat a drum who at the present time report matters of grievous vicissitudes to the emperor." Wang Mang, in establishing this drum, is following the teaching of the Chou-li.
45. Evidently this rule was not always consistently carried out. Wang Yi(5)'s title, Duke Prospering the Hsin Dynasty (Lung-hsin Kung) and Liu Fen's title, Marquis Prospering the Majestic Principles (Lung-wei Hou) contained the word lung, although they were men; Wang Mang's daughters by concubines, Wang Chieh(6) and Wang Yeh(6), were entitled the Baroness of Attained Concord (Mu-tai Jen) and the Baroness of Cultivated Concord (Mu-hsin Jen), respectively. Wang Mang's grandson, Wang Ch'ien(2) was the Duke whose Merits Prosper (Kung-lung Kung). Cf. Glossary sub vocibus. Wang Mang's enactments were so multifarious that many were probably forgotten, since card files had not yet been invented. Mu and Lung were not interchanged, as Stange (p. 126, n. 2) suggests, for Yao Hsün was made Marquis of Original Concord (Ch'u-mu Hou), Kuei Ch'ang was made Marquis of the Beginning of Concord (Shih-mu Hou), Ch'en Ch'ung was made Marquis of Ruling Concord (T'ung-mu Hou), and T'ien Feng was made Marquis of Hereditary Concord (Shih-mu Hou), all of whom were considered as imperial relatives, since they were considered descendants of Wang Mang's mythical ancestor, the Yellow Lord.
46. A quotation from Mencius V, i, iv, 1 (Legge, p. 352), where it is said to be a saying of Confucius.
47. The Sung Ch'i ed. states that one text reads 化 for 施.
48. A quotation from Book of History, Intro. 28 (Legge, p. 7).
49. According to SC 1: 45 = Mh I, 71, Shun was a descendant of Chuan-hsü; according to SC 1: 21 = Mh I, 41, Yao was the son of K'u. Wang Mang is following a different tradition.
50. Wei(s) is here probably an anachronism; the title, Duke of Wei(s), was bestowed in A.D. 37 upon Chi Tang's grandson, according to HS 18: 10a; HHS, An. 1 B: 9b. Chi Tang was at this time Duke of Cheng, according to 18: 10a.
51. Yen Shih-ku remarks, "K'o(1) 恪 is to be respectful. It means that he treated him ith added respect, also like a guest. The Chou [dynasty] took the descendants of hun, together with [the princes of] Ch'i and Sung, [the descendants of the Hsia and Yin dynasties], and made them the three Respected Guests (K'o)." The Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsiang, XXV (Legge, 516) states that the Chou dynasty treated the descendants of Yü (Shun), the Hsia, and the Shang dynasties as Respected Guests. Cf. also Mh I, 239.On the meaning of k'o(1), Wu Ta-cheng (1844-1902), in his Ku-chuan Pu, sub Sh Chou K'o-ting, (also included in Shuo-wen Chieh-tzu Ku-lin Pu-yi 7 B: 494 b, sub k'o(3) ) remarks that k'o(1) was a different writing for k'o(2) ###, and that k'o(2) is merely a different writing of k'o(3) 客, which means guest, so that the meaning of k'o(1) was originally "guest." In the Book of Odes, no. 278; IV, i, [ii], iii, (Legge, p. 585), these Respected Ones of the former dynasties are called k'o(3), and Mr. Mao (ii cent. B.C.) explains, "The k'o(3) are the descendants of the two [dynasties] of kings." The K'ung-tsung-tzu ch. 21, 6: 18a (prob. iii cent.), in a discussion of the three Respected Ones, says, "k'o(3) is to respect. These [three Respected Guests] were treated with rites like those for a guest k'o(3)." Of. Tz'u-hai, sub 三 k'o(1).
52. Liu Feng-shih remarks that the passage in parentheses interrupts the account, and also that since the persons to whom sacrifices were made all had descendants enfeoffed, the sentence is not appropriate at this point. Furthermore the matter is referred to later. He said that this sentence is therefore an interpolation. Yang Shu-ta however replies that these sacrifices are mentioned in connection with the enfeoffment of the descendants of the persons sacrificed to, and says that the passage seems genuine. The four dynasties were the Hsia, Yin, Chou, and Han dynasties.
53. A quotation from the "Modern text" of the Book of History, V, i, now a fragment Cf. Legge, p. 298; also HHS, Mem. 30 B: n. 14.4.This portent to the Chou dynasty was then understood as a portent denoting the Han dynasty, which dynasty was believed to have succeeded to the divine powers upholding the Chou dynasty.
54. This yellow emanation was then understood to have presaged Wang Mang's new "yellow" dynasty.
55. Li Tz'u-ming ibid., suggests that 而 is a copyist's error for kao 高. But there is no grammatical necessity to change the text. If kao-tsu 祖 had been originally in the text, it would have preceded "King Po" as it does on 99 B: 9a and Wang Mang's temple name for the Yellow Lord would also have been used, and if Yen Shih-ku's text had read kao-tsu, be would not have explained in his note that King Po of Chi-nan was Wang Mang's name for the Eminent Founder (kao-tsu) of his house. This person was named Wang Sui, cf. Glossary, sub voce.
56. The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Nan ed. (x-xii cent.) had 姓 before the 始, which seemingly a partial dittography. The Ching-yu ed. lacks it.
57. The distinction is between the shrines to the founders of houses 祖廟, which were not changed, and the personal shrines to the immediate ancestors 親廟, which were altered as each new generation elevated its father and mother to a place in the ancestral temple. Cf. 99 C: 9b; STange, 129, n. 5. "Temple" 廟 is ambigious, here as elsewhere, denoting sometimes a particular shrine in a temple building, and sometimes the temple building or buildings themselves. Wang Mang was following the rule in Li-chi XIII, , 9 (Legge, II, 42) = Li-chi Cheng-yi 32: 4b.
58. Yen Shih-ku explains, "Mei 禖 is 祀 (a sacrifice [for descendants]). He established this great temple 祠 to sacrifice yearly and seasonally to his ancestors regularily." Mei is usually used to refer to the god of marriage and birth; here it is the clan temple where sacrifices are made for descendants to continue the clan.
59. Yen Shih-ku glosses, "It means that the state had already established its great clan temple to sacrifice to its deceased founders. Each [ancestor] whom the families of the common people esteem should be given ancestral sacrifices and [these sacrifices] should not be interrupted. All under heaven should follow the same principle." But Lin Feng-shih argues, "This [sentence] refers to the sacrifices for posterity [to those whom Wang] Mang's family esteemed. He ordained that the empire should transmit them and make them its sacrifices for posterity and that they might not fail to be upheld in sacrifice. It was like the mound to the gods of the soils at the Fen-yin (White Elm) [District in Feng] at which [Emperor] Kao of the Han [dynasty sacrificed]." Cf. 25 A: 17b.
60. Book of History II, iii, i, 1 (Legge, p. 69).
61. The Yuan-ch'eng Wang clan was that of Wang Mang's own kindred. He had married the daughter of Wang Hsien(2a), who was of another Wang clan, and wanted to show that other members of the large groups of persons surnamed Wang could intermarry, yet also to make plain that he disapproved of the intermarriage of persons of the same surname. He was thus led to distinguish among those surnamed Wang; cf. n. 1.3.
62. Meng K'ang remarks, "He posthumously gave the title of King to Duke Hu of Ch'en," who founded the state of Ch'en at the Chou conquest.
63. Meng K'ang remarks, "He posthumously gave the title of King to Ch'en [Wan] Ching-chung," who founded the T'ien clan.
64. The Official ed. reads 陽 for 楊 to accord with the reading in 99 A: 1b. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.
65. Liu Pin asserts that 都 should be 郡, which statement is confirmed by 28 Bi: 26a, sub Yang-chou.
66. Yen Shih-ku remarks that Wang Mang was imitating the action of Shun, who "received Yao's retirement from the imperial duties in the Temple of the Accomplished Ancestors," a quotation from Book of History II, i, iii, 4 (Legge, p. 32).
67. Emperors Kao, the Eminent Founder; Hsiao-wen, the Great Exemplar; Hsiao-wu, the Epochal Exemplar; Hsiao-hsüan, the Central Exemplar; Hsiao-Yüan, the Eminant Exemplar; Hsiao-ch'eng, the Dynastic Exemplar; and Hsiao-p'ing, the Supreme Exemplar. The last three titles had been conferred by Wang Mang.The Official ed. reads, "Exemplars or Founders," but the Ching-yu ed. does not invert thus.
68. Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that after a change in the dynasty the members of the former imperial house should not continue to be subordinate to the Superintendent of the Imperial House.
69. A phrase from the Book of History. Cf. A: n. 13.5.
70. Cf. A: n. 34.4.
71. Fu Ch'ien explains, "The metal knife-[money] was the cash cast by [Wang] Mang." Yen Shih-ku comments, "Because in the word Liu 劉 there is above `mao 卯,' below metal 金,' and on the side there is also `knife 刀,' [Wang] Mang prohibited the kang-mao mulets] together with the metal-knife-[cash]." The metal knife-money was supposed by the magic of its rebus to strengthen the Liu house, hence Wang Mang did away with it.
72. The Spring and Autumn ends with the fourteenth year of Duke Ai, although he reigned for 13 years more; Chang Yen remarks that Emperor Ai reigned to his sixth year, Emperor P'ing to his fifth year, and Wang Mang acted as Regent to the third year, which makes fourteen years.
73. For the Kang-mao amulets, cf. App. I.In a note to the History of the Three Kingdoms (San-kuo-chih) 57: 6a, Pei Sung-chih (372-451) quotes a memorial of Yü Fan (164-233), in which the latter states that in the ancient seal character, mao 卯 was written for liu 劉 (willow). Chou Shou-ch'ang concludes that the words 劉， 留， 聊 and 柳 were interchanged with and were written the same as mao, although distinguished by different pronunciations. Hence the Kang-mao amulets also connoted the Liu house, so were forbidden.
74. These two denominations were later (A.D. 10; 99 B: 15a) supplemented by 26 others, all of which were still later discontinued, except for these two; cf. HS 24 B: 21b-23b (in App. I), Chin-shih So, "Chin," 4: 28b.
75. This ordinance was repealed in A.D. 13; cf. 99 B: 22a.
76. Before the words for "the fourth month," the present text has the words "是嵗 in this year." The Ching-yu ed. lacks them; the Sung Ch'i ed. declares that the Yüeh ed. (xi-xii cent.) lacked them. I have not translated this interpolation.
77. Prof. Duyvendak points out that the common phrase, "suffered for their crimes" is taken from Book of Odes, no. 194; II, iv, x, 1 (Legge, p. 326).
78. The persons concerned with the portents noted on A: 25a, 34a-35b; B: 9a-10a.
79. For this system, cf. Duyvendak, The Book of Lord Shang, p. 41 f; Eberhard, "Z Landwirschaft d. Han-Zeit," MSOS 35: 78ff.
80. A saying attributed to Confucius in the Classic of Filial Piety 5: 1a; ch. 9 (Legge, SBE III, p. 476).
81. Book of History III, ii, i, 5 (Legge, p. 155). That Book reads "wives and children 孥" instead of the HS's "enslave 奴"; Yen Shih-ku attacks that interpretation of this word in this passage, saying that in view of ibid. V, i, iii, 3 (Legge, p. 295), "He has imprisoned and enslaved upright gentlemen," the meaning "wives and children" cannot be maintained. Wang Mang certainly took it to mean "enslave." Cf. Karlgren, BMFEA 20, 170f, Gl. 1403.
82. The Official ed. emends 辜 to 辠. The Ching-yu ed. reads the former.
83. From this point on, this edict is also found (with omissions) in HS 24 A: 21a, b (App. I).
84. In a note to 24 A: 21a, Chin Shao explains, "Although they might be old or ill, all had yet to pay the poll-tax (suan)."
85. This figure for the rate of rentals was taken from a memorial by Tung Chung-shu, now in HS 24 A: 16b.
86. In Mencius V, i, iv, 2, (Legge, p. 352),
Mencius quotes from Book of Odes II,
vi, i, 2; no. 205 (Legge, p. 360), the phrase "王土 the king's (or sovereign's) land,"
which is the source of this term:
87. A phrase from Analects VI, iii, 4.
88. A quotation from Tso-chuan, 20: 10b, Dk. Wen, XVIII (Legge, p. 280(13.14), 283a). Yen Shih-ku explains, " Ch'ih 魑 are the mountain spirits and mei 魅 are the essences of aged things." Cf. App. I, HS 24 B: 23a. "Being made to resist the elves and goblins" was a circumlocution for a death sentence. In 24 A: 21b, the punishment for violating the ordinance establishing the ching system is said to have been death. Stange (140, n. 1) suggests that it meant banishment to frontier military colonies, but Tu Yü, in a note to the Tso-chuan passage, explains "t'ou 投, to be thrown out" as "ch'i 弃, to be executed" (cf. HFHD, I, 319, n. 6.4) and K'ung Ying-ta adds that t'ou-ch'i means "至害 the extreme penalty."
89. A quotation from Tso-chuan, 20: 10b, Dk. Wen, XVIII (Legge, p. 280(13.14), 283a). Yen Shih-ku explains, " Ch'ih 魑 are the mountain spirits and mei 魅 are the essences of aged things." Cf. App. I, HS 24 B: 23a. "Being made to resist the elves and goblins" was a circumlocution for a death sentence. In 24 A: 21b, the punishment for violating the ordinance establishing the ching system is said to have been death. Stange (140, n. 1) suggests that it meant banishment to frontier military colonies, but Tu Yü, in a note to the Tso-chuan passage, explains "t'ou 投, to be thrown out" as "ch'i 弃, to be executed" (cf. HFHD, I, 319, n. 6.4) and K'ung Ying-ta adds that t'ou-ch'i means "至害 the extreme penalty."
90. HS 99 B: 11a mentions five Lieutenant Generals for each of these twelve Generals; 99 B: 12b states that "the Generals . . . and their Lieutenants, seventy-two persons [in all], returned." Hence the Lieutenant Generals should also be mentioned here.
91. Cf. 4: 15b; 8: n. 23.5.
92. Wang Hsien-ch'ien asserts that the words 王伯 should be interchanged, to conform to the usual writing of his name. He is probably correct, but this reading is also found in 27 Bb: 6a, where this event is dated in 45 B.C., the year Wang Mang was born. Lin Hsiang is said to have declared that it symbolized the replacing of the Liu by the Wang clan on the throne.
93. Cf. 99 A: 34a-35b.
94. Erh-ya 爾雅 has here the same meaning as in SJ 121: 11(7)=HS 88: 5a(8), which quotes from a memorial by Kung-sun Hung, flattering Emperor Wu for his edicts, "Whose literary beauty is like the classics (Erh-ya) and the expressions whose instructions are extremely effective." Yen Shih-ku explains, "Erh-ya [means] approaching the classics 近正 chin-cheng. It means that the expressions in his edicts are elegant (ya) and classical (cheng) and are extremely effective." (Reference from Prof. Duyvendak.)
95. Wang Hsien-shen remarks that this book has not been transmitted, and that HS 27 Bb: 6a, b quotes a few sentences from it, concerning the catalpa pillar.
96. Yen Shih-ku comments, "Wu-ming 五命 means the order in which the five (wu) powers or elements succeed each other and in which the mandate (ming) [of Heaven] is transmitted."
97. Ho Ch'uo explains, "[Emperors] Hsiao-hui and Hsiao-wen were of the same generation and [Emperors] Ai and P'ing were of the same generation." The Empress of Emperor Kao is also omitted in this count of nine generations in the Former Han Dynasty. For "three sevens of decades," cf. A: n. 34.4.
98. Cf. 12: 4b.
99. Cf. 99 A: 25a.
100. Cf. 99 A: 35a. Tzu(3b)-t'ung was the name to which Wang Mang changed Tzu(3a)-t'ung.
101. Cf. 99 A: 34a.
102. Cf. 99 A: 25a.
103. Shuo-wen 10 A: 2a, sub wen 馼 (Chin Shao quotes this passage in a summary form) says, "A horse with a red mane, a white body, and eyes like actual gold is named wen. It is auspicious for the chariot of the emperor. In the time of King Wen of the Chou [dynasty], the Dog Jung presented one. . . . The comment on the Spring and Autumn [Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsüan, II, (Legge, p. 289b)], says, `The hundred quadrigae of wen horses', which are horses with more than one color 畫馬. The Chief of the West, [later King Wen], presented Chou with one in order to save himself."The Yi-wen Lei-chü (compiled by Ou-yang Hsün, 557-641), 93: 3b, quotes the Grand Duke's Liu-t'ao (prob. iv or v cent. B.C. or later) as saying (this passage is not found in the present Liu-t'ao), "When the King of Shang arrested the Chief of Chou, [Chi] Ch'ang, [later known as King Wen], at Yu-li, the [Foreseen] Grand Duke, [Lü Shang], with San Yi-sheng, took a thousand yi of gold and sought for the [most] precious things in the world to ransom the crime of their lord. Thereupon they obtained from the clans of the Dog Jung wen horses with fine hair, red manes, and eyes like actual gold, and named [the chariot drawn by] them, `The quadriga with chi-szu 雞斯之乘' [the name of a supernatural variety of horse; Huai-nan-tzu 12: 12b (Morgan, p. 125) states that San Yi-sheng "secured a quadrigae with tsou-Yü (herbivorous white tigers with black stripes) and chi-szu"] and presented it to the King of Shang."
104. Cf. 99 A: 34a.
105. Cf. 99 A: 34b.
106. Yen Shih-ku glosses, "Cheng-chung is as if he said 頻煩."
107. Meng K'ang says that this letter refers to the written charter fabricated by Ai Chang (cf. 99 A: 35a) and that mien 勉 means to urge, with which Yen Shih-ku agrees. But Ai Chang's "metal casket, design, and charter" is referred to later as another portent (99 B: 10b). Chin Shao asserts that mien should be kuei 龜 (tortoise), and Li Tz'u-ming, ibid., 7: 16a, points out that kuei is similar to min 黽 and that anciently mien and min were interchanged, so that kuei was misread as min, and min exchanged for mien.The Sung Ch'i ed. notes that other editions lack the three words 復決其, and that the Shao ed. (xi or xii cent.) has not the last of these, ch'i. Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. have 所 after the ch'i. Li Tz'u-ming suspects the ch'i to be an interpolation, probably from the same word in Meng K'ang's comment. The Ching-yu ed. reads as the text does, but its ch'i is plainly a correction, being substituted for two words.
108. Yen Shih-ku explains, "同色 means that the heavenly gods of the five quarters had united in their plans and agreed in their colors. The word should perhaps be pao 包. Pao means that Heaven as a whole had wrapped up the crowds of people of the world and had given them to [Wang] Mang. Both these interpretations are meaningful."
109. According to 99 A: 35b, Wang Mang received the mandate on the next day, mou-ch'en; cf. A: n. 35.12; B: n. 7.2.
110. The written character Liu 劉 is formed by adding mao to the word chao 釗, to round off.
111. A quotation from Book of Changes, Hex. 15 (Legge, p. 89; Wilhelm I, 47).
112. Ma Hsü-lun, p. 18b, suggests that 葦 be read as 愇, which latter word is said by Yü-p'ien 8: 2a (by Ku Ye-wang; preface dated 543; reconstructed 1013) to mean 怨恨.
113. Yen Shih-ku states that 左右 should be read as 佐佑. Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that 在 is accordingly superfluous and could not have been in Yen Shih-ku's text; Yang Shu-ta suggests that it is dittography for the 左.
114. Wang Hsien-ch'ien suspects there should be a 與 before the 海.
115. Book of Odes, #249; III, ii, v, 1 (Legge, p. 481). In translating the last line I have followed the interpretation of Cheng Hsüan (A.D. 127-200).
116. Mr. Cheng (fl. dur. 220-317) remarks that six is the number of Earth. The word used for heaven, ch'ien, is the name of the first hexagram in the Book of Changes; the word used for mares, k'un, is the second hexagram. This equipage represented Heaven and Earth.
117. Yen Shih-ku explains, "Pieh-niao 鷩鳥 is of the pheasant family and is the 鵔鸃 (golden pheasant). Today it is commonly called the 山雞, which is erroneous."
118. Yen Shih-ku explains, "Their colors were: in the eastern quarter, cerulean, and in the southern quarter, red, [etc.]. Their numbers were: as the number of [the power] wood is three, the number of fire is two, and the like." A polychrome painting on silk, dated 897, representing a Buddha seated on a chariot surrounded by the deities of the five planets (which may be equated with the five directions) is reproduced in A. Stein, Serindia, vol. IV, pl. LXXI, with an inadequate description in ibid. II, 1059, liv. 007. A much better description with a key is found in W. C. White, Chinese Temple Frescoes, p. 99 and fig. 26.
119. Cf. Glossary, sub Ch'en Jao; de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 266-68.
120. Reminiscent of Book of History I, ii, 8 (Legge, p. 21).
121. Probably a reference to alchemy; cf. HFHD I, 323, and n. 7.8.
122. A quotation from Book of Changes , App. III, sect. I, verse 47 (Legge, p. 363).
123. A quotation from Analects XVI, iii. Ho Ch'uo remarks, "[Wang] Mang feared deeply and took precautions against his subordinates, hence [wrote] this sixth sentence."
124. Ch'ien Ta-chao suspects that before the words 司命 there have dropped out the words 五威, and Chou Chou-ch'ang adds that Ch'en Ch'ung had previously been a Director of Justice, so was newly established as Director of Mandates of the Five Majestic Principles. Hence the full title must have been in the original document, whether Pan Ku copied it out in full or not.
125. A quotation from Book of Odes, #260; III, iii, vi, 5 (Legge, p. 544).
126. A quotation from Book of History V, viii, 4 (Legge, p. 379).
127. Prof. Duyvendak remarks that the use of Yü 于 instead of 於 is an imitation of the style in the Book of History.
128. A quotation from Book of Changes, App. III, ii, 18 (Legge, p. 384).
129. The "central virtue" is that of the power earth, by which Wang Mang was believed to rule.
130. Fu Ch'ien remarks, "A narrow and important road," and Yen Shih-ku adds, "Its location is in the present Shang Province, where the `seven coils and twelve twists' is that place." The Ch'ang-an Chih (by Sung Min-ch'iu, 1019-1079) 16: 4a, sub Lan-t'ien, says, "The Cheng （此字為“絲“旁“爭”） slope is southeast of the prefectural city. What the T'ung-tien [by Tu Yu, 735-812 (I have not been able to find this passage)] calls, `The seven coils and twelve bends' is the difficult road of the Lan-[t'ien] Pass," so that Yen Shih-ku probably wrote `bends （此字為“絲“旁“爭”）' for the `twists 繞' at present in his note. Shen Ch'in-han declares that the T'ai-p'ing Huan-Yü Chi preserves Yen Shih-ku's note with the former word (we have not been able to find it). He quotes a note to Yi-li, chap. 12, saying that cheng （此字為“絲“旁“爭”） means 屈. (I have not been able to find it.) The reference seems to be to the road from Lan-t'ien south through the Yao Pass and Wu Pass.Shui-ching Chu (by Li Tao-Yüan, d. 527) 14: 19b, sub the Ju River, says, "The precipitous and rocky slopes of Lu-lung 盧龍 [which Yang Shou-ching (1839-1915), in his Shui-ching-chu T'u, N. 1, E. 1, b, locates in the present Jehol, on the Luan River, just north of the Great Wall] are sinuous and broken, hence they have the name of `the nine bends,' " so that there was another place with this name. (Reference from Shen Ch'in-han.)
131. "Ching-Ch'u" is a phrase used in Book of Odes IV, iii, v. 1, 2, no. 305 (Legge, 643, 644), so that in Han times this term was eminently classical. The ancient state of Ch'u had its best-known capital at Ying, near the present I-chang. But this state spread until it included the lower Yangtze region and extended northwards along the sea-coast to the present Shantung. The legendary province of Ching was smaller, being supposed to have included roughly the present Hupeh, Hunan, and Kiangsi. "Ching-ch'u," i.e., "the part of Ch'u in Yü's province of Ching," was then a classical phrase denoting the middle Yangtze region below the gorges.
132. The reference is to the position of the emperor on his throne, where he always faces south.
133. Wang Nien-sun observes that t'ang 堂 is here a copyist's error for ch'ang 掌, which latter word is found at the end of this paragraph. The Sung Ch'i ed. however thinks both should be t'ang. CfGlossary. sub voce.
134. Ju Shun glosses, "They put out a hundred cash and gave it to common people to use, and collected three cash interest for it per month." For these controls, cf., App. I, HS 24 B: 23a-25b. That passage however says that interest was not to be more than 10% of the borrower's income.
135. Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 37: 9a has at this point the words 犯者, which Wang Hsien-ch'ien thinks have dropped out of the HS text.
136. Cf. HS 94 B: 17b = de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 268, 269, where the Hun raid on So-fang Commandery is dated in A.D. 9. It is mentioned here to introduce the incident at Turfan.
137. For this incident at Turfan, cf. HS 94: 17b, 18a = de Groot, p. 270.
138. The text reads kuei-yu, but there was no such day in that month. Yu might easily have been mistaken for ch'ou. It seems the only plausible and suitable emendation.
139. Yen Shih-ku glosses, "Low-[class] wife hsia-ch'i 下妻 is like saying that she was an inferior wife 小妻." But Hung Yi-hsüan (1765-ca. 1830/1840), in his Tu-shu Ts'ung-lu 21: 18a, objects that an inferior wife is a concubine 妾, while a low-class wife is not an inferior wife. He notes that HHS, An. 1 B: 4b quotes an order of Emperor Kuang-wu stating that slaves and low-class wives who have been kidnapped may leave freely, that ibid. 1 B: 10b quotes another order to the effect that people who have been kidnapped and made slaves are to be freed, and those who have become people's low-class wives and want to leave shall be freely permitted to go, that Shuo-wen 12 B: 4a, defines hsü 嬬 [which is used to denote a wife or a concubine] as follows, "Weak; it also denotes a low-class wife," and that HHS, Mem. 2: 1a states that Wang Ch'ang later pretended to be the real Liu Tzu-Yü, "saying that his mother was a singer of the former Emperor Ch'eng." Hence Hung Yi-hsüan concludes that a low-class wife was not a regular concubine but a slave-woman who was used as a mistress. The mothers of Wang Mang's illegitimate sons (99 C: 11b) were then low-class wives.Such a distinction between a concubine and a slave-woman mistress is likely to be blurred in practise; Chang Yi (fl. dur. 227-232), in his Kuang-ya ["Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh" 672 B: 5b), says, "A wife 妻 is called a hsü," and Tuan Yi-ts'ai (1735-1815) identifies "low-class wife" and "inferior wife." Cf. also Wang Nien-sun's Kuang-ya Su-cheng Pu-Cheng: 34b ("Kuang-ts'ang Hsüeh-kuan Ts'ung-shu" ed.)
140. The Sung Ch'i ed. suggests emending 男 to 妻. The Ching-yu ed. reads the former. I have not followed this suggestion.
141. The Sung Ch'i ed. states that one text omits the 遠.
142. Wang Hsien-ch'ien observes that the words 又奏 should be in the text at this point.
143. The word 下 has probably dropped out at this point.
144. A quotation from the Book of History III, ii, 3 (Legge, p. 153).
145. These four articles are enumerated in HS 94 B: 15b, 16a = de Groot, Die Hunnen 264, as follows: " Chinese who escape to the Huns,  Wu-sun who escape and surrender to the Huns,  those in the various states of the Western Frontier Regions who have worn Chinese seals and cords [officials] and surrender to the Huns, and  Wu-huan who surrender to the Huns shall all not be permitted to be received."
146. At this point the text has 五大夫; Liu Feng-shih (1041-1113) declares that it is inexplicable and probably an interpolation. I have omitted it.
147. This expedition was planned on so grandiose a scale, (the armies were to take along provisions for three hundred days) that its requirements could not all be collected and never set out. Cf. Chuang Yu's admonition against the plan in HS 94 B: 18b-19b de Groot, Die Hunnen, 273-5.
148. A reference to Book of History V, iv, 7 (Legge, p.327).
149. Cf. App. I, HS This passage enumerates six kinds of money, of denominations altogether. In the present passage, round cash and spade-money are grouped together because they were made of the same material, bronze, hence there are said to be only five kinds. The peculiarity of this bronze coinage was that as the denominations of the coins became greater, the proportionate amount of metal became progressively less, so that while the one-cash coin contained 1 shu of bronze, the thousand-cash spade coin contained only 24 shu of bronze, 0.024 shu per cash. Cf. 24 B: n. 22.11. No wonder Wang Mang had to compel people to use them! His purpose seems to have been to facilitate the transport of large sums of money, as well as to profit from the depreciation of the coinage.
150. Yen Shih-ku explains, "[According to] the old laws, those who travelled carried passport credentials and were then not delayed or detained. Now [Wang Mang] changed [the law] and ordered that they should carry spade-money to be with their credentials, and thus only were they permitted to pass."
151. Yen Shih-ku explains, "The kitchens ch'u 廚 were the places for eating and drinking in traveling along the roads. The chuan 傳 were the hostelries established at the posts. Ho 苛 is to question 問."
152. A phrase from the Book of History V, iv, 19 (Legge, p. 334).
153. HHS, Mem 2: 8b, quotes Chu Fou as saying, "When Wang Mang was Ruling Governor, Chen Feng went in to him at dawn and at dusk to plan and discuss [matters]. At that time, people said, `The midnight guest is Chen [Feng] Chang-po.' " (Reference from Yang Shu-ta.)
154. Cf. HS 99 A: 32a.
155. Li Tz'u-ming ibid. 7: 6a, suggests that 豊 is here an interpolation. It interrupts the sentence.
156. In SC 84: 24, where this phrase is written mo-mo 嘿嘿, Ying Shao interprets it 不自得也.
157. SC 34: 2 (Mh IV, 133 f) recounts that at the time of King Ch'eng of the dynasty, the Duke of Shao supervised the country west of Shan and the Duke of that east of Shan.
158. A phrase from Mencius I, B, iv, 5 (Legge, p. 159).
159. Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks that 闕 should be 關 to accord with the phrase on 99 B: 12a. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter. Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. read likewise.
160. Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that 堂 should be 掌 to agree with the reading on B: 12a.
161. The Official ed. reads t'ien 天 for ta 大, with the note, "The Sung Ch'i [ed.] says, T'ien should perhaps be ta.' " But the Ching-yu ed. (1035) reads ta.
162. Chen Hsün was said to have had on his hand the words 天子. Wang Mang said they were 一大子. Another person said they were 一六子. The words `六 (six)' and `戮 (put to death)' must have then been pronounced alike; cf. Karlgren, Grammata Serica, #1032a and 1069v; Analyt. Dict. #546 and 563.
163. He was imitating Shun's treatment of his four criminals as related in the Bk. of Hist. II, i, 12 (Legge, p. 39 f). Wang Mang evidently interpreted this passage, not as Yang Shu-ta and Legge do, but as the K'ung An-kuo tradition did, which says, "殛， 竄，放 and 流 all [mean] execution 誅. Their difference is in the character of the language used." Even if the K'ung An-kuo commentary is a later forgery, yet it probably contains early statements. Mencius V, A, iii, 2 (Legge, p. 349), repeating this passage from the Book of History, states that Shun "slew 殺 [the prince of] the San-miao, of these four criminals], on [Mt.] San-wei.Han Fei-tzuzu 13: 7b, 8a; ch. 34, further states, "Yao, . . . using military weapons, executed 誅殺 K'un in the wilderness of Yü, . . . and, using military weapons, executed 誅 the Provider of Works at the tal of Yu Province." There is thus ample evidence to substantiate the K'ung An-interpretation as ancient. Wang Mang certainly understood this passage to execution. Cf. Chung Feng-nien, "The Four Banishments in the Shu-ching," in Yen-ching Journal of Chinese Studies, no. 27, June 1940, pp. 211-232, Karlgren, BMFEA 91ff, Gl. 1272; Shang-shu Chu-su 3: 8b.The Bk. of Hist. records the punishment of four criminals; Li Tz'u-ming ibid., 7: accordingly suggests that a clause has dropped out of the text. After 放 I accordi insert the words 奇于崇山竄. (Li Tz'u-ming's own emendation does not follow Book of History closely enough.)
164. 赤 (red) and 赫 (fiery) were anciently interchanged.
165. About 5 ft. 7 in. Eng. measure.
166. For the shoes and hats, cf. Eberhard, Die Mode der Han-und Chin-Zeit, pp. 49-55. Erh-ya (Han period) 3: 5a, says, "Li 氂 is chi 罽 (wool or felt)," and HsingPing (932-1010) says, "People of honorable clans say that li means felt (mao 毛 -chi). The Hu connect sheep's hair and make clothes. Then chi is made of woven hair like present hairy rug 毛氍毹." K'ung Ying-ta (574-648), in a note to Book of History 6: 11a (in "The Tribute of Yü"; cf. Legge, p. 122), quotes Sung Yen (fl. ca. 220) as saying, "Mao-li becomes wool (chi), which is woven hair."
167. Stange, p. 165, translates differently, "Selbst wenn er (scheinbar) abgewandt behielt er doch, von oben sehend, seine Umgebung im Auge."
168. The four qualifications are taken from Analects XI, ii, 2.
169. At this point the text has the words "and in the P'ing Province 平州." Hu hsing remarks that P'ing Province did not exist until the third century, when the kingdom of Wei divided P'ing Province off of Yu Province and says that the word "P'ing" in error. He notes that at the end of the Later Han period, Kung-sun Tu set himself as the Shepherd of P'ing Province, which was in the southern part of the present Manchuria.Ch'ien Ta-hsin however remarks that HS 55: 19b states that Lu Po-tê was a man "P'ing-chou(1) 平州 in Hsi-ho [Commandery]," so that "P'ing-chou(1) was the name of county belonging to Hsi-ho Commandery within the section [called] Ping depart (chou)." (A chou contained 2500 families; cf. 24 A: 4a). HS 28 Bi: 29a writes this P'ing-chou(2) 平周, so that probably chou(1) and chou(2) were anciently interchanged. Shen Ch'in-han suggests that P'ing Province was probably established by Wang M out of part of Yu Province, so that Kung-sun Tu took his title from this occurrence, that if P'ing-chou was merely the name of a county, disorder confined chiefly to part one department would hardly have been worth mentioning.This latter remark seems quite conclusive as a reply to Ch'ien Ta-hsin's suggesting There is moreover no classical precedent for the name "P'ing Province" and no notice of Wang Mang having established it, so that this name is itself very dou HS 16: 53b and 17: 20b list a Marquisate at P'ing-chou1, but this place was in the Shantung, not where these disturbances would be expected. Perhaps the best of the difficulty is that of Hu San-hsing; I have consequently omitted this name, sin uncertain what province was originally mentioned instead of P'ing Province.
170. Hu San-hsing remarks that the "seven highest ministers" were the four Coad with the previous "three highest ministers"; the "six high ministers" were the Hsi-an the Deciding Judge, the Arranger of the Ancestral Temple, the Director of Mu Provider of Works, and the My Forester.
171. Ju Shun explains, "Powerful officials illegally used the law to do injustice to good , making them slaves by putting a seal upon their necks in order to distinguish . When they secured cash for the hire [of these condemned persons], they then took their seals." According to this passage, some sort of a sealed cord about the neck to have been used instead of the iron collar also used in the Former Han period to slaves and criminals; cf. 99 C: 12b. If merely a seal-mark had been used of branding, there would have been little reason for putting it on the neck.
172. HS 94 B: 18b, 20a=de Groot, Die Hunnen p. 272, 276 states that Lüan-ti brother, Lüan-ti Tsu, was first made Shan-Yü Shun and was taken to Ch'ang-an Lüan-ti Teng, where Lüan-ti Tsu died, and then Wang Mang appointed Lüan-ti Teng Shan-Yü Shun in place of his brother.
173. The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the Old text (before vi cent.) writes ch'uan 喘 for chi 悸. Wang Nien-sun accordingly concludes that this passage originally read words, ch'uan-chi. These two words are unlike, so that they would not be confused each other; probably the Old text and later editions had each dropped out one of two words. T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan (978-983) 741: 4a, quotes this passage with both Wei Chao, in a note to HS 90: 15a, says, "When in one's heart he pants and sighs (ch'uan- 息), it is called chi." Stange, p. 169, n. 2, suggests angina pectoris.
174. This practise was in imitation of that in the ancient state of Lu, where the posts were held hereditarily by the descendants of Duke Huan and were relatives of the ruler.
175. For this heroic loyal refusal to take office under Wang Mang, cf. Glossary sub Kung Sheng.
176. Ch'ien Ta-chao notes that the Southern Academy ed. and the Fukien ed. read 操 for 據. The Ching-yu and Official ed. read similarly.
177. In 99 B: 14b and 94 B: 20a this man's given name is written 欽 so that 歆 is error here.
178. For the "search," cf. HFHD, II, 113, n. 36.6. Wang Mang changed its name from so 索 to heng-sou 橫搜.
179. Cf. Glossary, sub Marquises.
180. The Sung Ch'i ed. states that after 分 there should be the word 九. But its would break the rhythm.
181. The nine provinces are mentioned, not in the present "Canon of Yao," but in the chapter, where Shun is said to have made this division. (Anciently these two chapters formed one.) Cf. Book of History II, i, iii, 10 (Legge, p. 38). The five are mentioned in ibid. II, iv, i, 8 (Legge, p. 85).
182. Yen Shih-ku enumerates these fifteen as follows: Chou and the south, Shao and the south, Wei(s), the Chou kingly state, Cheng, Ch'i, Wei(h), T'ang, Ch'in, Ch'en, , Ts'ao, Pin, Lu, and Shang; and alternatively as Chou and the south, Shao and the south, Pei, Yung, Wei(s), the Chou kingly state, Cheng, Ch'i, Wei(h), T'ang, Ch'in, Ch'en, , Ts'ao, and Pin. The second list is taken from the names of the "Lessons from the States"; cf. Legge, She-king, I, vii ff.The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the 國 should be 曰.
183. Book of Odes, IV, iii, iii (Legge, p. 636).
184. Book of History III, i, i (Legge, pp. 92-151).The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the Shun-hua ed. (994-997) omitted the words 無并.
185. Chou-li 33: 6a-8b (Biot, II, 265-275) contains this list of provinces, which enumerated sub the Chih-fang-shih, a subordinate of the Commander-in-chief. The three different lists of the nine provinces are discussed in the Tz'u-hai, tzu, p. 106 sub 九州
186. The Official ed. has mistakenly emended t'ung 同 to 國. The Ching-yu ed. reads the former.Chou-li 42: 1b, sub the Chiang-jen (Biot, II, 566) defines a t'ung as "a square of a hundred li." This term is also found in the Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsiang, XXV, (Legge, 51211, 516b).HS 23: 2b elaborates this passage from the Chou-li and says, "A territory one li square is a ching 井; ten ching make a t'ung(1) 通; ten t'ung(1) make a ch'eng 成 (a ch'eng is ten li square); ten ch'eng make a chung 終; ten chung make a t'ung(2) (a t'ung(2) is a hundred li square); ten t'ung(2) make a feng 封; ten feng make a ch'i 畿 (a ch'i is a thousand li square)."
187. The Chi-chung Chou-shu (the lost Book of History; possibly written after Han times and taken from earlier material) 5: 8b, 9a, chap. 48, "Tso-Lo Chieh," says, "For those who received a mandate [enfeoffing them as nobles] from the Chou [dynasty, the Chou King had] established a large altar to the gods of the soils in the center of their states [read 國 for 周] . . . and for the nobles who were about to be established, [the King] dug into and took of its soil from the side in the direction of their [territory], covered it with yellow earth, enveloped it with white quitch-grass, and used it for the earth [given them for] their enfeoffment. Hence it is said that they received tsê 則-earth from the House of Chou." (One text reads 削 [cut off] instead of tsê). Shen Ch'in-han suggests that the term used by Wang Mang for the estates of viscounts and barons is taken from the above passage. The reception of a tsê is mentioned as the fifth appointment in Chou-li 18: 11b, subTa-tsung-po (Biot I, 429); cf. 99 A: n. 21.2. This passage of the Chou-li also mentions a kuo as the seventh appointment.
188. Ju Shun explains, "Ten li [square] make a ch'eng 成," which is quoted from HS 23: 2b; cf. n. 19.4.
189. Wang Wen-pin (xix cent.) explains that it means estates of 9, 7, 5, 3 and 1 ch'eng. This passage is reminiscent of Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsiang, XXVI, (Legge, 519(14), 524b), `It is the regulation that from the greatest to the least, [rewards] should be increased diminished by two." The areas of these five ranks of Sub-Vassals were, respectively, 900, 700, 500, 300, and 100 square li, the sum of which is 2500 square li, which is the area of a tse (50 li square).
190. Ch'ien Ta-hsin comments, "These fourteen persons were:  the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Hsin Dynasty, Wang Yen(2),  the Duke Advancing the Hsin Dynasty, P'ing Yen,  the Duke Honoring the Hsin Dynasty, Liu Hsin(1a),  the Duke Beautifying the Hsin Dynasty, Ai Chang,  the Duke Serving the Hsin Dynasty, Chen Han,  the Duke Ornamenting the Hsin Dynasty, Wang Hsün(3),  the Duke Prospering the Hsin Dynasty, Wang Yi(5),  the Duke Upholding the Hsin Dynasty, Wang Hsinga,  the Duke Perfecting the Hsin Dynasty, Sun Chien,  the Duke Exalting the Hsin Dynasty, Wang Sheng,  the Duke of Manifest Peace, Chi Tang,  the Duke Promulgating the Majestic Principles, Lin Pao,  the Duke Spreading the Majestic Principles, Chi, and  the Duke of Established Tranquillity, Liu Ying(1a). The Duke Extending the Hsin Dynasty, Chen Feng, had committed a crime, and his state had been abolished, he is not in this number. The dukes of [Wang] Mang's imperial house, like the Recommended by [the Marquis of] Hsin-[tu], [Wang] An(1a), the Duke in Recompense to [the Marquis of] Hsin-[tu], [Wang] Lin(1a), the Duke of High Merits, [Wang] , the Duke of Brilliant Merits, [Wang] Shou, the Duke of Perfected Merits, [Wang] Chi(5b), the Duke of Eminent Merits, [Wang] Tsung, the Duke of Shining Merits, [Wang] Shih, and the Duke of Apparent Merits, [Wang] Li(4) are also not among these fourteen persons."
191. T'ung-tien (by Tu Yu, 735-812) 1: 13b, quotes this sentence with the word ch'ou 愁 instead of yüan 怨. (HS 24 A: 21b, in repeating this sentence, also uses ch'ou) Wang Nien-sun declares that someone who did not understand the ancient meaning of ch'ou changed the ch'ou originally in the text of the HS to yüan, and that ch'ou and yüan meant the same. Shou-wen 10 B: 8a defined wen 慍 as yüan, meaning to hate. (The present text of the Shou-wen writes nu 怒 for Yüan, but that is an emendation; in the Shih-san Ching Chu-su, Book of Odes, no. 238; 16 ii: 13b, K'ung Ying-ta [574-648], quotes the Shuo-wen as saying that wen means yüan. The Yi-ch'ieh Ching Yin-yi in 25 chapters, written by the monk Yüan-ying [737-790], 5: 6a, 13: 8a, 19: 11a, however quotes Shuo-wen as defining wen by nu.) Kuang-ya (by Chang Yi; in "Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh" 668A: 8a) defines both wen and ch'ou as hui 恚, to hate. HHS, An. 2: 3b uses ch'ou-yüan as a phrase. The Ching-yu ed. however here reads yüan and I see no need to change the text.
192. HS 24 A:21b (cf. App. I), in quoting this edict, adds that it applied also to ` adherents,' i.e., slaves.
193. Yen Shih-ku explains that wei 猥 means "many, heavily," but Wang Nien-sun, in a note to HS 47: 9a, asserts that wei means suddenly, ts'u 猝. "In a note to Li-chi 17: 2a (quoted in the Shih-san Ching Chu-su; the same passage as in Couvreur, I, 386), Cheng Hsüan says, "Tsung is like wei-ts'u 緫猶猥卒" (the last word should be read as 猝), so that wei and ts'u were used to form a binom. The Kuang-ya ("Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh" 671 B: 23b) defines wei as "suddenly 頓," which word means the same as ts'u. Ho Hsiu (129-182), in a gloss to Kung-yang Commentary 18: 8b, Dk. Ch'eng XVIII, says, "Duke Li wei killed four grandees," where wei means "suddenly." Yung's (79-166) "Fu on the Long Flute" (Wen-hsüan 18: 3a) likewise says, "The water from the mountains wei arrived," with the same meaning of wei.
194. I follow Yen Shih-ku in reading 共 as 恭, a common exchange of characters.
195. The reference is to the twelve divisional generals who were to attack the Hun empire simultaneously, as is made plain by 94 B: 20a(8), 18b(10) = de Groot, 276, 273; cf. 99 B: 14a.
196. Chang Yen comments, "In this [year], the year-star [Jupiter] was in jen-shen [the cyclical notation for A.D. 12], so punishments were in the eastern quarter." SC 27: 33 = Mh III, 356 says, "When there are deficiencies in fealty, the punishment comes from the Year-star." SC 27: 36 = Mh III, 360 notes that when Jupiter is in shen, "It is favorable for military [enterprises]."
197. Quotations from Book of History II, i, iii, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9 (Legge, pp. 32, 33, 34, 35, 37). There are certain differences in the HS text: For the Book of History's 璿 (also read by the Official ed. of the HS), the HS reads 璇; for 肆, it reads 遂; the sixth clause, concerning "the mountains and streams," is quoted at the place given it in the Book of History's v. 6, but has the additional word now in the doublet of that clause in v. 7. On the lei sacrifice, cf. Karlgren, BMFEA 20, pg. 80, Gl. 1256. For the "exemplars," cf ibid., 81f, Gl. 1257.In Wang Mang's time, there were two interpretations for the phrases from the Book of History, hsüan-chi 璿 or 璇璣 (translated here as "the Beautiful Jade [Turning] Mechanism") and Yü-heng 玉衡 (translated as "the Jade Balance"). Legge, in his translation (Shoo King, p. 33) adopts the interpretation by the pseudo-K'ung An-kuo, as does Couvreur (Chou King, p. 14-15). It interpreted these two phrases as denoting an armillary sphere and its viewing tube, respectively, the whole forming a spherical astrolabe. If such is the correct interpretation, this chapter of the Book of History cannot be very ancient, for the armillary sphere was quite probably a late important into China. W. Eberhard, "Das Astronomische Weltbild im alten China" (Die Naturwissenschaften, 1936, 24 Jahrg., Heft 33, p. 518) states that this instrument was known in China about 100 B.C. Ma Jung (A.D. 79-166), in his comment to this passage (preserved in Shang-shu Chu-su 3: 3b, 4a), describes a spherical astrolabe.There was also a quite different interpretation. The Wen-yao-kou 文耀鉤 Woof Exposition to the Spring and Autumn (fragments collected in the Yü-han-shan-fang Chi-yi-shu; this passage is also quoted by Wang Hsien-ch'ien in a note on HS 26: 5a) said, "The Bushel 斗 [the Dipper in Ursa Major] is the throat of Heaven. From ancient [times], the Jade Balance (Yü-heng) has belonged with Piao 杓 [the three stars in the tail of the Dipper: ε, ζ, η Ur Ma, or, as here, only one of them, η, cf. MH III, 341, n. 5; i.e., the Jade Balance has been the tail of the Dipper] and K'uei 魁 [the four stars in the body of the Dipper, α, β, γ, δ Ur Maj, or merely α] has been the Beautiful Jade [Turning] Mechanism (hsüan-chi)."In HS 21 A: 19b, Pan Ku quotes Liu Hsin concerning "the weights [used with] the balance (heng):" "The one [i.e., the balance] in heaven assists the Beautiful Jade [Turning] Mechanism (hsüan-chi). [The ruler] consults where it points `in order that he may [discover whether he] brings into accord the Seven Governors (ch'i-cheng).' Hence it is called the Jade Balance (Yü-heng)."SC 27: 6 = MH III, 341 (this passage is also quoted in HS 26: 4b by Ma Hsü, a brother of Ma Jung, who compiled this chapter of the HS) says, "The seven stars of the Northern Bushel [the Dipper] are what are referred to [in the passage of the Book of History which says, `He examined] the Beautiful Jade [Turning] Mechanism (hsüan-chi) and the Jade Balance (Yü-heng), so that he might bring into accord the Seven Governors (ch'i-cheng).' " These passages make clear that Wang Mang interpreted the Beautiful Jade Turning Mechanism and the Jade Balance as the stars of the Dipper and not as any human astronomical instrument (cf. Chavannes' translation in MH I, 58-65 and 48, n. 2; Karlgren, BMFEA 20, 77ff, Gl. 1255).The Seven Governors (ch'i-cheng), according to both schools, were the Sun, the Moon, and the five planets. The K'ung An-kuo gloss (Shang-shu Chu-su 3: 3a) states (this interpretation was accepted by both schools): "When Yao did not permit Shun to refuse [the rule] and had him take the throne as regent, Shun examined the Ornaments of Heaven [the stars] and inspected and brought into accord the Seven Governors. When he [found that he had] suited the mind of Heaven, he hence performed his [governmental] duties." The underlying conception was that the sun, moon, and planets moved correctly or incorrectly in harmony with the good or evil character of the government, so that Shun, by observing the motion of the stars, was able to determine whether his assumption of the throne did or did not please Heaven. It did, and so his virtue harmonized the stars.The two "constellations" sometimes placed on their court robes by the Ch'ing emperors as symbols of imperial rank are almost surely the Beautiful Jade Turning Mechanism and the Jade Balance. According to the passage in the Book of History, these constellations were the means whereby Heaven confirms the right of an emperor to occupy the throne. The Jade Balance is the "pointer"---the direction in which it points at dusk is supposed to move around the horizon one-twelfth of the circumference each month, so that it points out the months of the year, and, with the months, the duties of the ruler in each month (given in the "Yüeh-ling," ch. IV of the Li-chi). The Jade Balance reminded the emperor of his governmental duties. It was sometimes worn just below the collar in front.
198. Liu Hsin, in his San-t'ung-li, calculated that the first 106 years in a yüan of 4617 years would contain nine years of drouth; cf. HS 21 A: 42a ff.
199. Fu Ch'ien asserts, "The Azure Dragon 蒼龍 is the T'ai-sui 太歲 [the hypothetical dextrorotary correlate of the planet Jupiter]." Chang Yen declares, "When the T'ai-sui arises in the chia and yin [parts of the ecliptic], it is the dragon. The eastern quarter is the Azure [part]. In kuei its virtue is in the central palace [i.e., the circumpolar stars]." Chin Shao however explains, "Shou-hsing is [the constellations] Chio and K'ang. `The Eastern Palace [the eastern part of the ecliptic] is the Azure Dragon. Of [the constellations] Fang and Hsin, Hsin is the [heavenly] Ming-t'ang.' [A quotation from HS 26: 7a. `Hsin' here is an allusion to the Hsin dynasty, Wang Mang]. Wherever [the planet] Saturn is located, that state will be prosperous. [Wang] Mang himself said [he ruled through the virtue of the element] earth. The lord of the element earth is [the planet] Saturn. In kuei, the [ruling] virtue is in the central palace. The palace is also [the element] earth."For an account of the position of Jupiter and its Chinese hypothetical dextrorotary correlate, cf. Chavannes, Mh III, App. III. He remarks that because the revolution of Jupiter is accomplished in 11.86 years, instead of in exactly 12 years (in which latter period the Chinese dextrorotary correlate of Jupiter was supposed to make its revolution, thereby generating the cyclical date for a year), for Spring and Autumn times two years must be added to the date as given by the position of Jupiter to get the position of its dextrorotary correlate. From the above dating, it is evident that for Wang Mang's time, two years are similarily to be subtracted.This seems to have been one of the first cases in which the cyclical terms were used to denote a year. Previously they had been confined to the days.
200. Meng K'ang explains, "He observed (kuan 觀) the advance and retreat of the sun, moon, stars and their controlling lords." He would translate this clause: "Observation of their advance [reading chin 晉 as 進] will control the year." Chin Shao adds, "The observation [i.e., imitation of Duke Wen of] Chin [kuan-Chin; a phase used in Kuo-Yü 10: 1a] is to find out where the T'ai-sui is, in what degree and constellation of the Zodiac it is located." He also declares that Wang Mang was imitating Duke Wen of Chin in that his movements were timed to those of the T'ai-sui (cf. Kuo-yu, 10: 1a, b). But Ch'ien Ta-hsin points out that Meng K'ang is mistaken, for Kuan and Chin are both hexagrams (nos. 20 and 35 respectively). In HHS, Mem. 20 A: 3b, Su Ching ( A.D. 1-29) is quoted as saying that the hexagram Pi controlled a certain year. The yi-wei Chi-lan T'u (anonymous, annotated by Cheng Hsüan, 127-200) and the Yi-wei Ch'ien-k'un Tso-to (prob. Han period) discuss what hexagrams control what years.
201. Wang Mang is following the procedure in Li-chi III, ii, 13-16 (Legge, I, 216-8; Couvreur I, 275-8) and the practise of Shun (Book of History II, i, 8, 9; Legge, 35-37).
202. The Official ed. omits the 帛, but the Ching-yu ed. reads it.
203. The change was from Hsin(1) 新 the name of Wang Mang's original marquisate, to Hsin(2) 心 (heart), and from Hsin(2) to Hsin(4) 信 (faithful). Anciently hsin(1) and hsin(2) were interchanged; the name of the Hsin dynasty was indifferently written hsin(1) or hsin(4).
204. HS 98: 15a.
205. Ju Shun explains, "She was buried within the Major's Gates [at the tomb] and a ditch was made to separate her [from her husband's grave]."
206. Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks, "This was an omen that [Emperor] Kuang-wu would establish his capital [there]."
207. Cf. Glossary sub Wu-sun.
208. This is no. 54 in Williams, Observations of Comets. Dion Cassius (Hist. Roman., lvi, 29) also mentions comets at this time. Cf. Chambers, Descriptive Astronomy, p. 557.
209. The Han-chi mentions Wang Mang's first year-period, Shih-chien-kuo, but it neglects the others entirely, continuing the enumeration of years from the first to the fifteenth year of Wang Mang's reign. sub 20 A.D., it merely mentions that every six years the year-period was to be changed, but does not give the name of the next year-period.Sung Hsiang (996-1066) in his Chi-Yüan T'ung-p'u (lost) remarked that he suspects that there had been a happy auspice of phoenixes, from which this reign-period was taken. (Noted by Wang Hui [1321-1373] in the HS P'ing-lin 99 B: 24b.)
210. The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the Shun-hua ed. (997) omitted the word nei 内, and that the New ed. (unknown) omits nei-者行. The Ching-yu ed. reads these words.
211. Wang Mang is following teh procedure in the Li-chi, IV, i, 13 (Legge, I, 254f; Couvreur, I, 335). The Sung Ch'i ed. asserts that the word 耜 (plowshare) should be added after the word 耒 (plow-handle), to agree with that passage in the Li-chi, but Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922) replies that this remark is mistaken, for the insertion would break the rhythm of 4-character phrases.
212. These phrases are taken from the Book of History, I, ii, 4, 5, 6 (Legge, pp. 18-20); cf. also HFHD II, 392, n. 8.2.
213. Yen Shih-ku points out that 偽 should be read as 譌; Ch'ien Ta-chao adds that the former character was anciently written 為. Cf. also Karlgren, BMFEA 20, 52, gl. 1219.
214. These phrases are taken from the Book of History, I, ii, 4, 5, 6 (Legge, pp. 18-20); cf. also HFHD II, 392, n. 8.2.
215. These phrases are taken from the Book of History, I, ii, 4, 5, 6 (Legge, pp. 18-20); cf. also HFHD II, 392, n. 8.2.
216. The text reads su 粟, grain, and Yen Shih-ku declares it means 治粟, to thresh. Li Tz'u-ming however objects that this interpretation does not fit in with the last words of the sentence, "covering up and storing [the harvest]," and states that su is probably a copyist's mistake, made before the T'ang period, for 稟, which in ancient times was used for 廩 (to store in granaries), since the latter character did not exist in ancient times.
217. When the Emperor was inspecting, people were supposed to keep quiet in reverence.
218. Shu-yin 庶尹 is a phrase from the Book of History, II, iv, iii, 10 (Legge, p. 89), where the pseudo-K'ung An-kuo explains it as 官長.
219. For 聼, the Official ed. mistakenly reads 德. The Ching-yu and Mao. ed. read the former.
220. The text now reads, "A man of Li-miao, Hsin," and Ju Shun declares that Li-miao is the name of a town. It is listed in the Tung Commandery. But Li Tz'u-ming (7: 16b) remarks that, from the previous mention on B: 14b and the subsequent notice of dismissal from the post of Commander-in-chief on B: 26a, this name is undoubtedly Miao Hsin; the surnames of Wang Mang's officials are always given; when he enfeoffed people or gave them titles, he always picked lucky names and did not employ the names of towns. Hence 苗 and 男 have probably been interchanged, and after 利 a word or words have probably dropped out. This textual error then antedates the third century, for it was in Ju Shun's text. Nan or nan-tzu 男子 is occasionally used with the meaning, "a man," cf. SC 6: 16(1) = MH II, 118, HS 8: 10b, 10: 10a, 99 A: 18b, 30b.
221. The text reads 斥 (to reprimand); Liu Pin remarks that this official had previously been beheaded and so the word should probably be 斫 (to cut). Stange (p. 187 and n. 4), and Duyvendak prefer not to emend the text. But Wang Yi plainly wanted to inflict additional punishment upon his Officer. After the Emperor, Wang Mang, had condemned the Officer, a posthumous reprimand by a minister could add nothing. "Cutting," i.e., mutilating the body, was a severe additional punishment, quite in harmony with the practises of the age.
222. Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks that Ai Chang came from Tzu-t'ung in Kuang-han Commandery (in the present Szechuan), hence Wang Mang said, "in the western provinces."
223. The suggestion that Provincial Governors (the title previously given to Shepherds) should rank higher than Commandery Administrators had been made by Ho Wu, represented it as a conception of the Spring and Autumn; cf. HS 83: 14b, 15a.The text is difficult to understand as it stands. After chou-mu 州牧, I insert tentatively 十二人, at the suggestion of T'an Ch'i-hsiang (K'ai-ming Bookstore's Erh-shih-wu-shih Pu-p'ien, I, p. 1747), to parallel the next clause, pu-chien erh-shih-wu jen 部監二十五人. I also place these last six characters after the clause chien-li ju san-kung 見禮如三公, and drop the word chien 監 that now comes after this kung. (Chien is superfluous as a result of the last change. It is not in the quotation of this passage in Han-chi 30: 13b). The ranking of san-kung, the three highest ministers, can hardly refer to the pu-chien, the Superintendents of Regional Divisions, for they are here stated to have had a lower rank. In HS 99 C: 10b, it is moreover stated that the Provincial Shepherds (chou-mu) had the rank of highest ministers (san-kung). In the transfer of these six characters, I follow Wang Nien-sun.He would emend more drastically, following Han-chi 30: 13b, and reading, "He established Provincial Shepherds, the formalities for whom (ch'i-li 其禮) were to be like those of the three highest ministers, and twenty-five Superintendents of Commanderies (chün 郡-chien). The rank of the Superintendents (chien) was to be that of Upper-ranking Grandees. Each was to have charge of five commanderies."Wang Nien-sun eliminates any mention of Superintendents of Regional Divisions (pu-chien) and changes the chien-li of the HS text to ch'i-li as in the Han-chi. As evidence for his emendations he has only the Han-chi's text. Chu Yi-hsien (1846-1894) however protests that it is quite unnecessary to change chien-li to ch'i-li; chien-li is often found in the HS [as in 99 A: 3a], so that there is no reason for emending it. Yang Shu-ta approves this refusal to emend.T'an Ch'i-hsiang (op. cit., pp. 1746-47) argues that Wang Nien-sun is furthermore mistaken in emending pu-chien, Superintendents of Regional Divisions, to chün-chien, Superintendents of Commanderies. For (1) the Regional Divisions (pu) are mentioned again in HS 99 B: 29a. (2) In HHS, Mem. 3: 2a, Wei Ao: is quoted as having sent out in A.D. 23 a broadcast to Wang Mang's "Shepherds of Provinces (chou-mu), Superintendents of Regional Divisions (pu-chien)," and minor officials. (3) T'an Ch'i-hsiang also quotes Chang Hsüan's (fl. 1582) Hui Erh-ya (also called the Hui-p'ien) as listing an impression of an ancient seal with the five words: "東 pu-chien 之印. The Seal of the Superintendent of the Eastern Regional Division." There is then ample evidence that Wang Mang actually had Regional Divisions (pu) with Superintendents (chien). T'an Ch'i-hsiang however finds it difficult to explain how twenty-five regional divisions could have been arranged into nine provinces and how the word pu could have also been used with the title of Shepherd (mu), as in the phrase, "the Shepherd of Yung Regional Division" (99 B: 30a and C: 4b).The word pu, in addition to its other meanings, had, in Han times, certain technical uses. For example, it denoted a "regiment" of 1000 men and 111 officers (HS 69: 11b). It was also used for the administrative areas assigned in 106 B.C. to each of the twelve Inspectors of Regional Divisions (pu 刺史; HS 19 A: 27a, b). After this title had been changed to that of Shepherd (mu) in 1 B.C., the term pu or regional division naturally still clung to these Shepherds. In a memorial dated A.D. 5, Wang Mang remarks (HS 99 A: 24b), "When the Shepherds of Provinces (chou-mu) go to inspect their regional divisions (pu)," and 99 C: 18a states that K'ung Jen was sent in A.D. 22 "to be in charge of the division (pu), Yü Province."Something of Wang Mang's districting of China may be inferred from the way he had his highest ministers "guarantee" the empire (HS 99 B: 29a). The four Chiefs of the Sacred Peaks in the four quarters guaranteed 100 commanderies, which were grouped into a total of eight provinces plus five regional divisions. The other three highest ministers guaranteed twenty-five commanderies in the central and neighboring regional divisions. These commanderies were not however assigned to them by regional divisions. The Grand Minister over the Masses guaranteed five commanderies from two different regional divisions. Each of these three highest ministers was assigned commanderies from the areas about both the two imperial capitals, Ch'ang-an and Yi(4)-yang(b) (Lo-yang).There were in the empire or kingdom (Wang Mang used both the titles of "emperor" [99 B: 22b] and "king") nine provinces, 125 commanderies (99 B: 25a), making twenty-five regional divisions (99 B: 24a). A regional division was composed of five commanderies (99 B: 24a). How many commanderies were there in a province? The three provinces guaranteed by the Grand Master averaged less than seven commanderies each. The two guaranteed by the Grand Tutor and the two guaranteed by the State General averaged ten commanderies each. The province guaranteed by the State Master contained fifteen commanderies. Then a province might have from five to fifteen commanderies or more. In addition to these eight provinces there were five other regional divisions (making twenty-five commanderies) guaranteed by these four ministers, plus twenty-five more commanderies guaranteed by the three other ministers. How could the remaining fifty commanderies form only one province?In the former Han empire, the commanderies about the imperial capital had formed an administrative area under the Colonel Director of the Retainers (Szu-li-hsiao-wei), which was not entitled a province (chou), altho it actually functioned as one. Wang Mang almost surely followed this precedent, both for security reasons and in order to exalt the majesty of his arrangements. He had two capitals, Ch'ang-an and Lo-yang, about each of which he would accordingly have established a group of commanderies not included in any province. This arrangement is implied by the edict concerning the areas neighboring the two capitals quoted in 99 B: 24a, b and is practically stated in Wang Mang's enactment of two "royal domains" (99 B: 19a). We know the names of twelve commanderies in these royal domains (the Western Capital had about it the six Commandants' commanderies and the Eastern Capital had about it the six Neighboring commanderies mentioned in 99 B: 29a; cf. also 99 B: 24a, b, 25a, 99 C: 16a, and T'an Ch'i-hsiang op. cit., pp. 1734-1737). It is moreover not likely that Wang Mang could have considered an area of only seven commanderies, about the size of a small province, adequate to express the dignity of the Son of Heaven. His two royal domains might well have each been larger than any province, being composed of twenty commanderies each, leaving ten commanderies for the ninth province. His kingdom then contained nine provinces plus two large royal domains.It is unlikely that a single regional division included parts of two provinces, since it would be difficult for a single superintendant to investigate two different . Then the number of commanderies in a province was five or a multiple thereof---as arrangement that was justified by the current doctrine of "five powers (wu-hsing)" accepted by Wang Mang. The actual size of commanderies could be adjusted to such a rigid arrangement by varying the number of counties in a commandery. This supposition is substantiated by the size of the province guaranteed by the State Master (fifteen commanderies) and by those guaranteed by the Grand Tutor and the State General (either ten commanderies to each province or else five to one and fifteen to the other). The three provinces guaranteed by the Grand Master totalled twenty commanderies. Then some provinces contained only five commanderies and were identical with a single regional division. This conclusion explains and is justified by the phrase, "the Shepherd of the Yung Regional Division" (99 B: 30a). Meng K'ang (fl. A.D. 220-280) glosses (HS 95: 7a), "[Wang] Mang changed Yi Province to be the Yung Regional Division." (He probably economized by appointing the same person concurrently Shepherd and Superintendent.) Such an area could be called by the name of either the province or the regional division, as in Ch'ing times a city could be called by its name as a prefecture (fu) or as a county (hsien).There is then no reason to follow Wang Nien-sun in his latter two emendations. Some copyist of the Han-chi may not have understood Wang Mang's districting of the country, so changed pu to the more familiar chün, whereupon Wang Nien-sun was misled.
224. San-fu Huang-t'u (iii-vi cent.) 1: 2a describes this division: "Wang Mang divided the neighborhood of the city of Ch'ang-an into six districts and established one Leader for each [district]. He divided the capital districts and made them into six [Commandant's Commanderies] with Chief Commandants. The ten prefectures: Wei-ch'eng and An-ling, and northwest to Hsün-yi and Yi-ch'ü, were put under the Capital Commandant Grandee, with his yamen at the former Ch'ang-an official building. The ten prefectures, Kao-ling and northwards, were put under the Metropolis Commandant Grandee, with his yamen at the former Commandant of Justice's yamen. The ten prefectures, Hsin-feng and eastwards to Hu were put under the Supporter Commandant Grandee with his yamen at the east of the city. The ten prefectures, Pa-ling, Tu-ling, and eastwards to Lan-t'ien, and westwards to Wu-kung and Yü-yi, were put under the Commandant of Splendor Grandee, with his yamen at the [south] of the city. The ten prefectures, Mou-ling, Huai-li, and westwards to Ch'ien, were put under the Sustainer Commandant Grandee, with his yamen at the west of the city. The ten prefectures, Ch'ang-ling, Ch'ih-yang, and northwards to [Yün-yang and] Tai-hsü, were put under the Commandant of Magnificence Grandee, with his yamen at [the north of the city]." (The words in square are not in the present text of the San-fu Huang-t'u, and are supplied from Yen Shih-ku's quotation of this passage, which represents a superior text.) In addition to the six Commandant's counties, the city of Ch'ang-an formed a separate administrative district "The Western Capital of the House of Hsin" (99 B: 19a).
225. Liu Feng-shih (1014-1113) asserts that the "Ho-nan" in the text should be Jung-yang, for on this page a little farther on, the title of the Grand Governor of Ho-nan changed to a different title. Lo-yang (renamed Yi-yang), the headquarters of the Ho-nan Commandery, was to be an imperial capital, hence Jung-yang and other of the Ho-nan Commandery were separated to be a Neighboring Commandery. The Jung-yang Commandery is mentioned on 99 B: 25b.Chou Shou-ch'ang points out that in this passage Wang Mang is following in general and with changes the account in the Chou-li, according to which the region within 100 of the capital was called the suburbs, chiao 郊, in which were established six districts, hsiang 鄉, and the region beyond the suburbs was called the neighborhood, sui 遂, which were established six administrations over the six Neighborhoods. In a note to Chou-li 9: 1b (Biot, I, 172, n. 2), sub the Hsiang-lao, Cheng Chung (ca. 5 B.C.-A.D. 83) says, "Within 100 li [from the capital] are the six hsiang: without it are the six Neighboring [Commanderies] (sui)."The Chou-li 15: 8a (Biot, I, 336 ff) has an official called the Sui-jen 遂人. The term sui seems to come from the Book of History V, xxix, 5 (Legge, p. 625) where Po-ch'in made to say, "You men of Lu, from the three chiao and three sui, prepare forage." and tui 隊, the word in the text, were anciently interchanged; SC 33: 20 (Mh IV, 103), which quotes the above passage from the Book of History, reads 隧 (actually written HS 99 B: 25b), of which tui (here pronounced sui(4), according to Yen Shih-ku), is a cursive writing. The six neighboring commanderies were the Capital, Western, Eastern, Southern, Ch'i, and Northern Neighboring Commanderies. Cf. 99 B: 29a.
226. Ch'ien Ta-hsin remarks that many of these new names are listed in HS ch. 28, the "Treatise on Geography," but the new delimitations of commanderies are not all indicated there."Three hundred sixty" has an astrological significence, being the number of days in an ancient Chinese solar year.
227. Hsien-t'ien 間田 is a term taken from Li-chi, III, i, 8 (Couvreur, I, 268; Legge, I, 212), of which pseudo-K'ung Ying-ta (quoted in the Shih-san Ching Chu-su, Li-chi 11: 5b) says, "If [fields in nobles estates] are not given in enfeoffment to people [who will be their vassals], they are called reserved fields (hsien-t'ien)."
228. Liu Feng-shih remarks that chou 周 (Department) should be 郊 (Suburb). According to 99 B: 24b, however, chou is correct, for Wang Mang entitled the heads of the commanderies nearest Lo-yang (then named Yi(4)-yang(b)) Chiefs of Departments.
229. Book of History III, i, ii, 18 (Legge, p. 144) says, "From the fourth [hundred li from the capital, they contributed] grain in the husk, and from the fifth [hundred li, they brought] cleaned grain." The first five hundred li from the capital constituted the royal domain.
230. The terms, ts'ai, jen, chu-hou(2) 采任諸侯 are taken from Book of History III, i, ii, 19 (Legge, 144-45), except that it uses nan 男 instead of jen. Yen Shih-ku interprets ts'ai as "the ts'ai domain," i.e., the region allotted for the estates supporting and grandees. Jen he interprets as "the domain of the barons (nan)." Wang Mang had however given the title of jen to baronesses (99 B: 4b). The K'ung An-kuo gloss to the above passage (Shang-shu Chu-su 6: 18a) says, " Nan is jen." K'ung Ying-ta explains, "The pronunciation of nan is near to that of jen, hence [the former] is explained by jen." He interprets jen as "to be employed on the king's business," seemingly denoting who hold office. The archaic pronunciation of nan (Grammata Serica, # 649) was nam and that of jenibid. # 667f) was niƏm. The K'ung An-kuo gloss may have been a explanation by an assonant word, so that K'ung Ying-ta interprets it correctly. But by using this gloss, jen may be exchanged with nan. Indeed in a note to HS 99 B: 4b, Shih-ku says, "Nan is also jen." This circumstance explains Wang Mang's use of as his title for baronesses. Wang Mang here however uses jen instead of the nan in the Book of History. Did he mean something slightly different? He may have meant () baronesses, (b) barons, or (c) those who hold office. I have preferred the first meaning, for he very likely included the barons along with the nobles in the preceding . The words ts'ai jen are also used on 99 B: 19a, where I have interpreted them likewise.Chu-hou(2) may denote "the nobles." But Wang Mang's nobles were located elsewhere, so that this meaning would introduce disorder into his architectonic scheme. The K'ung An-kuo gloss says, "Chu-hou(2) is Chu-hou(4) 侯. They patrol (ch'ih 斥 -hou(4)) and serve. . . . In their 300 li they all alike patrol (ch'ih-hou(4)) for the king." K'ung Ying-ta explains, "Ch'ih-hou(2) means that they patrol 檢行 strategic places, watching for bandits." (Ch'ih-hou(4) today means "sentry.") Wang Mang almost surely had this Han in mind.The Sung interpreters were probably correct about this passage in the Book of History the greatest nobles were said to have been located farthest from the king and the ones nearer him, in order to have powerful defenders at the borders, ready to repel invasion. This passage probably reflects the actual situation during the latter part of the Chou period: Lo-yang was the capital and the large feudal states were at the periphery of the Chinese orbit. Wang Mang established a feudal nobility, because it was in accordance with classical precedents. He ennobled the members of his clan. But he was an who intended to rule the whole country, instead of depending upon his nobles for defence. He turned the classical scheme upside down, placing the greatest noble estates nearest the ruler. This arrangement he doubtless felt was more in accordance with the Confucian principle of exhibiting a due gradation of affection as between his closer relatives (the great nobles) and the more distantly related ones (the minor nobles), by placing his closest relatives nearest himself.
231. The "domain of submission" is not in the usual lists of domains; this term is taken from the brief list in Kuo-Yü 1: 2a, b. Yen Shih-ku asserts it is the same as the domain of garrisons 衛服 in Chou-li XXXIII, 52 (Biot, II, 276).
232. A quotation from Book of History III, i, ii, 20 (Legge, p. 145), where, in discussing the region constituted by the five hundred li beyond the domain of the nobles, which former is the second domain beyond the innermost one, it says, "In the first three hundred they cultivated the lessons of learning and moral duties; in the other two hundred li they showed the energies of war and defence."
233. The six phrases, "constituting fortified walls," "securing repose," "constituting buttresses," "constituting screens," "constituting walls," and "constituting fences" are taken from the Book of Odes, III, ii, x, 7 (Legge, II, 503), where they refer to the king's relatives, the cherishing of virtue, great families, great states, the multitudes of people, and good men, respectively. This stanza is quoted in full in HS 14: 1a. Wang Mang is using this stanza as the authority for his own system of domains which shall harmonize the two systems in the Book of History and the Chou-li.
234. Li-chi, IX, i, 20 (Legge, I, 424; Couvreur, I, 586) says, "For the day, a chia [day] is used [for the sacrifice, in order to] employ the first of the days [in the cycle]." Mou and chi are the stems corresponding to the power earth, which Wang Mang considered to be the ruling power during the time of his dynasty. To the names of his year periods there seem to have been added the phrase shang-mou 上戊 (exalting [the stem] mou); cf. C: n. 17.5.
235. Ch'ien Ta-hsin remarks, "In the decade [beginning with] mou-yin there is no [day (tzu means son)], hence it is avoided."
236. HS 94 B: 21a = de Groot, Die Hunnen, 281 says, "[Wang] Mang created the punishment of burning fan-ju 焚如, and burnt to death Ch'en Liang and the others." The term fan-ju is a quotation from the Book of Changes, Hexagram 30, 4 (Legge, p. 121; Wilhelm I, 89). Ying Shao says that Wang Mang made this punishment in accordance with that passage of the Classic, which reads, "How sudden is his coming; it is burning, dying, and being done away with [in execution]." Ju Shun adds, This line "refers to unfilial children, who do not care for their parents and do not maintain a proper deportment to their friends, hence they are burnt to death and done away with. [Wang] Mang made the name of the punishment in accordance with this [passage]."
237. Hu San-hsing explains that Wang Mang had established at each of the four a Chief Commandant of the Post, with garrison soldiers.
238. Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks that 馬 should be 馮, to agree with HS 95: 7a and 99 B: 30a. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter; Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. also read it.
239. If "at this time" refers to the second month of this year (Feb. 8 to Mar. 9, A.D. 15, Julian), this "star" must have been a nova or comet, not Venus. It is not likely that it was an imaginary object, since its appearance was considered a portent sufficiently great to require one of the high ministers to be dismissed.Mr. R. B. Weitzel of Washington, D.C. reports: "From experimental observations made under favorable conditions, I would assign for daylight visibility of Venus without optical aid a limiting value of 110 days before inferior conjunction, the planet having then a magnitude of -3.7 and on elongation approximately 42° east. On Mar. 9, A.D. , 160 days before inferior conjunction, Venus with magnitude -3.4 and elongation 31° east evidently was not visible to the unaided eye at midday." It did not attain its greatest brightness until June 11th, when its magnitude was -4.25, before and after which date, during a period of several weeks, it was visible at noon to anyone who knew where to look.Unfortunately, we cannot be sure that "at this time" refers to the second month. Pan Ku does not in this chapter furnish the month for any of the events in this year, except for the banquet and amnesty, which are mentioned immediately before the "star." Very likely most of the records for this year perished when the palace was burnt in A.D. 23. "At this time" may mean "in this part of the year," in which case this "star" may indeed have been Venus.Chinese astronomers may however not, in Han times, have been aware that Venus may regularly be seen crossing the sky. SC 27: 53 = Mh III, 374 states: "When it [Venus] appears, it does not cross the sky. When it crosses the sky, the country changes its government." The above statement is repeated in HS 26: 23a and much later in Sui-shu 20: 14b. Thus the appearance of Venus in daytime was considered a great sign, portending a change in the dynasty. It was accordingly expected to occur only once every few centuries. Meng K'ang glosses the above passage: "[`Crossing the sky'] means when [Venus] rises in the east and sets in the west or when it rises in the west and sets in the east. Venus is a [weak] star, so that when it rises in the east [as a morning star] it is due to disappear in the east, and when it becomes visible in the west [as an evening star] it is due to set in the west. [The text is emended, following the suggestion of Dr. A. Pogo, to fit the facts of observation. This last clause reads in the present text, "When it rises in the west it is due to disappear in the west."] Going across the meridian [i.e., being visible at noon] is `crossing the sky'." Chin Shao adds: "The sun is yang [strong]. When it rises, the stars are due to be submerged. When Venus is visible in daytime on the meridian, it is `crossing the sky'."The facts of observation are the following: When Venus is a morning star, it rises in the east, either when the sky is still dark, if its western elongation (the apparent between it and the sun) is sufficient, or, if not, just at dawn. Then it disappears in the rays of the sun soon after sunrise before reaching the meridian, or even at sunrise, depending on its elongation. When Venus is an evening star, it becomes visible in the west shortly before sunset, while the sky is still illuminated, or just at sunset, depending on its elongation. Then it sets in the west soon (possibly three hours) after sunset, depending upon its elongation. These two phenomena are stated correctly in Meng K'ang's gloss (with the emendation mentioned above).Venus is also visible in daylight at the time of its maximum brilliance, which circumstance occurs about five weeks before and after inferior conjunction, twice in each revolution of the planet, in each case lasting for a period of a few weeks. Venus is not conspicuous, because of the sun's light. But anyone who has noted the distance of Venus from the sun at its previous morning (or evening) appearance (which distance is 39° at its maximum brightness) can easily pick it out in the daylight sky. At such times, in addition to its setting, when an evening star (or rising, when a morning star), Venus has also a real and visible rising (or setting), so that Meng K'ang is quite correct in saying that Venus may rise in the east and set in the west.It is not easy to understand how the ancient Chinese could have failed to this daylight visibility of Venus or to identify this "star visible in daytime" with the planet. By following such a star for a few hours, it will be found to be identical with the "evening star" Venus, which will be very conspicuous in the evening sky by its brightness. Or the unusually brilliant "morning star" Venus will be found, when followed, to be identical with this "star visible in daytime." So all doubt about the identity of a "noon star" can easily be dissipated. These periods of daylight visibility recur regularly at intervals of 584 days. In Han times, such a "star visible in daytime" was recorded in 182 B.C. (cf. HFHD, I, 198; II, 425), but is not identified with Venus, although that planet was then visible in daytime.The reason that Venus was not recorded under that name when it was visible in daytime is very likely the astrological interpretation given that visibility. Anyone identifying this "noon star" with Venus thereby proclaimed himself a revolutionist, so that his life might be seriously endangered. When however a revolution was expected by powerful persons in the imperial court at the time that the Chou dynasty was being replaced by the Sui, Venus is recorded as appearing in daytime. Sui-shu 1: 14a, b, 21a states, "Venus appeared in daytime" on the dates, March 24, 25, May 21, 581 and on Nov. 2, 584. Jupiter is also said to have been visible in daytime on May 21, 581. During the next decade, however, although periods of Venus' daytime visibility occurred almost every year, there is no notice of that fact. The dynastic revolution had been completed, so that Venus as a portent was no longer useful.These appearances have been checked by calculation from the tables in K. Schoch, Planeten-Tafeln für Jedermann. The records for Venus on May 21, 581 and Nov. 2, are probably correct, for that planet then had a magnitude of -4.0 and -4.40 respectively. But the times of Venus' greatest brightness were on June 18, 581 and Nov. 8, 584, on which days Venus had a magnitude of -4.23 and -4.44, respectively. Then this planet was not reported when it was brightest. We may infer that, on the days Venus was reported, someone in the court bethought himself of the astrological significance to the appearance of Venus, asked some astrologer about this planet, and reported Venus' daytime visibility to the throne, whereupon this entry was placed on the records.The reported appearances of Venus in daytime on Mar. 24 and 25, 581 are doubtful. While the planet had an elongation of 39°, its magnitude was only -3.6. Jupiter's magnitude on May 21, 581 was only -1.6. It is not a noon object, but its elongation was 101°, so that it could have been seen when the sun was very low in the west.We may conclude that, while some time during or after the Han period, Chinese astronomers became aware of the fact that Venus is occasionally visible in daytime, the astrological interpretation of this circumstance prevented it from becoming known to the public, except at times when the court wished a portent known presaging a change in the dynasty.Meng K'ang's statement that Venus sometimes "rises in the west and sets in the east" raises the interesting question whether he knew that this unusual phenomenon may actually happen. It does not occur at Chinese latitudes, but only near or within the Arctic (or Antarctic) Circles. At the infrequent times when the greatest brightness or the inferior conjunction of this planet occurs in the months of April or May, if an observer far enough north, he will sometimes see Venus traverse the northern sky from west to east. For example, on May 30, B.C. 85, when Venus was at its greatest brightness with a magnitude of -4.3, an observer north of China in latitude 65.3° could have seen Venus due north on the horizon, 2 hours 45 minutes before midnight, while the sun at midnight was just 3.3° below the horizon. On May 1 of that year, Venus, with a magnitude of -4.1, was on the northern horizon 3 hours 7 minutes before midnight for an observer at 63.2° north, and at midnight the sun was 12.7° below the horizon. The famous Chinese envoy, Su Wu, was in captivity of the Huns during 100 to 81 B.C., for most of which time he was near Lake Baikal, which extends from about 52° to 56° north. It is possible that some nomad told Su Wu or some other Chinese traveler of having seen Venus at midnight and that this report was taken to China.
240. The word 民 seems to have dropped out at this point; Han-chi 30: 14a and Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 38: 1a both have this word. Wang Nien-sun remarks that without it the meaning is not complete, and that the ancients did not avoid such repetitions as the use of this word here and 百姓 in the next clause.
241. Yen Shih-ku remarks that since Wang Mang held he ruled by virtue of the yellow principle, this evil auspice was directed against him.
242. Cf. 99 B: 18b.
243. Cf. HS 94 B: 21a = de Groot, op. cit., 293.
244. A phrase from Analects XIII, v.
245. Liu Pin remarks that the existing text does not make sense, so proposes to emend shao 稍 to ch'ao 鈔 and invert, reading so 所 ch'ao-lio 畧. Duyvendak agrees. He also reads 牲 for 生, a common interchange of characters, which latter reading I adopt. But Chou Shou-ch'ang objects to Liu Pin's emendation, "[The text is] not in error. This was just Wang Mang's `grand talk,' that the Huns had not dared to rob recklessly and had merely kidnapped `a few' of the people at the borders." P. van der Loon agrees, so do I.
246. Liu Pin asserts that chih 之 is an interpolation. But if we accept Chou Shou-ch'ang's interpretation (n. 26.10), this chih is needed (here meaning "them," referring to the people and live-stock).The date of Wang Hsien(2c)'s return is found in HS 94 B: 21b = de Groot, op. cit., 283.
247. Liu Pin asserts that chih 之 is an interpolation. But if we accept Chou Shou-ch'ang's interpretation (n. 26.10), this chih is needed (here meaning "them," referring to the people and live-stock).The date of Wang Hsien(2c)'s return is found in HS 94 B: 21b = de Groot, op. cit., 283.
248. Wang Hsien-ch'ien states that the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. have inverted to read 議論. The Ching-yu ed. does not invert.
249. The Sung Ch'i ed. declares that at this point there should be the words 是時, "at this time."
250. The Official ed., for 傳 reads 傅 and quotes the Sung Ch'i ed. to the effect that the former word should be read. But the Ching-yu ed. reads the former and Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks that this word should be read as 轉 and that a little further on this page there is the phrase 遞相賕賂 and on 99 C: 15b there is 傳相監趣 so that former word is here both the original and correct.
251. A phrase also found in 4: 17b = HFHD, I, 264.
252. Hu San-hsing explains, "Anciently when matters were presented to the Emperor in sealed [envelopes], they first went to a Master of Writing, who then memorialized [the matter] to the Emperor. [Wang] Mang feared that the Masters of Writing would block or hide things, so ordered the eunuchs and his entourage to break the seals and [then] he himself examined them."
253. Wang Hsien-ch'ien states that 奏 is an error; the Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed., and the Official ed. all read 奉.
254. Yen Shih-ku declares that hsieh 渫 means 散也徹也. Wang Nien-sun replies that this meaning does not fit into the passage, and asserts that hsieh means chih 治. In a note to Book of Changes, Hex. 48, 3 ("Yü-hen Shan-fang Chi-yi-shu," Chou-yi Hsün-shih Chu B: 14a), Hsün Shuang (128-190) says, "Hsieh had the meaning of doing away with dirt and turbidity and making it clear and clean." Lu Tê-ming (ca. 560-627), in his Ching-tien Shih-wen 2: 19a, "Chou-yi," quotes Huang Ying (fl. iv cent.), as saying, "Hsieh is to chih." In SC 84: 9, sub the above line from the Book of Changes, P'ei Yin quotes Hsiang Hsiu (d. ca. 280) as saying, "Hsieh is to dig (chih) deeper and do away with mud and turbidity."
255. They usually served one year only. Cf. Glossary, sub Guard.
256. Wang Nien-sun says, "或 must be an error for hsien 咸. Han-chi 30: [14b] and Po-t'ang Shu-ts'ao [152: 3b, (completed ca. 618)] "Section on Heaven," [ch.] 4, quote this "Memoir" and read correctly, `hsien.'"
257. A free quotation from Book of Changes, App. III, ch. VI, i, 2(34), (Legge, p. 358; Wilhelm, I, 229).
258. Cf. 99 B: 21a and n. 21.2.
259. Meng K'ang explains, "A tsung 緵 is [cloth woven with] 80 threads [in the of a standard 50 cm. width]." (The Southern Academy ed. and the Chi-ku Ko ed.  read, "is 80 tsung," but the Ching-yu ed.  and the Official ed. read "is 80 threads 縷). Shou-wen 13 A: 1b defines tsung(b) 綜 as "the threads in [the warp on] a loom." The Yen-tzu Ch'un-ch'iu (iv cent. B.C.; fundamentally retouched in xiii cent.), "Tsa-p'ien, B, par. 18; 6: 17a, says, "Ten-tsung(c) (800 thread) 總 linen cloth and one tou of food are enough to cause a person to escape inner [cold or hunger]." (From Shen Ch'in-han.)
260. Book of Odes, #205; II, vi, i, 2 (Legge, p. 360).
261. Mencius V, A, iv, 3 (Legge, p. 353), where the clause refers to a filial son. Filial piety includes the duties of a subject to his lord.
262. Chou-li 4: 1a, sub the Shan-fu (Biot, I, 70).
263. Yen Shih-ku explains, "It means that dukes received the income of t'ung, marquises and earls received the income of kuo, and earls and barons received the income of tse." For these terms, cf. 99 B: 19a.The Official ed. has emended 今 to 令, which I have adopted.
264. The practise of reducing the imperial table and official salaries in time of poor harvests had been inaugurated by Emperor Hsüan (8: 6b), but had not been systematized, as Wang Mang now proposes. This practise seems first to have been suggested by Mo-tsu; cf. Mei's trans., p. 18 f.
265. The text has been disarranged. Liu Pin suggests omitting the first and third 卿, and inverting to read 作仕, thus obtaining known title of officials. Liu Feng-shih (1041-1113) suggests emending the second 部 to 郡 to agree with the other sentences. Wang Nien-sun suggests emending 七 to 十 to make up the full number of 25 commanderies for these three officials.
266. Liu Pin suggests omitting the first and third 卿 and inverting the others to read 典樂卿秩宗卿 thus obtaining known titles of officials.
267. Liu Pin suggests omitting the first and third 卿 to obtain known titles of officials. This passage seems to have been disarranged in the time of Yen Shih-ku, for his comment misunderstands it; Hu San-hsing in the xiii cent. quotes it in its present form in a note to Tsu-chih T'ung-chien 38: 3a.
268. The text says, "The six (liu 六) directors (szu 司) and the six (liu) high ministers (ch'ing 卿)." But there are only three directors (szu) mentioned in Wang Mang's central bureaucracy, cf. 99 B: 3b. Liu Feng-shih remarks, "This [passage] should say merely szu-ch'ing, which were those called `the high ministers who were directors (szu-ch'ing) to the three highest ministers' [a phrase quoted from 99 B: 3b], namely the Director of Confidence [in the Commander-in-chief], the Director of Justice [to the Grand Minister over the Masses], and the Director of Obedience [to the Grand Minister of Works, all of whom are mentioned on 99 B: 3b]. Later persons did not understand [this reference] and erroneously interpolated the two characters liu." Hu San-hsing however declares that the "six directors (liu-szu)" are the "six superintendents" mentioned on 99 B: 4a. He does not emend the text. But he leaves unexplained who were the "six high ministers."The exact denotation of the phrase liu szu liu ch'ing is not clear, but Wang Mang's intention is plain: the reduction in salaries consequent upon disasters was to be spread among the whole bureaucracy. I have therefore followed Liu Feng-shih in dropping the two characters liu, but have differed from him in interpreting the words szu and ch'ing, making them refer to all officials of those grades without attempting to indicate particular ones.
269. There was no mou-ch'en day in the fifth month, according to Huang. He follows that month by an intercalary fifth month, which has such a day. I have assumed that this was the month concerned.
270. Hu San-hsing explains, "The Ch'ang-p'ing Lodge was on the plain south of the Ching River. The Ching River flows southeastwards and enters the Wei [River]. was blocked by the bank, hence was cut off and flowed northwards." The actions, interpreting as a happy portent what was actually an indication of a very serious and irretrievable irrigation failure, indicates well the inaccessibility of Wang Mang to unpleasant facts and their own sycophancy and deception of their ruler (cf. to this chapter, p. 113-114).
271. The Official ed. reads 明 for 萌, but the Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.
272. Liu Feng-shih remarks that these four types of conduct were probably those mentioned in 99 B: 16b and taken from the Analects: moral character, gifts in speaking, administrative ability, and scholarship.The mention of "[officials ranking at] two thousand piculs" is probably an anachronism for the sake of clearness; Wang Mang had renamed this rank the Upper-ranking Grandees; cf. 99 B: 4a.
273. There was no mou-ch'en day in this month; seemingly the only servicable emendation is from ch'en to hsü (also made in 11: 8a).
274. A quotation from Book of History II, i, 15 (Legge, p. 41; Couvreur, p. 23), cf. Karlgren, BMFEA 20, 94ff, Gl. 1274.
275. Hu San-hsing remarks that previously there were Shepherds of Provinces and Superintendents of Divisions; here a Division and a Province seem to have been the same; cf. n. 24.1, paragraph 9.
276. Was this malaria?
277. No more official dissections seem to be recorded until A.D. 1106; cf. Maspero in JA 229 (Apr.-June, 1937), p. 188.
278. Chu 諸 is very probably a copyist's error for ch'i 耆. Ch'i was misread as che 者 and the following kuo 國 caused che-kuo to be transcribed as chu-kuo. I emend accordingly. There is no reason for a final particle yen 焉 at the end of the preceding HS 96 B: 35b states, "The state of Karashahr (Yen-ch'i-kuo) was nearest the Huns and revolted first, murdering the Protector-General Tan Ch'in." Then the other states had nothing to do with this murder. Here there is moreover the same group of three that almost surely originally stood in this passage---yen-ch'i-kuo. Pan Ku probably used the same original document in writing both passages. A cursively written ch'i in original draft could easily have caused this mistake. Chu is found in the Ching-yu so that this mistake occurred early.
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