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12

昔者周公朝諸侯于明堂之位:天子負斧依南鄉而立;

三公,中階之前,北面東上。諸侯之位,阼階之東,西面北上。諸伯之國,西階之西,東面北上。諸子之國,門東,北面東上。諸男之國,門西,北面東上。

九夷之國,東門之外,西面北上。八蠻之國,南門之外,北面東上。六戎之國,西門之外,東面南上。五狄之國,北門之外,南面東上。

九采之國,應門之外,北面東上。四塞,世告至。此周公明堂之位也。

明堂也者,明諸侯之尊卑也。

昔殷紂亂天下,脯鬼侯以饗諸侯。是以周公相武王以伐紂。武王崩,成王幼弱,周公踐天子之位以治天下;六年,朝諸侯於明堂,制禮作樂,頒度量,而天下大服;

七年,致政於成王;成王以周公為有勳勞於天下,是以封周公於曲阜,地方七百里,革車千乘,命魯公世世祀周公天以子之禮樂。

是以魯君,孟春乘大路,載弧韣;旗十有二旒,日月之章;祀帝於郊,配以後稷。天子之禮也。

季夏六月,以禘禮祀周公於大廟,牲用白牡;尊用犧象山罍;郁尊用黃目;灌用玉瓚大圭;薦用玉豆雕篹;爵用玉琖,仍雕,加以璧散璧角;俎用鯇嶡;

升歌《清廟》,下管《象》;朱幹玉戚,冕而舞《大武》;皮弁素積,裼而舞《大夏》。昧,東夷之樂也;《任》,南蠻之樂也。納夷蠻之樂於大廟,言廣魯於天下也。

君卷冕立於阼,夫人副褘立于房中。君肉袒迎牲於門;夫人薦豆籩。卿、大夫贊君,命婦贊夫人:各揚其職。百官廢職服大刑,而天下大服。

是故,夏礿、秋嘗、冬烝,春社、秋省而遂大蠟,天子之祭也。

大廟,天子明堂。庫門,天子皋門。雉門,天子應門。振木鐸於朝,天子之政也。

山節藻梲 ,複廟重簷,刮楹達鄉,反坫出尊,崇坫康圭,疏屏;天子之廟飾也。

鸞車,有虞氏之路也。鉤車,夏後氏之路也。大路,殷路也。乘路,周路也。

有虞氏之旗,夏後氏之綏,殷之大白,周之大赤。

夏後氏駱馬,黑鬣。殷人白馬,黑首。周人黃馬,蕃鬣。夏後氏,牲尚黑,殷白牡,周騂剛。

泰,有虞氏之尊也。山罍,夏後氏之尊也。著,殷尊也。犧象,周尊也。

爵,夏後氏以琖,殷以斝,周以爵。

灌尊,夏後氏以雞夷。殷以斝,周以黃目。其勺,夏後氏以龍勺,殷以疏勺,周以蒲勺。

土鼓蕢桴葦龠,伊耆氏之樂也。拊搏玉磬揩擊,大琴大瑟,中琴小瑟,四代之樂器也。

魯公之廟,文世室也。武公之廟,武世室也。

米廩,有虞氏之庠也;序,夏後氏之序也;瞽宗,殷學也;頖宮,周學也。

崇鼎,貫鼎,大璜,封父龜,天子之器也。越棘,大弓,天子之戎器也。

夏後氏之鼓,足。殷,楹鼓;周,縣鼓。垂之和鍾,叔之離磬,女媧之笙簧。

夏後氏之龍簨虡,殷之崇牙,周之璧翣。

有虞氏之兩敦,夏後氏之四連,殷之六瑚,周之八簋。

俎,有虞氏以鯇,夏後氏以嶡,殷以棋,周以房俎。夏後氏以揭豆,殷玉豆,周獻豆。

有虞氏服韍,夏後氏山,殷火,周龍章。

有虞氏祭首,夏後氏祭心,殷祭肝,周祭肺。

夏後氏尚明水,殷尚醴,周尚酒。

有虞氏官五十,夏後氏官百,殷二百,週三百。

有虞氏之綏,夏後氏之綢練,殷之崇牙,周之璧翣。

凡四代之服、器、官,魯兼用之。是故,魯,王禮也,天下傳之久矣。君臣,未嘗相弑也;禮樂刑法政俗,未嘗相變也,天下以為有道之國。是故,天下資禮樂焉。

BOOK XII.

1Formerly, when the duke of Kâu gave audience to the feudal princes in their several places in the Hall of Distinction, the son of Heaven stood with his back to the axe-embroidered screen , and his face towards the south 2.

The three dukes 3 were in front of the steps, in the middle, with their faces to the north, inclining to the east as the most honourable position 4. The places of the marquises were at the east of the eastern steps, with their faces to the west, inclining to the north as the most honourable position. The lords of the earldoms were at the west of the western steps, with their faces to the east, inclining also and for the same reason to the north. The counts were on the east of the gate, with their faces to the north, inclining to the east as the more honourable position. The barons were on the west of the gate, with their faces to the north, inclining also and for the same reason to the east.

The chiefs of the nine Î 5 were outside the eastern door, with their faces to the west, inclining to the north as the position of honour; those of the eight Mân were outside the door on the south, with their faces to the north, inclining for the same reason to the east; those of the six Zung were outside the door on the west, with their faces to the east, inclining for the same reason to the south; and those of the five Tî were outside the door on the north, with their faces to the south, inclining for the same reason to the east.

The chiefs of the nine Zhâi were outside the Ying gate, with their faces to the north, inclining to the east as the position of honour for them; those of the four Sâi (also) came, who had only once in their time to announce their arrival (at the court). These were the places of the lords in the Hall of Distinction (when they appeared before) the duke of Kâu 6.

The Hall of Distinction was so called, because in it the rank of the princes was clearly shown as high or low 7.

Formerly, when Kâu of Yin was throwing the whole kingdom into confusion, he made dried slices of (the flesh of) the marquis of Kwei 8, and used them in feasting the princes. On this account the duke of Kâu assisted king Wû in attacking Kâu. When king Wû died, king Khang being young and weak, the duke took the seat of the son of Heaven 9, and governed the kingdom. During six years he gave audience to all the princes in the Hall of Distinction; instituted ceremonies, made his instruments of music, gave out his (standard) weights and measures 10, and there was a grand submission throughout the kingdom.

In the seventh year, he resigned the government to king Khang; and he, in consideration of the duke's services to the kingdom, invested him with (the territory about) Khü-fû 11, seven hundred lî square, and sending forth a thousand chariots of war 12. He (also) gave charge that (the princes of) Lû, from generation to generation, should sacrifice to the duke of Kâu with the ceremonies and music proper at a sacrifice by the son of Heaven.

Thus it was that the rulers of Lû, in the first month of spring, rode in a grand carriage, displaying the banner, suspended from its bow-like arm, with the twelve streamers, and having the sun and moon emblazoned on it, to sacrifice to God in the suburb of their metropolis, associating Hâu Kî as his assessor in the service;--according to the ceremonies used by the son of Heaven 13.

In the last month of summer, the sixth month, they used the ceremonies of the great sacrifice in sacrificing to the duke of Kâu in the great ancestral temple, employing for the victim to him a white bull. The cups were those with the figure of a victim bull, of an elephant, and of hills and clouds; that for the fragrant spirits was the one with gilt eyes on it. For libations they used the cup of jade with the handle made of a long rank-symbol. The dishes with the offerings were on stands of wood, adorned with jade and carved. The cups for the personator were of jade carved in the same way. There were also the plain cups and those of horn, adorned with round pieces of jade; and for the meat-stands, they used those with four feet and the cross-binders.

(The singers) went up to the hall (or stage), and sang the Khing Miâo; (in the court) below, (the pantomimes) performed the Hsiang dance 14, to the accompaniment of the wind instruments. With their red shields and jade-adorned axes, and in their caps with pendants, they danced to the music of the Tâ Wû 15; in their skin caps, and large white skirts gathered at the waist, and jacket of silk, they danced the Tâ Hsiâ 16. There (were also) the Mei, or music of the wild tribes of the East; and the Zan, or music of those of the South. The introduction of these two in the grand temple was to signalise the distinction of Lû all over the kingdom.

The ruler, in his dragon-figured robe and cap with pendants, stood at the eastern steps; and his wife, in her head-dress and embroidered robe, stood in her room. The ruler, with shoulder bared, met the victim at the gate; his wife brought in the stands for the dishes. The ministers and Great officers assisted the ruler; their wives 17 assisted his wife. Each one discharged the duty proper to him or her. Any officer who neglected his duty was severely punished; and throughout the kingdom there was a great acknowledgment of, and submission to, (the worth of the duke of Kâu).

(In Lû) they offered (also) the sacrifices of summer, autumn, and winter (in the ancestral temple); with those at the altars of the land and grain in spring, and that at the autumnal hunt, going on to the great sacrifice of thanksgiving at the end of the year:--all (after the pattern of) the sacrifices of the son of Heaven.

The grand temple (of Lû) corresponded to the Hall of Distinction of the son of Heaven, the Khû gate of the (marquis's palace) to the Kâo (or outer) gate of the king's, and the Kih gate to the Ying 18. They shook the bell with the wooden clapper in the court as was done in the royal court, in announcing governmental orders.

The capitals of the pillars with hills carved on them, and the pond-weed carving on the small pillars above the beams; the second storey and the great beams projecting under the eaves; the polished pillars and the windows opposite to one another; the earthen stand on which the cups, after being used, were placed; the high stand on which the jade tokens were displayed aloft; and the slightly carved screen:--all these were ornaments of the temple of the son of Heaven 19.

(The princes of Lû) had, as carriages, that of (Shun), the lord of Yü, furnished with bells; that of the sovereign of Hsiâ, with its carved front; the Great carriage (of wood), or that of Yin; and the carriage (adorned with jade), or that of Kâu.

They had, as flags or banners, that of (Shun), the lord of Yü; the yak's tail of the sovereign of Hsiâ; the great white flag of Yin; and the corresponding red one of Kâu.

They had the white horses of the sovereign of Hsiâ, with their black manes; the white horses of Yin, with their black heads; and the bay horses of Kâu, with red manes. The sovereigns of Hsiâ preferred black victims; those of Yin, white; and those of Kâu, victims which were red and strong.

Of jugs for liquor, they had the earthenware jug of the lord of Yü; the jug of Hsiâ, with clouds and hills figured on it; the ko of Yin, with no base, which rested directly on the ground; and the jugs of Kâu, with a victim-bull or an elephant on them.

For bowls or cups they had the kân 20 of Hsiâ; the kiâ of Yin; and the kio of Kâu 21.

For libations they had the jug of Hsiâ, with a cock on it; the kiâ of Yin; and that of Kâu, with gilt eyes on it.For ladles they had that of Hsiâ, with the handle ending in a dragon's head; that of Yin, slightly carved all over; and that of Kâu, with the handle like plaited rushes.

They had the earthen drum, with clods for the drumstick and the reed pipe,--producing the music of Î-khî 22; the pillow-like bundles of chaff, which were struck 23; the sounding stone of jade; the instruments rubbed or struck, (to regulate the commencement and close of the music) 24; the great lute and great cithern; the medium lute and little cithern 25:--the musical instruments of the four dynasties.

The temple of the duke of Lû was maintained from generation to generation like that of (king) Wan (in the capital of Kâu), and the temple of duke Wû in the same way like that of (king) Wû 26.

They had the hsiang (school) of the lord of Yü, in connexion with which were kept the stores of (sacrificial) rice 27; the hsü school of the sovereign of Hsiâ; the school of Yin, in which the blind were honoured 28; and the college of Kâu, with its semicircle of water.

They had the tripods of Khung 29 and Kwan 30; the great jade hemisphere; and the tortoise-shell of Fang-fû 31:--all articles (properly) belonging to the son of Heaven. They (also) had the lance of Yüeh 32; and the great bow,--military weapons of the son of Heaven.

They had the drum of Hsiâ supported on four legs; that of Yin supported on a single pillar; the drums of Kâu, pendent from a stand; the peal of bells of Sui 33; the differently toned khing (sonorous stones) of Shû 34; and the organ of Nü-kwâ 35, with its tongues.

They had the music-stand of Hsiâ, with its face-board and posts, on which dragons were carved; that of Yin, with the high-toothed face-board; and that of Kâu, with its round ornaments of jade, and feathers (hung from the corners).

They had the two tui of the lord of Yü (for holding the grain at sacrifices); the four lien of Hsiâ; the six hû of Yin; and the eight kwei of Kâu 36.

They had for stands (on which to set forth the flesh of the victims), the khwan of Shun; the küeh of Hsiâ; the kü of Yin; and the room-like stand of Kâu. For the tall supports of the dishes, they used those of Hsiâ of unadorned wood; those of Yin, adorned with jade; and those of Kâu, with feathers carved on them.

They had the plain leather knee-covers of Shun; those of Hsiâ, with hills represented on them; those of Yin, with flames; and those of Kâu, with dragons.

They used for their sacrificial offerings (to the father of Cookery), like the lord of Yü, (portions of) the head; like the sovereigns of Hsiâ, (portions of) the heart; as they did under Yin, (portions of) the liver; and as they did under Kâu, (portions of) the lungs 37.

They used the bright water preferred by Hsiâ; the unfermented liquor preferred by Yin; and the completed liquor preferred by Kâu 38.

They used (the names) of the 50 officers of the lord of Yü; of the 100 of the sovereigns of Hsiâ; of the 200 of Yin; and of the 300 Of Kâu 39.

(At their funerals) they used the feathery ornaments of the lord of Yü; the wrappings of white silk (about the flag-staffs) of the sovereigns of Hsiâ; (the flags) with their toothed edges of Yin; and the round pieces of jade and plumes Of Kâu 40.

Lû (thus) used the robes, vessels and officers of all the four dynasties, and so it observed the royal ceremonies. It long transmitted them everywhere. Its rulers and ministers never killed one another, Its rites, music, punishments, laws, governmental proceedings, manners and customs never changed. Throughout the kingdom it was considered the state which exhibited the right ways; and therefore dependence was placed on it in the matters of ceremonies and music 41.

Notes

1. See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, p. 28-30. On the opposite page there is the plan of the Hall, as given in Morrison's Dictionary, vol. i, part i, page 512. Compare it with the less complicated figure in vol. xxvii, page 252.

2. Many chronological and other perplexing questions arise in connexion with the great audience described in this and the paragraphs that immediately follow. The time should be referred, I think, to the inauguration of Lo as the eastern capital of Kâu, probably in B.C. 1109, at the close of the duke of Kâu's regency for the young king Khang; see the Shû, V, xiii. That 'the son of Heaven' must be understood of king Khang himself, and not of the duke of Kâu, is a point, it seems to me, that no Chinese commentator should ever have called in question.

3. The three Kung, I suppose, mentioned in vol. iii, page 227, paragraph 3. The duke of Kâu was himself one of them; but perhaps, during his regency, another had been appointed in his place.

4. The text here simply = 'the east the upper.' The nearer one was to the king, the more honourable was his position.

5. Î was the general name for the wild tribes of the east; Mân, for those of the south; Zung, for those of the west; and Tî, for those of the north.

6. It is so difficult to explain what is meant by 'the nine Zhâi,' and again by 'the four Sâi,' that I am inclined to doubt, with Wang Yen (王炎) and others, the genuineness of this paragraph.

7. See the introduction, vol. xxvii, page 28.

8. 'The marquis of Kwei' appears in Sze-mâ Khien's history of Yin (near the end), as the marquis of Khiû (九侯), and is made into pickle. The reference, no doubt, is to some act of atrocious and wanton cruelty on the part of Kâu.

9. This can only mean that the duke, as regent, administered the government, though the compiler of the Book wanted to exalt his personality beyond the bounds of truth.

10. The text is--measures of length and of capacity.

11. Khü-fû is still a district city in the department of Yen-kâu, Shan-tung. It was the capital of Lû; and is called by foreigners 'the city of Confucius.' It contains the great temple of the sage, and is the residence of his representative-descendant, with thousands of other Khungs.

12. This is one of the gross exaggerations in the Book. The marquisate of Lû was only a hundred lî square on its first constitution.

13. Of this and many of the statements in the paragraphs that follow, see the fourth of the 'Praise Odes of Lû,' in the Shih, Metrical version, pp. 379-383.

14. See vol. xxvii, page 361, paragraph 21.

15. Attributed to king Wû.

16. Said to be of the Hsiâ dynasty.

17. 'The commissioned wives;' including, according to Khan Hâo, the ruler's 'ladies of honour,' as well as the wives of his ministers and Great officers.

18. The five gates of the royal palace, beginning with the outermost, were the Kâo (臯), the Khû (庫), the Kih (雉), the Ying (應), and the Lû (路); the palaces of the princes wanted the Kâo and Ying gates. The grand temples appear to have been constructed on a similar plan, to the east of the palace.

19. And in the temple of Lû, also, it is implied.

20. Made of jade, or adorned with it.

21. Also made of, or adorned with, jade.

22. Î-khî is said by Kang to be 'the dynastic title of an ancient son of Heaven.' Many identify him with Shan Nang, who generally follows Fû-hsî in the chronology, and who cannot be placed later than the thirty-first century B.C., if we can speak at all of so distant dates. Evidently the compiler is putting down the names of the most ancient instruments which he had heard of. There is in the Khien-lung edition of our collection, chapter 81, page 5, a representation of the drum and its handle; with a collection of the views about them, contradictory and fantastical, so that it is not worth while to reproduce them here. There is a figure also of the reed pipe, which can only have been something a little superior to the early 'oaten pipe ' of the west.

23. This also is represented in the Khien-lung edition; but how anything like music could be brought from the pillows I do not know. The two characters, supposed to give the name, are found, perhaps, the Shu, II, iv, 9, used with verbal force of playing on the lute.

24. The Kû and Yü; see vol. xxvii, pages 219 and 273.

25. The invention of the lute and cithern is ascribed to Fû-hsî. They are represented thus--

26. The duke of Lû here is the first duke, Po-khin (B.C. 1115-1063). Duke Wû was the ninth duke (B.C. 826-817).

27. As a lesson, it is said, of filial duty.

28. The father of Music, it is said, was here sacrificed to, or had offerings presented to him. All this is very uncertain. Blind men were used as musicians.

29. These are names of states mentioned in the Shû, with which we find king Wan at war.

30. These are names of states mentioned in the Shû, with which we find king Wan at war.

31. Fang-fû must also be the name of an ancient state; but where it was I do not know. Yüeh was a great state, south of Wû, on the seaboard.

32. Fang-fû must also be the name of an ancient state; but where it was I do not know. Yüeh was a great state, south of Wû, on the seaboard.

33. See the Shû, II, i, 21, and note.

34. Shû was also called Wû-kâu (無句).

35. Nü-kwâ is placed between Fû-hsî and Shan Nang. Various fabulous marvels are related of him or her (for many hold the name to be that of a female) in the account of the five Tîs, prefixed to Sze-mâ Khien's histories. The organ is represented-thus--

36. Figures of all these are given. The number of the vessels in the different dynasties is thought to have been regulated by the number of the kinds of grain; but most of this is conjecture.

37. Kang Hsüan, in explanation of these practices, has only three characters, which I confess I do not fully comprehend. Khung Ying-tâ says nothing about them, nor the Khien-lung editors. Fang Küeh writes, on the relation between the five elements and the five colours, and the symbolical colours adopted by the different dynasties, and of the different members of the victims; very mystically and darkly, and failing to elucidate the passage.

38. There have been various references to these points already, and there will be more hereafter.

39. Compare the Shû, V, xx, 3. Various attempts are made to reconcile the statements there and those of this paragraph; 'all,' says Khan Hâo, 'mere conjectures.'

40. Compare paragraph 22, page 139, vol. xxvii.

41. Much of what is said here is glaringly false; and justifies what is said of the Book in the introduction, page 29.

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