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有父之喪,如未沒喪而母死,其除父之喪也,服其除服。卒事,反喪服。

雖諸父昆弟之喪,如當父母之喪,其除諸父昆弟之喪也,皆服其除喪之服。卒事,反喪服。

如三年之喪,則既顈,其練祥皆同。

王父死,未練祥而孫又死,猶是附於王父也。

有殯,聞外喪,哭之他室。入奠,卒奠,出,改服即位,如始即位之禮。

大夫、士將與祭於公,既視濯,而父母死,則猶是與祭也,次於異宮。既祭,釋服出公門外,哭而歸。其他如奔喪之禮。如未視濯,則使人告。告者反,而後哭。如諸父昆弟姑姊妹之喪,則既宿,則與祭。卒事,出公門,釋服而後歸。其他如奔喪之禮。如同宮,則次於異宮。

曾子問曰:「卿大夫將為屍於公,受宿矣,而有齊衰內喪,則如之何?」孔子曰:「出舍乎公宮以待事,禮也。」

孔子曰:「屍弁冕而出,卿、大夫、士皆下之。屍必式,必有前驅。」

父母之喪,將祭,而昆弟死;既殯而祭。如同宮,則雖臣妾,葬而後祭。祭,主人之升降散等,執事者亦散等。雖虞附亦然。

自諸侯達諸士,小祥之祭,主人之酢也嚌之;眾賓兄弟,則皆啐之。大祥:主人啐之,眾賓兄弟皆飲之,可也。

凡侍祭喪者,告賓祭薦而不食。

子貢問喪,子曰:「敬為上,哀次之,瘠為下。顏色稱其情;戚容稱其服。」請問兄弟之喪,子曰:「兄弟之喪,則存乎書策矣。」

君子不奪人之喪,亦不可奪喪也。

孔子曰:「少連、大連善居喪,三日不怠,三月不解,期悲哀,三年憂。東夷之子也。」

三年之喪,言而不語,對而不問:廬,堊室之中,不與人坐焉;在堊室之中,非時見乎母也,不入門。疏衰皆居堊室不廬。廬,嚴者也。

妻視叔父母,姑姊妹視兄弟,長、中、下殤視成人。

親喪外除,兄弟之喪內除。

視君之母與妻,比之兄弟。發諸顏色者,亦不飲食也。

免喪之外,行於道路,見似目瞿,聞名心瞿。吊死而問疾,顏色戚容必有以異於人也。如此而後可以服三年之喪。其餘則直道而行之,是也。

祥,主人之除也,於夕為期,朝服。祥因其故服。

子遊曰:「既祥,雖不當縞者必縞,然後反服。」

當袒,大夫至,雖當踴,絕踴而拜之,反改成踴,乃襲。於士,既事成踴,襲而後拜之,不改成踴。

上大夫之虞也,少牢。卒哭成事,附,皆大牢。下大夫之虞也,特牲。卒哭成事,附,皆少牢。

祝稱卜葬虞,子孫曰哀,夫曰乃,兄弟曰某,卜葬其兄弟曰伯子某。

古者,貴賤皆杖。叔孫武叔朝,見輪人以其杖關轂而輠輪者,於是有爵而後杖也。

鑿巾以飯,公羊賈為之也。

冒者何也?所以掩形也。自襲以至小斂,不設冒則形,是以襲而後設冒也。

或問於曾子曰:「夫既遣而包其餘,猶既食而裹其餘與?君子既食,則裹其餘乎?」曾子曰:「吾子不見大饗乎?夫大饗,既饗,卷三牲之俎歸於賓館。父母而賓客之,所以為哀也!子不見大饗乎!」

非為人喪,問與賜與?三年之喪,以其喪拜;非三年之喪,以吉拜。

三年之喪,如或遺之酒肉,則受之必三辭。主人衰至而受之。如君命,則不敢辭,受而薦之。喪者不遺人,人遺之,雖酒肉,受也。從父昆弟以下,既卒哭,遺人可也。

縣子曰:「三年之喪,如斬。期之喪,如剡。」

三年之喪,雖功衰不吊,自諸侯達諸士。如有服而將往哭之,則服其服而往。期之喪,十一月而練,十三月而祥,十五月禫。練則吊。

既葬,大功吊,哭而退,不聽事焉。期之喪,未喪,吊於鄉人。哭而退,不聽事焉。功衰吊,待事不執事。小功緦,執事不與於禮。

相趨也,出宮而退。相揖也,哀次而退。相問也,既封而退。相見也。反哭而退。朋友,虞附而退。

吊,非從主人也。四十者執綍:鄉人五十者從反哭,四十者待盈坎。

喪食雖惡必充饑,饑而廢事,非禮也;飽而忘哀,亦非禮也。視不明,聽不聰,行不正,不知哀,君子病之。故有疾飲酒食肉,五十不致毀,六十不毀,七十飲酒食肉,皆為疑死。

有服,人召之食,不往。大功以下,既葬,適人,人食之,其黨也食之,非其黨弗食也。

功衰食菜果,飲水漿,無鹽酪。不能食食,鹽酪可也。

孔子曰:「身有瘍則浴,首有創則沐,病則飲酒食肉。毀瘠為病,君子弗為也。毀而死,君子謂之無子。」

非從柩與反哭,無免於堩。

凡喪,小功以上,非虞附練祥,無沐浴。

疏衰之喪,既葬,人請見之,則見;不請見人。小功,請見人可也。大功不以執摯。唯父母之喪,不辟涕泣而見人。

三年之喪,祥而從政;期之喪,卒哭而從政;九月之喪,既葬而從政;小功緦之喪,既殯而從政。

曾申問於曾子曰:「哭父母有常聲乎?」曰:「中路嬰兒失其母焉,何常聲之有?」

卒哭而諱。王父母兄弟,世父叔父,姑姊妹。子與父同諱。母之諱,宮中諱。妻之諱,不舉諸其側;與從祖昆弟同名則諱。

以喪冠者,雖三年之喪,可也。既冠於次,入哭踴,三者三,乃出。

大功之末,可以冠子,可以嫁子。父,小功之末,可以冠子,可以嫁子,可以取婦。己雖小功,既卒哭,可以冠,取妻;下殤之小功,則不可。

凡弁至,其衰侈袂。

父有服,宮中子不與於樂。母有服,聲聞焉不舉樂。妻有服,不舉樂於其側。大功將至,辟琴瑟。小功至,不絕樂。

姑姊妹,其夫死,而夫党無兄弟,使夫之族人主喪。妻之党,雖親弗主。夫若無族矣,則前後家,東西家;無有,則裏尹主之。或曰:主之,而附於夫之黨。

麻者不紳,執玉不麻。麻不加於采。

國禁哭,則止朝夕之奠。即位自因也。

童子哭不哀,不踴,不杖,不菲,不廬。

孔子曰:「伯母、叔母,疏衰,踴不絕地。姑姊妹之大功,踴絕於地。如知此者,由文矣哉!由文矣哉!」

世柳之母死,相者由左。世柳死,其徒由右相。由右相,世柳之徒為之也。

天子飯,九貝;諸侯七,大夫五,士三。

士三月而葬,是月也卒哭;大夫三月而葬,五月而卒哭;諸侯五月而葬,七月而卒哭。士三虞,大夫五,諸侯七。

諸侯使人吊,其次:含襚 賵臨,皆同日而畢事者也,其次如此也。

升正柩,諸侯執綍五百人,四綍,皆銜枚,司馬執鐸,左八人,右八人,匠人執羽葆禦柩。大夫之喪,其升正柩也,執引者三百人,執鐸者左右各四人,禦柩以茅。

孔子曰:「管仲鏤簋而朱紘 ,旅樹而反坫,山節而藻梲。賢大夫也,而難為上也。晏平仲祀其先人。豚肩不掩豆。賢大夫也,而難為下也。君子上不僭上,下不逼下。」

婦人非三年之喪,不逾封而吊。如三年之喪,則君夫人歸。夫人其歸也以諸侯之吊禮,其待之也若待諸侯然。夫人至,入自闈門,升自側階,君在阼。其他如奔喪禮然。

嫂不撫叔,叔不撫嫂。

君子有三患:未之聞,患弗得聞也;既聞之,患弗得學也;既學之,患弗能行也。君子有五恥:居其位,無其言,君子恥之;有其言,無其行,君子恥之;既得之而又失之,君子恥之;地有餘而民不足,君子恥之;眾寡均而倍焉,君子恥之。

孔子曰:「凶年則乘駑馬。祀以下牲。」

恤由之喪,哀公使孺悲之孔子學士喪禮,士喪禮於是乎書。

子貢觀於蠟。孔子曰:「賜也樂乎?」對曰:「一國之人皆若狂,賜未知其樂也!」子曰:「百日之蠟,一日之澤,非爾所知也。張而不弛,文武弗能也;弛而不張,文武弗為也。一張一弛,文武之道也。」

孟獻子曰:「正月日至,可以有事於上帝;七月日至,可有事於祖。」七月而禘,獻子為之也。

夫人之不命於天子,自魯昭公始也。

外宗為君夫人,猶內宗也。

廄焚,孔子拜鄉人為火來者。拜之,士壹,大夫再。亦相吊之道也。

孔子曰:「管仲遇盜,取二人焉,上以為公臣,曰:『其所與遊辟也,可人也!』管仲死,桓公使為之服。宦於大夫者之為之服也,自管仲始也,有君命焉爾也。」

過而舉君之諱,則起。與君之諱同,則稱字。

內亂不與焉,外患弗辟也。

贊,大行曰圭。公九寸,侯、伯七寸,子、男五寸。博三寸,厚半寸。剡上,左右各寸半,玉也。藻三采六等。

哀公問子羔曰:「子之食奚當?」對曰:「文公之下執事也。」

成廟則釁之。其禮:祝、宗人、宰夫、雍人,皆爵弁純衣。雍人拭羊,宗人視之,宰夫北面於碑南,東上。雍人舉羊,升屋自中,中屋南面,刲羊,血流於前,乃降。門、夾室皆用雞。先門而後夾室。其衈皆於屋下。割雞,門當門,夾室中室。有司皆鄉室而立,門則有司當門北面。既事,宗人告事畢,乃皆退。反命於君曰:「釁某廟事畢。」反命於寢,君南鄉於門內朝服。既反命,乃退。路寢成則考之而不釁。釁屋者,交神明之道也。凡宗廟之器。其名者成則釁之以豭豚。

諸侯出夫人,夫人比至於其國,以夫人之禮行;至,以夫人入。使者將命曰:「寡君不敏,不能從而事社稷宗廟,使使臣某,敢告於執事。」主人對曰:「寡君固前辭不教矣,寡君敢不敬須以俟命。」有司官陳器皿;主人有司亦官受之。

妻出,夫使人致之曰:「某不敏,不能從而共粢盛,使某也敢告於侍者。」主人對曰:「某之子不肖,不敢辟誅,敢不敬須以俟命。」使者退,主人拜送之。如舅在,則稱舅;舅沒,則稱兄;無兄,則稱夫。主人之辭曰:「某之子不肖。」如姑姊妹,亦皆稱之。

孔子曰:「吾食於少施氏而飽,少施氏食我以禮。吾祭,作而辭曰:『疏食不足祭也。』吾飧,作而辭曰:『疏食也,不敢以傷吾子。

納幣一束:束五兩,兩五尋。

婦見舅姑,兄弟、姑姊妹,皆立於堂下,西面北上,是見已。見諸父,各就其寢。女雖未許嫁,年二十而笄,禮之,婦人執其禮。燕則鬈首。

縪:長三尺,下廣二尺,上廣一尺。會去上五寸,紕以爵韋六寸,不至下五寸。純以素,紃以五采。

SECTION II.

PART I.

When a man was wearing mourning for his father, if his mother died before the period was completed, he put off the mourning for his father (and assumed that proper for his mother). He put on, however, the proper dress when sacrificial services required it; but when they were over 1, he returned to the mourning (for his mother).

When occasion occurred for wearing the mourning for uncles or cousins, if it arrived during the period of mourning for a parent, then the previous mourning was not laid aside, save when the sacrificial services in these cases required it to be so; and when they were finished, the mourning for a parent was resumed.

If during the three years' mourning (there occurred also another three years' mourning for the eldest son), then after the coarser girdle of the Kiung hemp had been assumed in the latter case, the sacrifices at the end of the first or second year's mourning for a parent might be proceeded with.

When a grandfather had died, and his grandson also died before the sacrifices at the end of the first or second year had been performed, (his spirit-tablet) was still placed next to the grandfather's.

When a mourner, while the coffin was in the house, heard of the death of another relative at a distance, he went to another apartment and wailed for him. (Next day), he entered where the coffin was, and put down the offerings (to the deceased), after which he went out, changed his clothes, went to the other apartment, and repeated the ceremony of the day before.

When a Great officer or another officer was about to take part in a sacrifice at his ruler's, if, after the inspection of the washing of the vessels to be used, his father or mother died, he still went to the sacrifice; but took his place in a different apartment. After the sacrifice he put off his (sacrificial) dress, went outside the gate of the palace, wailed, and returned to his own house. In other respects he acted as he would have done in hurrying to the mourning rites. If the parent's death took place before the inspection of the washing, he sent a messenger to inform the ruler of his position; and when he returned, proceeded to wail (for his deceased parent).When the death that occurred was that of an uncle, aunt, or cousin, if he had received the previous notice to fast, he went to the sacrifice; and when it was over, he went out at the ruler's gate, put off his (sacrificial) dress, and returned to his own house. In other respects he acted as if he had been hurrying to the mourning rites. If the deceased relative lived under the same roof with him, he took up his residence in other apartments 2.

Zang dze asked, 'When a high minister or Great officer is about to act the part of the personator of the dead at a sacrifice by his ruler, and has received instructions to pass the night previous in solemn vigil, if there occur in his own family occasion for him to wear the robe of hemmed sackcloth, what is he to do?' Confucius said, 'The rule is for him to leave his own house, and lodge in the ruler's palace till the service (for the ruler) is accomplished.'

Confucius said, 'When the personator of the dead comes forth in his leathern cap, or that with the square top, ministers, Great officers, and other officers, all should descend from their carriages when he passes. He should bow forward to them, and he should (also) have people going before him (to notify his approach, that people may get out of the way 3).'

During the mourning rites for a parent, when the occasion for one of the sacrifices was at hand, if a death occurred in the family of a brother or cousin, the sacrifice was postponed till the burial of the dead had taken place. If the cousin or brother were an inmate of the same palace with himself, although the death were that of a servant or concubine, the party postponed his sacrifice in this way. At the sacrifice the mourner went up and descended the steps with only one foot on each, all assisting him, doing the same. They did so even for the sacrifice of Repose, and to put the spirit-tablet in its place.

From the feudal rulers down to all officers, at the sacrifice at the end of the first year's mourning for a parent, when the chief mourner took the cup offered to him by the chief among the visitors, he raised it to his teeth, while the visitors, brothers, and cousins all sipped the cups presented to them. After the sacrifice at the end of the second year, the chief mourner might sip his cup, while all the visitors, brothers, and cousins might drink off their cups.

The attendants at the sacrifices during the funeral rites give notice to the visitors to present the offerings, of which, however, they did not afterwards partake.

Dze-kung asked about the rites of mourning (for parents), and the Master said, 'Reverence is the most important thing; grief is next to it; and emaciation is the last. The face should wear the appearance of the inward feeling, and the demeanour and carriage should be in accordance with the dress.'He begged to ask about the mourning for a brother, and the Master said, 'The rites of mourning for a brother are to be found in the tablets where they are written.'

A superior man will not interfere with the mourning of other men to diminish it, nor will he do so with his own mourning 4.

Confucius said, 'Shâo-lien and Tâ-lien demeaned themselves skilfully during their mourning (for their parents). During the (first) three days they were alert; for the (first) three months they manifested no weariness; for the (first) year they were full of grief; for the (whole) three years they were sorrowful. (And yet) they belonged to one of the rude tribes on the East 5.'

During the three years of mourning (for his father), (a son) might speak, but did not discourse; might reply, but did not ask questions. In the shed or the unplastered apartment he sat (alone), nobody with him. While occupying that apartment, unless there were some occasion for him to appear before his mother, he did not enter the door (of the house). On all occasions of wearing the sackcloth with its edges even, he occupied the unplastered apartment, and not the shed. To occupy the shed was the severest form in mourning.

(The grief) in mourning for a wife was like that for an uncle or aunt; that for a father's sister or one's own sister was like that for a cousin; that for any of the three classes of minors dying prematurely was as if they had been full-grown.

The mourning for parents is taken away (at the end of three years), (but only) its external symbols; the mourning for brothers (at the end of one year), (and also) internally.

(The period of mourning) for a ruler's mother or wife is the same as that for brothers. But (beyond) what appears in the countenance is this, that (in the latter case) the mourners do not eat and drink (as usual).

After a man has put off the mourning (for his father), if, when walking along the road, he sees one like (his father), his eyes look startled. If he hear one with the same name, his heart is agitated. In condoling with mourners on occasion of a death, and inquiring for one who is ill, there will be something in his face and distressed manner different from other men. He who is thus affected is fit to wear the three years' mourning. So far as other mourning is concerned, he may walk right on (without anything) having such an effect on him.

The sacrifice at the end of the second 6 year is signalized by the principal mourner putting off his mourning dress. The evening (before), he announces the time for it, and puts on his court robes, which he then wears at the sacrifice.

Dze-yû said, 'After the sacrifice at the end of the second year, although the mourner should not wear the cap of white silk, (occasions may occur when) he must do so 7. Afterwards he resumes the proper dress.'

(At the mourning rites of an officer), if, when he had bared his breast, a Great officer arrived (on a visit of condolence), although he might be engaged in the leaping, he put a stop to it, and went to salute and bow to him. Returning then, he resumed his leaping and completed it, after which he readjusted his dress and covered his breast.In the case of a visit from another officer, he went on with his leaping, completed it, readjusted his upper dress, and then went to salute and bow to him, without having occasion to resume and complete the leaping.

At the sacrifice of Repose for a Great officer of the highest grade, there were offered a boar and a ram; at the conclusion of the wailing, and at the placing of his spirit-tablet, there was, in addition, the bull. On the similar occasions for a Great officer of the lowest grade, there was in the first case a single victim, and in the others the boar and the ram.

In consulting the tortoise-shell about the burial and sacrifice of Repose, the style of the petition was as follows:--A son or grandson spoke of himself as 'the sorrowing,' (when divining about his father or grandfather); a husband (divining about his wife) said, 'So and so for so and so;' an elder brother about a younger brother, simply said, 'So and so;' a younger brother about an elder brother said, 'For my elder brother, so and so.'

Anciently, noble and mean all carried staffs. (On one occasion) Shû-sun Wû-shû 8, when going to court, saw a wheelwright put his staff through the nave of a wheel, and turn it round. After this (it was made a rule that) only men of rank should carry a staff.

(The custom of) making a hole in the napkin (covering the face of the dead) by which to introduce what was put into the mouth, was begun by Kung yang Kiâ 9.

What were the grave-clothes (contributed to the dead)? The object of them was to cover the body. From the enshrouding to the slighter dressing, they were not put on, and the figure of the body was seen. Therefore the corpse was first enshrouded, and afterwards came the grave-clothes.

Some one asked Zang-dze, 'After sending away to the grave the offerings to the dead, we wrap up what remains;--is this not like a man, after partaking of a meal, wrapping up what is left (to take with him)? Does a gentleman do such a thing? Zang-dze said, 'Have you not seen what is done at a great feast? At a great feast, given by a Great officer, after all have partaken, he rolls up what is left on the stands for the three animals, and sends it to the lodgings of his guests. When a son treats his parents in this way as his (honoured) guests, it is an expression of his grief (for their loss). Have you, Sir, not seen what is done at a great feast?'

'Excepting at men's funeral rites, do they make such inquiries and present such gifts as they then do? At the three years' mourning, the mourner bows to his visitors in the manner appropriate to the occasion; at the mourning of a shorter period, he salutes them in the usual way 10.'

During the three years' mourning, if any one sent wine or flesh to the mourner, he received it after declining it thrice; he received it in his sackcloth and band. If it came from the ruler with a message from him, he did not presume to decline it;--he received it and presented it (in his ancestral temple).One occupied with such mourning did not send any gift, but when men sent gifts to him he received them. When engaged in the mourning rites for an uncle, cousin, or brother, and others of a shorter period, after the wailing was concluded, he might send gifts to others.

Hsien-dze said, 'The pain occasioned by the mourning for three years is like that of beheading; that arising from the one year's mourning, is like the stab from a sharp weapon.'

During the one year's mourning, in the eleventh month, they put on the dress of silk, which was called lien; in the thirteenth month they offered the hsiang sacrifice, and in the same month that called than;--which concluded the mourning.During the mourning for three years, even though they had occasion to assume the dress proper for the nine months' mourning, they did not go to condole (with the other mourners). From the feudal lords down to all officers, if they had occasion to dress and go to wail (for a relative newly deceased), they did so in the dress proper to the mourning for him. After putting on the lien silk, they paid visits of condolence.

When one was occupied with the nine months' mourning, if the burial had been performed, he might go and condole with another mourner, retiring after he had wailed without waiting for any other part of the mourner's proceedings.During the mourning for one year, if before the burial one went to condole with another in the same district, he withdrew after he had wailed, without waiting for the rest of the proceedings.If condoling during the mourning for nine months, he waited to see the other proceedings, but did not take part in them.During the mourning for five months or three months, he waited to assist at the other proceedings, but did not take part in the (principal) ceremony 11.

When one (was condoling with) another whom he had been accustomed to pass with a hasty step 12, (at the interment of his dead relative), he retired when the bier had passed out from the gate of the temple. If they had been on bowing terms, he retired when they had reached the station for wailing. If they had been in the habit of exchanging inquiries, he retired after the coffin was let down into the grave. If they had attended court together, he went back to the house with the other, and wailed with him. If they were intimate friends, he did not retire till after the sacrifice of Repose, and the placing of the spirit-tablet of the deceased in the shrine.

Condoling friends did not (merely) follow the principal mourner. Those who were forty (or less) held the ropes when the coffin was let down into the grave. Those of the same district who were fifty followed him back to the house and wailed; and those who were forty waited till the grave was filled up.

During mourning, though the food might be bad, the mourner was required to satisfy his hunger with it. If for hunger he had to neglect anything, this was contrary to the rules. If he through satiety forgot his sorrow, that also was contrary to the rules. It was a distress to the wise men (who made the rules) to think that a mourner should not see or hear distinctly; should not walk correctly or be unconscious of his occasion for sorrow; and therefore (they enjoined) that a mourner, when ill, should drink wine and eat flesh; that people of fifty should do nothing to bring on emaciation; that at sixty they should not be emaciated; that at seventy they should drink liquor and eat flesh:--all these rules were intended as preventives against death.

If one, while in mourning, was invited by another to eat with him, he did not go while wearing the nine months' mourning or that of a shorter period; if the burial had taken place, he might go to another party's house. If that other party belonged to his relative circle, and wished him to eat with him, he might do so; if he did not belong to that circle, he did not eat with him.

While wearing the mourning of nine months, one might eat vegetables and fruits, and drink water and congee, using no salt or cream. If he could not eat dry provisions, he might use salt or cream with them.

Confucius said, 'If a man have a sore on his body, he should bathe. If he have a wound on his head, he should wash it. If he be ill, he should drink liquor and eat flesh. A superior man will not emaciate himself so as to be ill. If one die from such emaciation, a superior man will say of him that he has failed in the duty of a son.'

Excepting when following the carriage with the bier to the grave, and returning from it, one was not seen on the road with the mourning cap, which was used instead of the ordinary one.

During the course of mourning, from that worn for five months and more, the mourner did not wash his head or bathe, excepting for the sacrifice of Repose, the placing the spirit-tablet in the shrine, the assuming the dress of lien silk, and the sacrifice at the end of a year.

During mourning rites, when the sackcloth with the edges even was worn, after the burial, if one asked an interview with the mourner, he saw him, but he himself did not ask to see any person. He might do so when wearing the mourning of five months. When wearing that for nine months, he did not carry the introductory present in his hand (when seeking an interview). It was only when wearing the mourning for a parent that the mourner did not avoid seeing any one, (even) while the tears were running from him.

A man while wearing the mourning for three years might execute any orders of government after the sacrifice at the end of a year. One mourning for a year, might do so when the wailing was ended; one mourning for nine months, after the burial; one mourning for five months or three, after the encoffining and dressing.

Zang Shan asked Zang-dze, saying, 'In wailing for a parent, should one do so always in the same voice?' The answer was, 'When a child has lost its mother on the road, is it possible for it to think about the regular and proper voice?'

PART II.

After the wailing was ended, there commenced the avoiding of certain names. (An officer) did not use the name of his (paternal) grandfather or grandmother, of his father's brothers or uncles; of his father's aunts or sisters. Father and son agreed in avoiding all these names. The names avoided by his mother the son avoided in the house. Those avoided by his wife he did not use when at her side. If among them there were names which had been borne by his own paternal great-grandfather or great-grand-uncles, he avoided them (in all places).

When (the time for) capping (a young man) came during the time of the mourning rites, though they were those for a parent, the ceremony might be performed. After being capped in the proper place, the subject went in, wailed and leaped,--three times each bout, and then came out again.

At the end of the nine months' mourning, it was allowable to cap a son or to marry a daughter. A father at the end of the five months' mourning, might cap a son, or marry a daughter, or take a wife (for a son). Although one himself were occupied with the five months' mourning, yet when he had ended the wailing, he might be capped, or take a wife. If it were the five months' mourning for one who had died in the lowest degree of immaturity, he could not do so 13.

Whenever one wore the cap of skin with a sackcloth band (in paying a visit of condolence), his upper garment of mourning had the large sleeves.

When the father was wearing mourning, a son, who lived in the same house with him, kept away from all music. When the mother was wearing it, the son might listen to music, but not play himself. When a wife was wearing it, the son, (her husband), did not play music by her side. When an occasion for the nine months' mourning was about to occur, the lute and cithern were laid aside. If it were only an occasion for the five months' mourning, music was not stopped.

When an aunt or sister died (leaving no son), if her husband (also) were dead, and there were no brother or cousin in his relative circle, some other of her husband's more distant relatives was employed to preside at her mourning rites. None of a wife's relatives, however near, could preside at them. If no distant relative even of her husband could be found, then a neighbour, on the east or the west, was employed. If no such person (suitable) could be found, then the head man of the neighbourhood presided. Some say, 'One (of her relatives) might preside, but her tablet was placed by that of the (proper) relative of her husband.'

The girdle was not used along with the sackcloth band. That band could not be used by one who carried in his hand his jade-token; nor could it be used along with a dress of various colours.

On occasions of prohibitions issued by the state (in connexion with the great sacrifices), the wailing ceased; as to the offerings deposited by the coffin, morning and evening, and the repairing to their proper positions, mourners proceeded as usual 14.

A lad, when wailing, did not sob or quaver; did not leap; did not carry a staff; did not wear the straw sandals; and did not occupy the mourning shed.

Confucius said, 'For grand-aunts the mourning with the edges even is worn, but the feet in leaping are not lifted from the ground. For aunts and sisters the mourning for nine months is worn, but the feet in leaping are lifted from the ground. If a man understands these things, will he not (always) follow, the right forms of ceremonies? Will he not do so?'

When the mother of Î Liû died, his assistants in the rites stood on his left; when Î Liû died, they stood on his right. The practice of the assistants (at funeral rites) giving their aid on the right, originated from the case of Î Liû. 15.

The mouth of the son of Heaven was stuffed after death with nine shells; that of a feudal lord, with seven; that of a Great officer, with five; and that of an ordinary officer, with three 16.

An officer was interred after three months, and the same month the wailing was ended. A Great officer was interred (also) after three months, and after five months the wailing was ended. A prince was interred after five months, and after seven the wailing was ended.For an officer the sacrifice of Repose was offered three times; for a Great officer, five times; and for a feudal prince, seven times.

A feudal lord sent a messenger to offer his condolences; and after that, his contributions for the mouth, the grave-clothes, and the carriage. All these things were transacted on the same day, and in the order thus indicated.

卿大夫疾,君問之無算;士一問之。君於卿大夫,比葬不食肉,比卒哭不舉樂;為士,比殯不舉樂。

When a high minister or Great officer was ill, the ruler inquired about him many times. When an ordinary officer was ill, he inquired about him once. When a Great officer or high minister was buried, the ruler did not eat flesh; when the wailing was finished, he did not have music. When an officer was encoffined, he did not have music.

After they had gone up, and made the bier ready, in the case of the burial of a feudal lord, there were 500 men to draw the ropes. At each of the four ropes they were all gagged. The minister of War superintended the clappers; eight men with these walking on each side of the bier. The chief artizan, carrying a shade of feathers, guided the progress (of the procession). At the burial of a Great officer, after they had gone up and made the bier ready, 300 men drew the ropes; four men with their clappers walked on each side of the bier; and its progress was guided (by the chief artizan) with a reed of white grass in his hand.

Confucius said, 'Kwan Kung had carving on the square vessels for holding the grain of his offerings, and red ornaments for his cap; he set up a screen where he lodged on the way, and had a stand of earth on which the cups he had used, in giving a feast, were replaced; he had hills carved on the capitals of his pillars, and pondweed on the lower pillars supporting the rafters 17. He was a worthy Great officer, but made it difficult for his superiors (to distinguish themselves from him).'An Phing-kung 18, in sacrificing to his father and other progenitors, used only the shoulders of a pig, not large enough to cover the dish. He was a worthy Great officer, but made it difficult for his inferiors (to distinguish themselves from him).'A superior man will not encroach on (the observances of) those above him, nor put difficulties in the way of those below him.'

Excepting on the death of her father or mother, the wife (of a feudal lord) did not cross the boundaries of the state to pay a visit of condolence. On that occasion she did so, and went back to her original home, where she used the ceremonies of condolence proper to a feudal lord, and she was treated as one. When she arrived, she entered by the women's gate, and went up (to the reception hall) by steps at the side (of the principal steps), the ruler receiving her at the top of the steps on the east. The other ceremonies were the same as those of a guest who hastened to attend the funeral rites.

A sister-in-law did not lay the soothing hand on the corpse of her brother-in-law; and vice versâ.

There are three things that occasion sorrow to a superior man (who is devoted to learning):--If there be any subject of which he has not heard, and he cannot get to hear of it; if he hear of it, and cannot get to learn it; if he have learned it, and cannot get to carry it out in practice. There are five things that occasion shame to a superior man (who is engaged in governmental duties):--If he occupy an office, and have not well described its duties; if he describe its duties well, but do not carry them into practice; if he have got his office, and lost it again; if he be charged with the care of a large territory, and the people be not correspondingly numerous; if another, in a charge like his own, have more merit than he.

Confucius said, 'In bad years they used in their carriages their poorest horses, and in their sacrifices the victims lowest (in the classes belonging to them).'

At the mourning rites for Hsü Yû, duke Âi sent Zû Pî to Confucius to learn the rites proper at the mourning for the officer. Those rites were thus committed at that time to writing.

Dze-kung having gone to see the agricultural sacrifice at the end of the year, Confucius said to him, 'Zhze, did it give you pleasure?' The answer was, 'The people of the whole state appeared to be mad; I do not know in what I could find pleasure.' The Master said, 'For their hundred days' labour in the field, (the husbandmen) receive this one day's enjoyment (from the state);--this is what you do not understand. (Even) Wan and Wû could not keep a bow (in good condition), if it were always drawn and never relaxed; nor did they leave it always relaxed and never drawn. To keep it now strung and now unstrung was the way of Wan and Wû.'

Mang Hsien-dze said, 'If in the first month at the (winter) solstice it be allowable to offer the (border) sacrifice to God, in the seventh month, at the summer solstice, we may offer the sacrifice in the temple of the ancestor (of our ruling House).' Accordingly Hsien-dze offered that sacrifice to all the progenitors (of the line of Lû) in the seventh month 19.

The practice of not obtaining from the son of Heaven the confirmation of her dignity for the wife (of the ruler of Lû) began with duke Kâo 20.

The mourning of a ruler and his wife were regulated by the same rules for the ladies of his family married in other states and for those married in his own 21.

When the stables of Confucius were burned, and the friends of his district came (to offer their condolences) on account of the fire, he bowed once to the ordinary officers, and twice to the Greater officers;--according to the rule on occasions of mutual condolence.

Confucius said, 'Kwan Kung selected two men from among (certain) thieves with whom he was dealing, and appointed them to offices in the state, saying, "They were led astray by bad men with whom they had associated, but they are proper men themselves." When he died, duke Hwan made these two wear mourning for him. The practice of old servants of a Great officer wearing mourning for him, thus arose from Kwan Kung. But these two men only mourned for him by the duke's orders.'

When an officer, in a mistake, used a name to his ruler which should be avoided, he rose to his feet. If he were speaking to any one who had the name that should be avoided with the ruler, he called him by the name given to him on his maturity.

(A Great officer) took no part in any seditious movements within his state, and did not try to avoid calamities coming from without.

The treatise on the duties of the Chief Internuncius says, 'The length of the long symbol of rank was for a duke, nine inches; for a marquis or earl, seven; for a count or baron, five. The width in each case was three inches; and the thickness, half an inch. They tapered to the point for one inch and a half. They were all of jade. The mats for them were made with three different colours, (two rows of each,) six in all.'

Duke Âi asked Dze-kâo, 'When did members of your family first begin to be in office?' The answer was, 'My ancestor held a small office under duke Wan 22.'

When a temple was completed, they proceeded to consecrate it with the following ceremony:--The officer of prayer, the cook, and the butcher, all wore the cap of leather of the colour of a sparrow's head, and the dark-coloured dress with the purple border. The butcher rubbed the sheep clean, the officer of prayer blessed it, and the cook with his face to the north took it to the pillar and placed it on the south-east of it. Then the butcher took it in his arms, went up on the roof at the middle point between the east and west, and with his face to the south stabbed it, so that the blood ran down in front; and then he descended. At the gate of the temple, and of each of the two side apartments, they used a fowl, one at the gate of each (going up as before and stabbing them). The hair and feathers about the ears were first pulled out under the roof (before the victims were killed). When the fowls were cut at the gates of the temple, and the apartments on each side of it, officers stood, opposite to each gate on the north. When the thing was over, the officer of prayer announced that it was so, and they all retired, after which he announced it to the ruler, saying, 'The blood-consecration has been performed.' This announcement was made at the door of the back apartment of the temple, inside which the ruler stood in his court-robes, looking towards the south. This concluded the ceremony, and all withdrew 23.When the great apartment (of the palace) was completed, it was inaugurated (by a feast), but there was no shedding of blood. The consecration by blood of the temple building was the method taken to show how intercourse with the spirits was sought. All the more distinguished vessels of the ancestral temple were consecrated, when completed, by the blood of a young boar.

When a feudal lord sent his wife away, she proceeded on her journey to her own state, and was received there with the observances due to a lord's wife. The messenger, accompanying her, then discharged his commission, saying, 'My poor ruler, from his want of ability, was not able to follow her, and take part in the services at your altars and in your ancestral temple. He has, therefore, sent me, so and so, and I venture to inform your officer appointed for the purpose of what he has done.' The officer presiding (on the occasion) replied, 'My poor ruler in his former communication did not lay (her defects) before you, and he does not presume to do anything but respectfully receive your lord's message.' The officers in attendance on the commissioner then set forth the various articles sent with the lady on her marriage, and those on the other side received them.

When the wife went away from her husband, she sent a messenger and took leave of him, saying, 'So and so, through her want of ability, is not able to keep on supplying the vessels of grain for your sacrifices, and has sent me, so and so, to presume to announce this to your attendants.' The principal party (on the other side) replied, 'My son, in his inferiority, does not presume to avoid you punishing him, and dares not but respectfully receive your orders.' The messenger then retired, the principal party bowing to him, and escorting him. If the father-in-law were alive, then he named himself; if he were dead, an elder brother of the husband acted for him, and the message was given as from him; if there were no elder brother, then it ran as from the husband himself. The message, as given above, was, 'The son of me, so and so, in his inferiority.' (At the other end of the transaction), if the lady were an aunt, an elder sister, or a younger, she was mentioned as such.

Confucius said, 'When I was at a meal at Shâo-shih's, I ate to the full. He entertained me courteously, according to the rules. When I was about to offer some in sacrifice, he got up and wished to stop me, saying, "My poor food is not worth being offered in sacrifice." When I was about to take the concluding portions, he got up and wished to stop me, saying, "I would not injure you with my poor provisions 24."'

A bundle of silk (in a marriage treaty) contained five double rolls, each double roll being forty cubits in length.

At the (first) interview of a wife with her father and mother-in-law, (her husband's) unmarried aunts and sisters all stood below the reception hall, with their faces towards the west, the north being the place of honour. After this interview, she visited all the married uncles of her husband, each in his own apartment.Although not engaged to be married, the rule was for a young lady to wear the hair-pin;--she was thus treated with the honours of maturity. The (principal) wife managed the ceremony. When she was unoccupied and at ease, she wore her hair without the pin, on each side of her head.

The apron (of the full robes) was three cubits long, two cubits wide at bottom, and one at the top. The border at the top extended five inches; and that at the sides was of leather othe colour of a sparrow's head, six inches wide, terminating five inches from the bottom. The borders at top and bottom were of white silk, embroidered with the five colours.

Notes

1. That is, the sacrifices regularly presented at the end of the first and second year from the death. The translation here and in the next three paragraphs, if it were from an Aryan or Semitic language, could not be said to be literal; but it correctly represents the ideas of the author.

2. The Khien-lung editors doubt the genuineness of this last sentence. A commissioned officer, they say, and much more a Great officer, occupied his own residence, and had left the family at home; and they fail to see how the condition supposed could have existed.

3. See vol. xxvii, page 341, paragraph 26, which is here repeated.

4. The Khien-lung editors think paragraph 13 is out of place, and would place it farther on, after paragraph 43.

5. Shâo-lien; see Analects XVIII, 8, 3, and 'Narratives of the School,' Article 43.

6. So, Khan Kâo.

7. Such as receiving the condolences of visitors on account of some other occasion of mourning.

8. A Great officer of Lû, about B.C. 500.

9. We do not find anything about this man elsewhere.

10. See vol. xxvii, pp. 122-3, paragraph 5. There is probably something wanting at the beginning of this paragraph.

11. That is, in putting down the offerings to the deceased.

12. This was a mark of respect. Compare Analects IX, 9.

13. This paragraph seems to me, as to many of the Chinese critics, irretrievably corrupt or defective.

14. The punctuation and place of this short paragraph vary. Its integrity is also doubted.

15. A minister of duke Mû of Lû, B.C. 409-377.

16. This was not the practice in the Kâu dynasty.

17. See Confucian Analects III, 22, and V, 17.

18. A minister of Khî, contemporary with Confucius, distinguished for his simple, and perhaps parsimonious, ways.

19. Hsien-dze was the honorary title of Kung-sun Mieh, a good officer of Lû, under dukes Wan, Hsüan, Khang, and Hsiang. He must understand him as speaking of the sacrifices of the state, and not of his own.

20. See Confucian Analects VII, 30. Duke Kâo married a lady of Wû, of the same surname with himself, and therefore had not announced the marriage to the king.

21. There are differences of opinion as to the meaning of this paragraph, between which it is not easy to decide. It would be tedious to go into an exhibition and discussion of them.

22. This paragraph is supposed to be defective. Duke Wan was marquis of Lû from B.C. 626 to 609.

23. This ceremony is also described in the 'Rites of the greater Tâi,' Book X, with some difference in the details. It is difficult, even from the two accounts, to bring the ceremony fully before the mind's eye.

24. See pages 20, 21, paragraph 13.

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