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或言秦燔《詩》、《書》者，燔《詩經》之「書」也，其經不燔焉。 夫《詩經》獨燔其詩。「書」、五經之總名也。《傳》曰：「男子不讀經，則有博戲之心。」子路 使子羔為費宰，孔子曰：「賊夫人之子。」子路曰：「有民人焉，有社稷焉，何必讀書然後為學？」
或說《尚書》二十九篇者，法（曰斗）〔斗〕，〔四〕七宿也。四七二十八篇，其一曰斗矣，故二十九。 夫《尚書》滅絕於秦，其見在者二十九篇，安得法乎？宣帝之時，得佚《尚書》及《易》、《禮》各 一篇，《禮》、《易》篇數亦始足，焉得有法？案百篇之《序》，闕遺者七十一篇，獨為二十九篇立法， 如何？
說《春秋》者曰：「二百四 十二年，人道浹，王道備，善善惡惡，撥亂世，反諸正，莫近於《春秋》。」若此者，人道、王道適具 足也。
孔子作《春秋》，紀魯十二公，猶三軍之有六師也；士眾萬二千，猶年有二 百四十二也。六師萬二千人，足以成軍；十二公二百四十二年，足以立義。說事者好神道恢義，不 肖以遭禍，是故經傳篇數，皆有所法。
凡紀事言年月日者，詳悉重之也。《洪範》五紀，歲、月、日、星。紀事之文，非 法象之言也。紀十二公享國之年，凡有二百四十二，凡此以立三世之說矣。實孔子紀十二公者，以為 十二公事，適足以見王義邪？據三世，三世之數，適得十二公而足也？如據十二公，則二百四十二 年不為三世見也；如據三世，取三八之數，二百四十年而已，何必取「二」？
說者又曰：「欲合隱公之元也。不取二年，隱公元年不載於經。」夫《春秋》自據 三世之數而作，何用隱公元年之事為始？須隱公元年之事為始，是竟以備足為義，據三世之說不復用矣。 （說）〔設〕隱公享國五十年，將盡紀元年以來邪？中斷以備三八之數也？如盡紀元年以來，三八之數 則中斷；如中斷以備三世之數，則隱公之元不合，何如？
說《易》者皆謂伏羲作八卦，文王演為六十四。 夫聖王起，河出《圖》，洛出《書》。伏羲王，《河圖》從河水中出，《易》卦是也。禹 之時，得《洛書》，《書》從洛水中出，《洪範》九章是也。故伏羲以卦治天下，禹案《洪範》以治洪水。
古者烈山氏之王得《河圖》，夏后因之曰《連山》；（烈山）〔歸藏〕氏之王得 《河圖》，殷人因之曰歸藏；伏羲氏之王得《河圖》，周人〔因之〕曰《周易》。其經卦〔皆八〕 ，〔其別〕皆六十四。文王、周公因彖十八章究六爻。
世之傳說《易》者，言伏羲作八卦；不實其本，則謂伏羲真作八卦也。伏羲得八卦，非「作」之；文王得成六十四，非「演」之也。演作之言，生於俗傳。苟信一文，使夫真是幾滅不存。 既不知《易》之為《河圖》，又不知存於俗何家《易》也，或時《連山》、《歸藏》，或時《周 易》。
案《禮》，夏、殷、周三家相損益之制，較著不同。如以周家在後，論今為《周易 》，則《禮》亦宜為《周禮》。六典不與今《禮》相應，今《禮》未必為周，則亦疑今《易》未必為周 也。
說《論》者，皆知說文解語而已，不知《論語》本幾何篇；但〔知〕周以 八寸為尺，不知《論語》所獨一尺之意。 夫《論語》者、弟子共紀孔子之言行，記之時甚多，數十百篇，以八寸為尺，紀之約省，懷持之便也 。以其遺非經，傳文紀識恐忘，故（以但）〔但以〕八寸尺，不二尺四寸也。
漢興失亡。至武帝發取孔子壁中古文，得二十一篇，齊、魯二，河間九篇，三十篇 。至昭帝女讀二十一篇。宣帝下太常博士，時尚稱書難曉，名之曰傳；後更隸寫以傳誦。初，孔子 孫孔安國以教魯人扶卿，官至荊州（剌）〔刺〕史，始曰《論語》。
若孟子之言，《春秋》者、魯《史記》之名，《乘》、《檮杌》同。孔子因舊故之名 ，以號《春秋》之經，未必有奇說異意、深美之據也。今俗儒說之：「春者歲之始，秋者其終也。《 春秋》之經，可以奉始養終，故號為《春秋》。」《春秋》之經，何以異《尚書》？〔說〕《尚 書》者，以為上古帝王之書，或以為上所為下所書，授事相實而為名，不依違作意以見奇。說《尚書 》者得經之實，說《春秋》者失聖之意矣。
唐、虞、夏、殷、周者，土地之名。堯以唐侯嗣位，舜從虞地得達，禹由夏而起， 湯因殷而興，武王階周而伐，皆本所興昌之地，重本不忘始，故以為號，若人之有姓矣。說《尚書》謂 之有天下之代號唐、虞、夏、殷、周者，功德之名，盛隆之意也。
夫聖人才高，未必相知也。聖成事，舜難知佞，使 皋陶陳知人之法。佞難知，聖亦難別。堯之才，猶舜之知也，舜知佞，堯知聖。堯聞舜賢，四嶽舉之， 心知其奇，而未必知其能，故言：「我其試（我）〔哉〕！」試之於職，妻以二女，觀其夫婦之法， 職治脩而不廢，夫道正而不僻。復令（人）〔入〕〔大〕（庶）〔鹿〕之野而觀其聖，逢烈風疾雨， 終不迷惑。堯乃知其聖，授以天下。夫文言觀、試，觀試其才也。
Chapter XXXVI. Statements Corrected (Chêng-shuo).
The researches of the Literati into the Five Canons 1 for the most part miss the truth. The former scholars, unable to distinguish between essential and accidental points, indulged in fanciful inventions, and their successors, relying on the words of old teachers, stuck to the old traditions and walked in the old grooves. Soon well versed in quibbling, they would thoughtlessly uphold the doctrine of one master and follow the teachings of their professor. When the time had come, they quickly took office, and in their eagerness for promotion, they had no time left to devote their faculties to the handling of such problems. Consequently an unbroken chain of false theories has been handed down, and truth has hid her face.
The truth about the Five Canons has been equally obscured, but compared with the Yiking, the statements about the Shuking and the "Spring and Autumn" are still tolerably correct.
This rough theme may serve as an introduction into the minor details of this essay.
Some of the critics of the Shuking are of opinion that originally it consisted of one hundred and two chapters, and that afterwards, when Ch`in burned the books of poetry and history, twenty-nine chapters were preserved. The statement that Ch`in burned the books of poetry and history is correct, but the assertion that originally there were one hundred and two chapters is erroneous.
The Shuking consisted of one hundred chapters first, which were transmitted by Confucius. When, by the advice of Li Sse, Ch`in burned the Five Canons, Fu Shêng2 of Chi-nan3 took the hundred chapters and concealed them in a mountain. 4 Under the reign of the Emperor Hsiao Ching Ti5 the Shuking was saved. Fu Shêng had taken it out from the mountain. Ching Ti sent Ch`ao Ts`o to him. He received from Fu Shêng twenty odd chapters of the Shuking. Fu Shêng died as a very old man. His book was greatly damaged. Ch`ao Ts`o handed it over to Ni K`uan.
During the time of the Emperor Hsiao Hsüan Ti6 a young woman in Ho-nei,7 while opening an old room, discovered a chapter of a preserved Yiking, Liki, and Shuking. The books were presented to the emperor, who communicated them to the principal men of learning. Subsequently the Yiking, the Liki, and the Shuking had each one chapter added. It was then that the number of the chapters of the Shuking was brought up to twenty-nine.
When Hsiao Ching Ti had ascended the throne, 8 Prince Kung of Lu,9 while demolishing the school of Confucius for the purpose of building a palace there, found a copy of the Shuking in one hundred chapters in the wall. 10 The Emperor Wu Ti sent messengers to fetch the books for him to see, but there was nobody who could read them, whereupon he stored them away in the palace, so that no one outside could see them.
Under the Emperor Hsiao Ch`êng Ti11 the study of the Shuking in ancient characters received a new impetus. Chang Pa of Tung-hai12 concocted a Shuking of one hundred and two chapters, following the order of the hundred chapters, and presented it to the emperor. The emperor produced the concealed hundred chapters for comparison, but it was found out that they did not agree at all. Upon this the emperor handed Chang Pa over to the court. The judges declared that his crime deserved death, but the emperor, who had a very high opinion of his talents, did not put him to death, nor did he destroy his writings, for which he had a certain weakness. Thus the one hundred and two chapters were handed down to posterity, and people who saw them imagined that the Shuking had one hundred and two chapters first.
Some hold that, when Ch`in Shih Huang Ti burned the "poetry (and the) books," 13 he burned the Book of Poetry, but not the Canons. Thus the Shiking would alone have been committed to the flames. However, the term "poetry and the books" is a general designation of the Five Canons.
There is a common saying to the effect that a lad who does not read the Canons is bent on plays and amusements. "Tse Lu got Tse Kao14 appointed governor of Pi.15 The Master said, `You are injuring a man's son.'---Tse Lu replied, "There are the people, and there are the spirits of the land and grain. Why must one read books, before he can be considered to have learned?" 16
A general term for the Five Canons is "the books." Those who have recorded the burning of the books by Ch`in do not know the reason for this measure, therefore they do not understand its meaning. 17
In the 24th year of Ch`in Shih Huang Ti's reign, 18 a banquet was given in the Hsien-yang palace. Seventy great scholars wished the emperor long life, and the Pu-yeh19Chou Ch`ing Ch`ên made a eulogistic speech. When the emperor had gathered all the people around him, Shun Yü Yüeh remonstrated with him. He was of opinion that, because the emperor did not grant fiefs to the sons of the nobility, a catastrophe like that of T`ien Chang20 and the six ministers 21 was unavoidable. Besides he stigmatised Chou Ch`ing Ch`ên's panegyric as a flattery of the emperor.
Ch`in Shih Huang Ti handed over his memorial to the premier. The premier, Li Sse, regarded the remarks of Shun Yü Yüeh as quite unfit to be taken into consideration. For this reason he denounced the speeches of the literati as inveigling the black haired people. Then the officials were ordered to completely destroy the Five Canons by fire. Those who dared to conceal books or writings of the hundred authors 22 should be severely dealt with. Only members of the academy were allowed to keep books. Thus the Five Canons were all burned, and not merely the books of the various schools of thought. In this the writers on this epoch believe. Seeing that poetry and "books" are mentioned we can only say that the Canons are here termed "books."
Some writers on the Shuking are aware of the fact that it was burned by Ch`in, but urge that twenty-nine chapters were saved and left unscathed. If this was the case, then were the twenty-nine chapters of the Shuking left by the fire, and did the seventy-one chapters become coal and ashes, whereas the twenty-nine remained?
When Fu Shêng was old, Ch`ao T`so studied under him and just, when he had received twenty odd chapters, Fu Shêng died. Therefore these twenty-nine chapters alone came forth, and the seventy-one had been saved. Seventy-one chapters had been saved, and they conversely state that twenty-nine chapters were saved.
Some say that the twenty-nine chapters of the Shuking are an imitation of the Dipper and seven zodiacal constellations. 23 Four times seven gives twenty-eight chapters, and the one is the Dipper, so that there would be the number of twenty-nine. However, when the Shuking was destroyed in Ch`in, only twenty-nine chapters remained, how could there be any imitation? During the reign of the emperor Hsüan Ti one chapter was found of the lost Shuking, the Yiking, and the Liki each. The number of the chapters of the Yiking and the Liki became complete then. How could any imitation find its way? Out of the series of the hundred chapters of the Shuking, seventy-one were missing, and no more than twenty-nine still extant. How should the imitation have taken place then?
Others hold that Confucius selected twenty-nine chapters, and that these alone were up to the standard. Only common scholars can speak so, and it does not show much wisdom in the writers on these subjects. The twenty-nine chapters were a fragment and incomplete, and just on account of this difficiency the writers conceived the idea of the imitation. They misunderstand the sage, and their opinion disagrees with the facts now and formerly.
The chapters of a Classic correspond to the periods and clauses. Periods and clauses still consist of words. Words giving a sense form a clause, and a certain number of clauses is combined into a period. A complex of periods gives a chapter. A chapter therefore is a combination of periods and clauses. If one maintains that the chapters imitate something, then he must admit that periods and clauses have their prototype likewise.
In ancient times the Shiking also consisted of several thousand chapters. Confucius expunged a great many and made a revised edition, retaining but three hundred chapters. They are like the twenty-nine chapters of the Shuking. Provided that the letter had their model, the three hundred and five chapters must have had theirs likewise.
Some one might suggest that the Ch`un Ch`iu is a reproduction of the twelve months. The twelve dukes of the Ch`un Ch`iu24 are like the hundred chapters of the Shuking. Since these chapters are not modelled after anything, the twelve dukes cannot be such an imitation either.
Discussing the "Spring and Autumn," people have put forward the following theory. During the two hundred and forty-two years of the "Spring and Autumn" period, the people had excellent principles, and those of the emperor were perfect. The good were liked, and the wicked detested. Revolutionists were led back to the right path. Nothing could be like the "Spring and Autumn" period in this respect. Thus the principles of the people and of the emperor just happened to be perfect.
Three armies forming six divisions, of 12,000 men, suffice to crush an enemy, to defeat brigands, and to put a stop to their attacks on the empire, but it is not necessary that they should be an imitation of any standard.
When Confucius composed the "Spring and Autumn," the chronicle of the twelve dukes of Lu, it was like the three armies forming six divisions. The number of soldiers, 12,000 in all, would correspond to the two-hundred and forty-two years. Six divisions consisting of 12,000 soldiers would suffice to form an army, and twelve dukes comprising two hundred and forty-two years would be sufficient to establish a moral system. But those who concern themselves with these questions, are very partial to extravagant theories and imposing doctrines. In their opinion, the reckless meet with misfortune, therefore the number of the chapters of the classical writings has always a certain sense.
Let us get to the bottom of the thing, and see what these writings are meant to be, and I am sure that our ideas will represent the view of the venerable men who wrote those books and poetries. The sages are the authors of the Canons, the worthies of the Classics. Having exhausted a theme and said all they could about it, they made a chapter of it. The subjects were cognate, and the various paragraphs homogeneous. In case the subjects were heterogeneous, and the diction not uniform, they formed a new chapter. The sense being different, the words differed too. Thus, when a new theme was treated, another chapter had to be commenced. All depended on the subject, how could the number of stars be imitated?
Concerning the two hundred and forty-two years of the "Spring and Autumn" there are some who say that the longest life lasts ninety years, a medium long one eighty, and the shortest long life seventy years. Confucius took three generations of a medium long life for his work. Three times eight gives twenty-four, ergo there are two hundred and forty years. Others urge that this is the mean number of the days of pregnancy. 25 Others again contend that during two hundred and forty-two years the ways of the people were excellent, and those of the emperors perfect.
Now, if we accept the three generation theory, the statement about the excellent conduct must be wrong, and, if we declare the latter view to be correct, then we must dismiss the theory about the three generations as erroneous, for both are contradictory. How could we be sure to be in accordance with the views of the sage, if we decide in favour of either of these opinions?
The addition of years, months, and days to a record will always increase its accuracy. The Five Timekeepers of the Hung-fan,26 the years, months, days, and stars serve to describe events, but have no reference to any outwards signs. It is on record that the years during which the twelve dukes enjoyed the possession of their State were two hundred and forty-two altogether. These, at all events, have given rise to the three generation theory. As a matter of fact, Confucius in writing the history of the twelve dukes, either was of opinion that the events which happened under their reigns were sufficient to illustrate the principles of a sovereign, or he took three generations, and these three generations just happened to embrace the time of the twelve dukes. If he took the twelve dukes, then the two hundred and forty-two years were not regarded as three generations, and if he took three generations, so that eight were multiplied by three, this would give two hundred and forty, why then did he add two?
I shall receive the answer that he wished to include the first year of Duke Yin, and did not add two years. Had these two years not been included, the first year of Duke Yin would have been omitted in the Classic. Provided that in the composition of the Ch`un-ch`iu the time for three generations was chosen on purpose, wherefore was it necessary to begin the narration from the events which happened during the first year of Duke Yin's reign? If, conversely, these events were required for the beginning, then only completeness was aimed at, and it would be no use speaking of three generations. They say that Duke Yin reigned fifty years. 27 Now, should a complete record be given from the first year, or should it be cut in two to have the number of three times eight? If a complete record from the first year was given, the number of three times eight did cut it in two, and, if it was cut in two with the object of obtaining the full number of years for three generations, then the first years of Duke Yin were superfluous.
Furthermore, a year differs in length from months and days, but the events, which they embrace, have all the same purport. Since the two hundred and forty-two years are believed to represent three generations, the days and months of these two hundred and forty-two years ought to have a fixed number likewise. The years represent three generations, but how many months and days are there, and what do they represent? The years of the "Spring and Autumn" are like the paragraphs of the Shuking. A paragraph serves to bring out a meaning, and a year to chronicle events. He who holds that the years of the Ch`un-ch`iu have a prototype, must admit that the paragraphs of the Shuking have a prototype also.
Writers on the Yiking all state that Fu Hsi made the Eight Diagrams, and that Wên Wang increased them to sixty-four. Now, because a wise emperor rose, the Yellow River produced the Plan and the Lo the Scroll. When Fu Hsi was emperor, the Plan of the River put forward the diagrams of the Yiking from the water of the River, and during Yü's time the Scroll of the Lo was obtained. It emerged from the Lo, putting forward the nine paragraphs of the "Flood Regulation." 28 Thus by means of the diagrams Fu Hsi governed the empire, and Yü put the "Flood Regulation" into practice to regulate the great flood.
Of old, when Lieh Shan29 was on the throne, he obtained the Plan of the River. The Hsia dynasty took it over and called it Lien-shan. The Plan of the River obtained by the Emperor Lieh Shan also went over to the Yin dynasty, which styled it Kuei-tsang. Fu Hsi came into possession of the plan during his reign, and the people of Chou denoted it as Chou-Yi.30 The diagrams of this Classic were sixty-four in all. Wên Wang and Chou Kung made a summary of them in eighteen paragraphs and explained the six lines. 31
The current tradition on the Yiking is that Fu Hsi made the eight diagrams. Only he who keeps on the surface, can say that Fu Hsi really composed the eight diagrams. Fu Hsi obtained the eight diagrams, but did not make them, and Wên Wang received the sixty-four quite complete, and did not increase them. These words: to make and to increase, have their origin in the common tradition. People lightly believe in this statement, and consider it as true, whereas the truth is nearly forgotten. Not knowing that the Yiking is the Plan of the River,32 they are not aware either to which dynasty the different Yikings, still extant, belong. Sometimes it is the Lien-shan or the Kuei-tsang Yiking, and sometimes the Yiking of the Chou dynasty.
The amplifications and abridgements which the Books of Rites underwent under the Hsia, Yin, and Chou dynasties vary very much. If, because the Chou dynasty is the last of the three, our present Yiking is regarded as that of the Chou dynasty, then the Liki ought to be from the Chou time also. But, since the "Six Institutions" do not tally with the present Liki, the latter cannot be that of the Chou dynasty. Thus it becomes doubtful too, whether our Yiking dates from the Chou epoch.
Since Tso Ch`iu Ming,33 who in his commentary quotes the authors of the Chou dynasty, uses diagrams which agree with our modern Yiking, it is most likely the Yiking of the Chou period. The writers on the Liki all know that the Liki is the Liki, but to which dynasty does it belong?
Confucius says, 34 "The Yin dynasty continued the Rites of the Hsia; wherein it amplified or abridged them, may be known. The Chou dynasty has continued the Rites of the Yin; wherein it amplified or abridged them, may be known." Accordingly the Hsia as well as the Yin and Chou all had their own Liki. Now is our own the Chou Liki or that of the Hsia or Yin dynasties?
If they hold that it is the Chou Liki, one must object that the Rites of the Chou had the Six Institutions, 35 whereas our Liking does not contain them. Perhaps at that time the Yin Liki was not yet extinct, and the Liki with the Six Institutions was not handed down. Consequently ours has been regarded as the Chou Li. The Official System of the Chou36 does not agree with the present Liki, it must be the Chou Liki with the Six Institutions therefore, but it is not being handed down, just as the Shuking, the Ch`un-ch`iu, and the Tso-chuan in ancient characters are not much in vogue.
Those who treat of the Analects merely know how to discourse on the text, and to explain the meaning, but they do not know the original number of the books of the Analects. During the Chou time eight inches were reckoned to one foot. 37 They do not know for what reason the size of the Analects was only one foot. The Analects are notes on the sayings and doings of Confucius, made by his disciples. It happened very often that he corrected them. Many tens of hundreds of books thus originated. For writing them down the size of one foot of eight inches was chosen, as it was more economical, and the books could be kept in the bosom more conveniently. Because the sayings left by the sage were not to be found in the Classics, the pupils were afraid lest they should forget them, when recording from memory, therefore they only used books of one foot like eight inches, and not of two feet four inches.
At the accession of the Han dynasty the Analects had been lost. When under Wu Ti's reign the wall of the house of Confucius was pierced, 38 twenty-one books in ancient characters were brought to light. Between the two rivers of Ch`i and Lu39 nine books were discovered, which makes thirty together. The daughter of the Emperor Chao Ti40 read twenty-one books. When the Emperor Hsüan Ti41 sent them down to the scholars of the court of sacrificial worship, they still declared that the work was hard to understand, and called it a record. Afterwards it was transcribed in Li characters 42 to give it a wider publicity. First the grandson of Confucius, K`ung An Kuo, explained it to Fu Ching, a native of Lu. When the latter became governor of Ching-chou,43 he first called it Analects.44 Now we speak of the twenty books of the Analects.45
The nine books found between the rivers of Ch`i and Lu have again been lost. Originally there were thirty, but by the transmission of separate books, some have disappeared. Those twenty-one books may be too many or too few, and the interpretation of the text may be correct or erroneous, the critics of the Lun-yü do not care, they only know how to ask knotty questions concerning the explanation of ambiguous passages, or find difficulties in all sorts of minutiae. They do not ask about the origin of the work, which has been preserved, or the number of its books or its chapters. Only those well versed in antique lore, who also understand the present time should become teachers, why do we now call teachers men who know nothing about antiquity?
Mencius said, "The traces of the old emperors were obliterated, and the Odes forgotten, when the Ch`un-ch`iu was composed. The Ch`êng of Chin and the T`ao-wu of Ch`u correspond to the Ch`unch`iu of Lu." 46
As Mencius states, Ch`un-ch`iu was the name of the history of Lu like the Ch`êng and the T`ao-wu.47Confucius preserved the old name and styled it the Ch`un-ch`iu Classic. This is by no means a queer expression, nor has it any other sense or any deep and excellent meaning. The ordinary scholars of the present day contend with reference to the Ch`un-ch`iu, that Ch`un (Spring) is the beginning and ch`iu (Autumn) the end of the year. The Ch`un-ch`iu Classic can feed the young and afford nourishment to the old, whence the designation Ch`un-ch`iu (Spring and Autumn). But wherein does the Ch`un-ch`iu differ from the Shuking? The Shuking is regarded as the book of the emperors of remotest antiquity, or people think that it contains the deeds of the ancients, which were written down by their successors. At all events, the facts and the mode of transmission are both in accordance with truth, and so is the name. People were not at a loss what to say, and then concocted a meaning, so that the expression seemed strange. Those dealing with the Shuking speak the truth about it, whereas those concerned with the Ch`un-ch`iu, have missed the meaning of the Sage.
We read in the commentary of the Ch`un-ch`iu, the Tso-chuan, that during the seventeenth year of Duke Huan's reign, 48 in winter, in the tenth month, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed. 49 The day is not mentioned, because the responsible officer had lost it.
The idea that the official had lost the day is correct, 50 I dare say. The historiographer had to record the events, as in our times the district magistrates keep their books. Years and months are long and difficult to be lost, days are short and may easily be forgotten. Good and bad actions are recorded for the sake of truth, and no importance is attached to days and months.
In the commentaries of Kung Yang and Ku Liang51 days and months are not mentioned at all. That is on purpose. To omit usual things and use queer expressions, and to give an ambiguous meaning to straightforward words would not be to Confucius' mind. In reality Ch`un-ch`iu (Spring and Autumn) refers to the Summer also. That it is not mentioned is like the omission of days and months.
T`ang, Yü, Hsia, Yin, and Chou are territorial names. Yao ascended the throne as marquis of T`ang.52Shun rose to power from the Yü territory. 53Yü came from Hsia54 and T`ang55 from Yin,56 when they began their brilliant careers. Wu Wang relied on Chou57 to fight his battles. They all regarded the country, from which they had taken their origin, as their basis. Out of regard for their native land, which they never forgot, they used its name as their style, just as people have their surnames. The critics on the Shuking, however, assert that the dynastic names of the ruling emperors, such as T`ang, Yü, Hsia, Yin, and Chou, are expressive of their virtue and glory, and descriptive of their grandeur.
T`ang means majesty, they say, Yü joy, Hsia greatness, Yin to flourish, and Chou to reach. Yao's majesty was such, that the people had no adequate name for it, Shun was the joy and the bliss of the world, Yü got the heritage of the two emperors, and once more established the majesty of the moral laws, so that the people had no adequate name for him. Under T`ang of the Yin morality flourished, and the glory and virtue of Wu Wang of Chou reached everywhere. The scholars have found very nice meanings, indeed, and bestowed great praise on these five reigning houses, but they are in opposition to the real truth, and have misconceived the primary idea. The houses of T`ang, Yü, Hsia, Yin and Chou bear their names just as the Ch`in and Han do theirs. The Ch`in rose from Ch`in,58 and the Han started from Han-chung.59 Therefore they still kept the names of Ch`in and Han. Similarly Wang Mang seized the supreme power as a marquis of Hsin-tu,60 and for this reason was called doomed Hsin. Had the Ch`in and the Han flourished anterior to the classical writings, the critics would surely have explained the words Ch`in and Han as meaning morality and virtue.
When Yao was old and wished to yield the throne, the Chief of the Four Mountains 61 recommended Shun. Yao said, "I will try him." 62 The commentators of the Shuking maintain that this signifies, "I will use him, namely:---I will use him and make him emperor." To make him emperor, is to be understood.
The text goes on, "I will wive him, and then observe his behaviour with my two daughters." To observe means nothing more than that Shun is to show himself to the world, they say, it does not imply that Yao himself is going to observe him. Two such extraordinary men like Yao and Shun, who are regarded as sages, must have known one another at first sight. There was no need for any trial or observation. The flashes of their genius meeting, they felt an unlimited confidence in each other.
We read further on:---"The four quarters of the empire were all submissive. Being sent to the great plains at the foot of the mountains, amid violent wind, thunder and rain, he did not go astray." 63
Ta li64 (the great plains at the foot of the mountains) is the office of the three prime ministers, they say. Filling the post of one minister, Shun had to act as registrar-general, the duties of the two other ministers were manifold, but in all he was equally successful like violent wind and powerful rain-showers.
Now, inspite of their great ability sages do not always know each other, although they be sages in fact. Shun found it difficult to know the cunning, wherefore he employed Kao Yao65 , who showed a great knowledge of men. Cunning people are hard to know, and sages are difficult to find out. Yao's genius was like Shun's knowledge; Shun knew cunning people, and Yao knew sages. When Yao had heard of Shun's virtue, and that he was recommended by the Chief of the Four Mountains, he knew that he was an extraordinary man, but he was not yet sure of his ability. Therefore he said, "I will try him," and he tried him in an office and gave him his two daughters in marriage to see, how he would behave as husband. He filled his posts irreproachably, nor did he deviate from the right path of matrimony. Then Yao again bade all the people go into the country and observe his sagehood. Shun braved storm and rain-showers, and did not go astray. Then Yao knew that he was a sage and entrusted him with the empire. If the text speaks of observing and trying, it means to observe and to try his ability.
The commentators regard this expression as figurative and by adding to and embellishing the text they distort everything, and do not preserve the true sense. Their misinterpretations quite spoil the meaning. Thus the wrong explanations are transmitted to posterity uninterruptedly, and fanciful comments obscure the truth ever since.
Intelligent persons wishing to understand the Canons do not go back to the original meanings, and even if they do, they still compare the old commentaries, and adopt the old explanations, which have been several times repeated, and look upon them as proofs. What has been handed down about the Canons cannot be relied upon, for the erroneous statements about the Five Canons are very numerous. The facts and the texts of the Shuking and the Ch`un-ch`iu are comparably plain and intelligible, therefore my remarks apply especially to them.
1. The Five King or ancient Classics: Yiking, Shiking, Shuking, Liki, and Ch`un-ch`iu.
2. A scholar of great learning.
3. The capital of Shantung.
4. The Shi-chi chap. 121, p. 8 says "in a wall."
5. 156-141 b.c.
6. 73-49 b.c.
7. A city in Huai-ch`ing-fu (Honan).
8. In 156 b.c.
9. A son of the Emperor Ching Ti, who in 154 b.c. was made Prince of Lu.
10. In addition to these hundred chapters of the Shuking, a Li(ki) in 300 chapters, a Ch`un-ch`iu in 300 chapters and a Lun-yü in 21 chapters were brought to light. Cf. Lun-hêng XX, 4v. (Yi-wên).
11. 32-7 b.c.
12. A place in Huai-an-fu (Kiangsu).
14. Tse Lu and Tse Kao were both disciples of Confucius.
15. A place in Shantung.
16. Analects XI, 24.
17. On the burning of the books cf. p. 490.
18. This is a misprint. It was the 34th year (213 b.c.). See the Shi-chi chap. 6, p. 21v. and p. 490.
19. An official title under the Ch`in and Han dynasties.
20. A noble of the State of Ch`i, who in 481 b.c. put to death the reigning sovereign Duke Chien, and usurped the government of the State with the title of chief minister.
21. The chiefs of the six powerful families in Chin who struggled for supremacy. Three of these families were destroyed during these struggles, the remaining three: Chao, Han and Wei in 403 b.c. divided the Chin State among them.
22. Writers on philosophy and science.
23. There are 28 stellar mansions in all, 7 for each quadrant.
24. The twelve dukes of Lu, whose history is given in the Ch`un-ch`iu.
25. This translation is a mere guess. might mean "rule for the newborn." According to Chinese ideas pregnancy lasts 7-9 months or 210-270 days, whereas we reckon 182-300 days. The mean number would be 240 or 241 days. The dictionaries do not explain the expression.
26. These Five Timekeepers of the Hung-fan chapter are: the year, the month, the day, the stars, and the dates of the calendar. Shuking, Hung-fan, Pt. V, Bk. IV, 8 (Legge Vol. III, Pt. II, p. 327).
27. This would seem a misprint. Duke Yin of Lu reigned from 721-711 b.c.i. e. 10 years, not 50.
28. The chapter of the Shuking entitled "Hung-fan."
29. The Emperor Shên Nung.
30. The Yiking of the Chou Dynasty, the only one which has come down to us.
31. We learn from the Ti-wang-shih-chi (3d cent. a.d.) that Fu Hsi made the eight diagrams, and that Shên Nung increased them to sixty-four. Huang Ti, Yao, and Shun took them over, expanded them, and distinguished two Yikings. The Hsia dynasty adopted that of Shên Nung, and called it Lien-shan, the Yin dynasty took the version of Huang Ti, and called it Kuei-tsang. Wên Wang expanded the sixty-four diagrams, composed the six broken and unbroken lines of which they were formed, and called it Chou Yi.Others think that Lien-shan is another name of Fu Hsi, and Kuei-tsang a designation of Huang Ti.
32. The tradition about the Plan of the River and the Scroll of the Lo is very old. We find traces of it in the Yiking, the Liki, the Shuking, and the Analects. Cf. Legge's translation of the Yiking, p. 14.
33. The author of the Tso-chuan.
34. Analects II, 23, 2.
35. The Six Institutions or departments of the Chou: administration, instruction, rites, police, jurisdiction, and public welfare. Cf. Chou-li, Bk. II, T`ien-kuan. (Biot's translation, Vol. I, p. 20.)
36. Now known as the Chou-li.
37. Under the Hsia dynasty the foot had ten inches, under the Yin nine, under the Chou eight. Now it has ten inches again The foot of the Chou time measured but about 20 cm., whereas the modern foot is equal to 35 cm.
38. By Prince Kung. Vid. above p. 448.
39. It is not plain which rivers are meant. They must have been at the frontier of the two conterminous States. There was the Chi River, which in Ch`i was called the Chi of Ch`i, and in Lu the Chi of Lu.
40. 86-74 b.c.
41. 73-49 b.c.
42. The massive Li characters were invented during the Han time and form the link between the ancient seal characters and the modern form of script.
43. A place in Hupei province.
44. Analects = Lun-yü.
45. Our text of the Lun-yü consists of twenty books. In the Han time there were two editions of the Classic, one of Lu in twenty books and one of Ch`i in twenty-two.
46. Mencius Bk. IV, Pt. II, chap. 21.
47. The meaning of the names of these old chronicles, Ch`êng and T`ao-wu, is as obscure as that of the Ch`un-ch`iu.
48. 710-693 b.c.
49. Ch`un-ch`iu II, 17, 8.
50. I. e. the day of the sexagenary cycle, for the day of the month is mentioned.
51. Two other commentaries to the Ch`un-ch`iu, less important than the Tso-chuan.
52. T`ang was situated in Pao-ting-fu (Chili).
53. In Shansi.
54. In K`ai-fêng-fu (Honan).
55. Ch`êng T`ang, the founder of the Yin (Shang) dynasty.
56. A principality in Honan.
57. The kingdom of Chou in Shensi.
58. The kingdom of Ch`in in Shensi.
59. In Shensi.
60. Principality in Nan-yang-fu (Honan).
61. The president of all the nobles of the empire.
62. Shuking Yao-tien, Pt. I, Bk. III, 12 (Legge Vol. III, Pt. I, p. 26).
63. Shuking Shun-tien, Pt. II, Bk. I, 2 (Legge Vol. III, Pt. I, p. 31).
65. Minister of Crime under Shun.
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