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非 鞅 第 七
大 夫 曰 ： 「 昔 商 君 相 秦 也 ， 內 立 法 度 ， 嚴 刑 罰 ， 飭 政 教 ， 姦 偽 無 所 容 。 外 設 百 倍 之 利 ， 收 山 澤 之 稅 ， 國 富 民 強 ， 器 械 完 飾 ， 蓄 積 有 餘 。
是 以 征 敵 伐 國 ， 攘 地 斥 境， 不 賦 百 姓 而 師 以 贍 。 故 利 用 不 竭 而 民 不 知 ， 地 盡 西 河 而 民 不 苦 。
鹽 、 鐵 之 利 ， 所 以 佐 百 姓 之 急 ， 足 軍 旅 之 費， 務 蓄 積 以 備 乏 絕 ， 所 給 甚 眾 ， 有 益 於 國 ， 無 害 於 人 。百 姓 何 苦 爾 ， 而 文 學 何 憂 也 ？ 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 蓋 文 帝 之 時 ， 無 鹽 、 鐵 之 利 而 民 富 ；今 有 之 而 百 姓 困 乏 ， 未 見 利 之 所 利 也 ， 而 見 其 害 也 。 且 利 不 從 天 來 ， 不 從 地 出 ， 一 取 之 民 間 ， 謂 之 百 倍 ， 此 計 之 失 者 也 。 無 異 於 愚 人 反 裘 而 負 薪 ， 愛 其 毛 ， 不 知 其 皮 盡 也 。
夫 李 梅 實 多 者 ， 來 年 為 之 衰 ； 新 穀 熟 而 舊 穀 為 之 虧 。 自 天 地 不 能 兩 盈 ， 而 況 於 人 事 乎 ？ 故 利 於 彼 者 必 耗 於 此 ， 猶 陰 陽 之 不 並 曜 ， 晝 夜 之 有 長 短 也 。
商 鞅 峭 法 長 利 ， 秦 人 不 聊 生 ， 相 與 哭 孝 公 。 吳 起 長 兵 攻 取 ， 楚 人 搔 動 ， 相 與 泣 悼 王 。 其 後 楚 日 以 危 ， 秦 日 以 弱 。 故 利 蓄 而怨 積 ， 地 廣 而 禍 搆 ， 惡 在 利 用 不 竭 而 民 不 知 ， 地 盡 西 河 而 人 不 苦 也 ？
今 商 鞅 之 冊 任 於 內 ， 吳 起 之 兵 用 於 外 ， 行 者 勤 於 路 ， 居 者 匱 於 室 ， 老 母 號 泣 ， 怨 女 歎 息 ； 文 學 雖 欲 無 憂 ， 其 可 得 也 ？ 」
大 夫 曰 ： 「 秦 任 商 君 ， 國 以 富 強 ， 其 後 卒 并 六 國 而 成 帝 業 。 及 二 世 之 時 ， 邪 臣 擅 斷 ， 公 道 不 行 ， 諸 侯 叛 弛 ， 宗 廟 隳 亡 。 春 秋 曰 ： 『 末 言 爾 ， 祭 仲 亡 也 。 』 夫 善 歌 者 使 人 續 其 聲 ， 善 作 者 使 人 紹 其 功 。 椎 車 之 蟬 攫 ， 負 子 之 教 也 。 周 道 之 成 ， 周 公 之 力 也 。 雖 有 裨 諶 之 草 創 ，無 子 產 之 潤 色 ， 有 文 、 武 之 規 矩 ， 而 無 周 、 呂 之 鑿 枘 ，則 功 業 不 成 。 今 以 趙 高 之 亡 秦 而 非 商 鞅 ， 猶 以 崇 虎 亂 殷 而 非 伊 尹 也 。 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 善 鑿 者 建 周 而 不 拔 ， 善 基 者 致 高 而 不 蹶 。 伊 尹 以 堯 、 舜 之 道 為 殷 國 基 ， 子 孫 紹 位 ， 百 代 不 絕。 商 鞅 以 重 刑 峭 法 為 秦 國 基 ， 故 二 世 而 奪 。 刑 既 嚴 峻 矣， 又 作 為 相 坐 之 法 ， 造 誹 謗 ， 增 肉 刑 ， 百 姓 齋 栗 ， 不 知 所 措 手 足 也 。 賦 斂 既 煩 數 矣 ， 又 外 禁 山 澤 之 原 ， 內 設 百 倍 之 利 ， 民 無 所 開 說 容 言 。 崇 利 而 簡 義 ， 高 力 而 尚 功 ，非 不 廣 壤 進 地 也 ， 然 猶 人 之 病 水 ， 益 水 而 疾 深 ， 知 其 為 秦 開 帝 業 ， 不 知 其 為 秦 致 亡 道 也 。 狐 刺 之 鑿 ， 雖 公 輸 子 不 能 善 其 枘 。 畚 土 之 基 ， 雖 良 匠 不 能 成 其 高 。 譬 若 秋 蓬 被 霜 ， 遭 風 則 零 落 ， 雖 有 十 子 產 ， 如 之 何 ？ 故 扁 鵲 不 能 肉 白 骨 ， 微 、 箕 不 能 存 亡 國 也 。 」
大 夫 曰 ： 「 言 之 非 難 ， 行 之 為 難 。 故 賢 者 處 實 而 效 功 ， 亦 非 徒 陳 空 文 而 已 。 昔 商 君 明 於 開 塞 之 術 ， 假 當 世 之 權 ， 為 秦 致 利 成 業 ， 是 以 戰 勝 攻 取 ， 并 近 滅 遠 ， 乘燕 、 趙 ， 陵 齊 、 楚 ， 諸 侯 斂 衽 ， 西 面 而 向 風 。 其 後 ， 蒙 恬 征 胡 ， 斥 地 千 里 ， 踰 之 河 北 ， 若 壞 朽 折 腐 。 何 者 ？ 商 君 之 遺 謀 ， 備 飭 素 脩 也 。 故 舉 而 有 利 ， 動 而 有 功 。 夫 畜 積 籌 策 ， 國 家 之 所 以 強 也 。 故 弛 廢 而 歸 之 民 ， 未 睹 巨 計 而 涉 大 道 也 。 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 商 鞅 之 開 塞 ， 非 不 行 也 ； 蒙 恬 卻 胡 千里 ， 非 無 功 也 ； 威 震 天 下 ， 非 不 強 也 ； 諸 侯 隨 風 西 面 ，非 不 從 也 ； 然 而 皆 秦 之 所 以 亡 也 。 商 鞅 以 權 數 危 秦 國 ，蒙 恬 以 得 千 里 亡 秦 社 稷 ： 此 二 子 者 ， 知 利 而 不 知 害 ， 知 進 而 不 知 退 ， 故 果 身 死 而 眾 敗 。 此 所 謂 戀 朐 之 智 ， 而 愚人 之 計 也 ， 夫 何 大 道 之 有 ？ 故 曰 ： 『 小 人 先 合 而 後 忤 ，初 雖 乘 馬 ， 卒 必 泣 血 。 』 此 之 謂 也 。 」
大 夫 曰 ： 「 淑 好 之 人 ， 戚 施 之 所 妒 也 ； 賢 知 之 士， 翕 茸 之 所 惡 也 。 是 以 上 官 大 夫 短 屈 原 於 頃 襄 ， 公 伯 寮 愬 子 路 於 季 孫 。
夫 商 君 起 布 衣 ， 自 魏 入 秦 ， 期 年 而 相 之， 革 法 明 教 ， 而 秦 人 大 治 。 故 兵 動 而 地 割 ， 兵 休 而 國 富。 孝 公 大 說 ， 封 之 於 、 商 之 地 方 五 百 里 ， 功 如 丘 山 ， 名 傳 後 世 。 世 人 不 能 為 ， 是 以 相 與 嫉 其 能 而 疵 其 功 也 。 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 君 子 進 必 以 道 ， 退 不 失 義 ， 高 而 勿 矜， 勞 而 不 伐 ， 位 尊 而 行 恭 ， 功 大 而 理 順 ； 故 俗 不 疾 其 能， 而 世 不 妒 其 業 。
今 商 鞅 棄 道 而 用 權 ， 廢 德 而 任 力 ， 峭 法 盛 刑 ， 以 虐 戾 為 俗 ， 欺 舊 交 以 為 功 ， 刑 公 族 以 立 威 ，無 恩 於 百 姓 ， 無 信 於 諸 侯 ， 人 與 之 為 怨 ， 家 與 之 為 讎 ，雖 以 獲 功 見 封 ， 猶 食 毒 肉 愉 飽 而 罹 其 咎 也 。
蘇 秦 合 縱 連 橫 ， 統 理 六 國 ， 業 非 不 大 也 ； 桀 、 紂 與 堯 、 舜 並 稱 ， 至 今 不 亡 ， 名 非 不 長 也 ； 然 非 者 不 足 貴 。 故 事 不 苟 多 ， 名 不 苟 傳 也 。 」
大 夫 曰 ： 「 縞 素 不 能 自 分 於 緇 墨 ， 賢 聖 不 能 自 理 於 亂 世 。 是 以 箕 子 執 囚 ， 比 干 被 刑 。 伍 員 相 闔 閭 以 霸 ，夫 差 不 道 ， 流 而 殺 之 。 樂 毅 信 功 於 燕 昭 ， 而 見 疑 於 惠 王。 人 臣 盡 節 以 徇 名 ， 遭 世 主 之 不 用 。 大 夫 種 輔 翼 越 王 ，為 之 深 謀 ， 卒 擒 強 吳 ， 據 有 東 夷 ， 終 賜 屬 鏤 而 死 。 驕 主 背 恩 德 ， 聽 流 說 ， 不 計 其 功 故 也 ， 豈 身 之 罪 哉 ？ 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 比 干 剖 心 ， 子 胥 鴟 夷 ， 非 輕 犯 君 以 危 身 ， 強 諫 以 干 名 也 。 憯 怛 之 忠 誠 ， 心 動 於 內 ， 忘 禍 患 之 發 於 外 ， 志 在 匡 君 救 民 ， 故 身 死 而 不 怨 。 君 子 能 行 是 不 能 禦 非 ， 雖 在 刑 戮 之 中 ， 非 其 罪 也 。 是 以 比 干 死 而 殷 人怨 ， 子 胥 死 而 吳 人 恨 。
今 秦 怨 毒 商 鞅 之 法 ， 甚 於 私 仇 ，故 孝 公 卒 之 日 ， 舉 國 而 攻 之 ， 東 西 南 北 莫 可 奔 走 ， 仰 天 而 歎 曰 ： 『 嗟 乎 ， 為 政 之 弊 ， 至 於 斯 極 也 ！ 』 卒 車 裂 族 夷 ， 為 天 下 笑 。 斯 人 自 殺 ， 非 人 殺 之 也 。 」
Chapter VII. In Criticism of Shang Yang
a. The Lord Grand Secretary: Formerly when the Lord of Shang was Chancellor of Ch'in he pursued in internal affairs the policy of putting the laws and regulations on a firm basis, of making punishments and penalties harsh and severe, and of ordering government and education. In this no mercy was shown to the criminals and the cheats. In his external policy2 he managed to obtain profits of a hundred fold and collected taxes on mountains and marshes. The state became rich, the people, strong; weapons and implements were kept ready, complete in every detail, and grain-stores had a surplus.
b. As a result of these measures he was able to wage war on enemy countries, to conquer foreign states, 3 to annex new lands, and to extend wide his territories, without overtaxing the people for the support of the army. Thus he could draw constantly upon the resources 4 of the people and the people would not even notice it; he could extend the territory of Ch'in to include all west of the Yellow River 5 and the people bore no hardships on this account.
c. The profits derived from the salt and iron monopolies serve to relieve the needs of the people in emergencies and to provide sufficient funds for the upkeep of military forces. These measures emphasize conservation and storing up in order to provide for times of scarcity and want. The beneficiaries are many; the State profits thereby and no harm is caused to the masses. Where are those hardships of the common people which cause you so much worry?
d. The Literati: At the time 6 of Wên Ti was there not no profit from salt and iron and was not the nation prosperous? Now we have this system and the people are in dire circumstances. We fail yet to see how profitabe is this "profit" [of which you speak], but we see clearly the harm it does. 7 Profit, moreover, does not fall from Heaven, nor does it spring forth from the Earth; it is derived entirely from the people. To call it hundredfold is a mistake in judgment similar to that of the simpleton who wore his furcoat inside out while carrying wood, hoping to save the fur and not realizing that the hide was being ruined.
e. Now, an abundant crop of prunes will cause a decline for the year immediately following; the new grain ripens. at the expense of the old. For Heaven and Earth do not become full at the same time: so much more is this the case with human activities! Profit in one place involves diminution elsewhere just as yin and yang8 do not radiate at the same time and day and night alternate in length. 9
f. When Shang Yang 10 introduced his harsh laws and increased his "profit", the people of Ch'in could not endure life and among themselves wept for Duke Hsiao. 11 When Wu Ch'i 12 increased the army and engaged in a series of conquests, the people of Ch'u were grievously disturbed and among themselves they shed tears for King Tao. 13 After their death Ch'u's position became more precarious every day, and Ch'in grew weaker and weaker. 14 So resentment increased with the growth of "profit", and sorrows multiplied with the extension of territory. Where is all that "inexhaustible profit to use 15 without the people noticing it, and the territory extended to include all west of the Yellow River without the people suffering from it?"
g. At the present time, as the Government uses in the management of internal affairs Shang Yang's system of registration 16 and abroad Wu Ch'i's methods of war, travellers are harassed on the road and the residents are suffering from want in their homes, while old women cry bitterly and grieving maidens moan. Even if we, the Literati, try not to worry, we cannot help it.
h. The Lord Grand Secretary: Ch'in, by employing the Lord of Shang, waxed strong and rich and after his death finally absorbed the Six States and established an empire which lasted to the time of the Second Emperor, when corupt ministers usurped power and ruled arbitrarily. 17 The public good and justice were lost sight of, the feudal lords rebelled and broke out of control, and the dynasty finally went to its ruin. Why, as the Spring and Autumn says, should we mention the death of Chai Chung?18A good singer makes men (able) to follow his notes;19 a talented artist causes others to continue his work; fitting the rim of a cart wheel, depends upon the training of an apprentice. 20 The achievements of Chou virtue depended upon the strength of Chou Kung. 21 Though there may be the preliminary draft of P'i Shên, but none of the embellishment of Tzŭ-ch'an,22 and though there may be the traced lines of Wên and Wu, 23 but no boring and no handle of Chou 24 and Lü, 25 then the work will not be successfully completed. Now you blame Shang Yang for the work of Chao Kao 26 who brought Ch'in to ruin. It is just like blaming I Yin 27 for the disruption of the Yin 28 Empire by Ch'ung-hu. 29
i. The Literati: An expert with the chisel can make a perfect round hole without exerting himself. An expert in laying foundations can reach a considerable height without the work collapsing. I Yin took the principles of Yao and Shun as the foundation of the Yin Empire, and for countless generations descendants of the founder occupied the throne in an unbroken line. Shang Yang made heavy punishments and harsh laws the foundation of the Ch'in state, and within two generations Ch'in lost the Empire. Not satisfied with the already severe and inhuman laws, he created also the system of mutual responsibility, devised an organization of spying and accusation and increased bodily punishments. 30 The people were terrorized, not knowing even where to place their hands and feet. Not satisfied with the already exacting and numerous taxes and levies, he established abroad prohibitions on the resources of the mountains and seas and set up a hundredfold profit in the interior, 31 while the people had no means to express their opinion. The worship of profit and neglect of rectitude, the high regard for might and emphasis on merit, resulted indeed in extension of territory and acquisition of land, but it was just like the case of a man snffering from dropsy and being given water which only increases his illness. [The Lord Grand Secretary] knows well how Shang Yang laid the beginnings of an Empire for Ch'in but does not know how he caused its downfall. With a bore pierced in a wild and uncertain manner, 32 Kung Shu-tzŭ 33 himself would be unable to fit the handle. With a panful of earth for his foundation, the most skillful builder cannot reach any height. They would be like autumn weeds which when touched by the frost wither and fall at the first encounter with the wind. What can ten Tzŭ-ch'an's 34 do then? So, Pien Ch'iao 35 cannot cover white bones with flesh, nor can Wei Tzŭ 36 and Chi Tzŭ 37 preserve a country predestined to ruin.
j. The Lord Grand Secretary: To talk is easy, but to act is difficult. So the ancient worthies would stick to the realities and exert their efforts and would banish the mere exhibition of empty learning. Formerly, the Lord of Shang intelligently pursued the policy of encouragement of proper activities and restraining the improper. 38 He made use of the powers in the contemporaneous world for the advancement of Ch'in, sought profit and achieved success; therefore he was victorious in every battle and always captured his object of attack, absorbing his nearest opponents and crushing the distant. He took advantage of Yen and Chao 39 and terrorized Ch'i and Ch'u. 40 The feudal lords, gathering up their skirts, faced westward and followed Ch'in's leadership. After him came Mêng T'ien 41 who led armies against the barbarian Hu, ejecting them from their lands to the extent of a thousand li and going as far as the north side of the Yellow River, all that as easily as breaking rotten wood or destroying decayed matter. How, may I ask? — by virtue of the plans of the Lord of Shang, handed down, brought to perfection and constantly followed. Every undertaking brought advantage and every move had its reward as a consequence of this. Accumulation, storing up, and shrewd calculations are the means of strengthening a state. To slacken and disperse [authority], therefore, and leaving things to the people, that is not yet having conceived a Great Scheme and walking in a Great Path.
k. The Literati: Shang Yang's policy of "encouragement and restraint" was by no means unsuccessful. Mêng T'ien's pushing back the northern barbarians a thousand li is certainly an achievement. That awe of them over-spread the Empire proves indeed that they were strong; and that the feudal lords submitted to their dictates and faced westward is in itself a record of success. Yet all these facts were the cause of Ch'in's fall. Shang Yang with his opportunist and calculating policy 42 jeopardized the Ch'in state, while Mêng T'ien by the acquisition of a thousand miles of territory brought about the fall of the house of Ch'in. These two men recognized advantage but not peril, knew well how to advance, but not the way of retreat. So they themselves died and their adherents were defeated. This is what we call the wisdom of a warped mind 43 and the scheme of a fool. Now, may we ask, where is the Great Path in this? Thus as the saying goes: Narrow-minded men at first may. unite their efforts but will disagree afterwards. Though at the start they may ride [proudly] on horseback, they will end in weeping tears of blood.
l. The Lord Grand Secretary: Handsome persons are deeply envied by the ugly and deformed. Scholars of character and wisdom are hated by the unsuccessful. Thus Shang-kuan, 44 the Minister, belittled Ch'ü Yüan 45 before Ch'ing Hsiang, 46 and Kung-po Liao calumnied Tzŭ Lu before Chi Sun. 47
m. Now the Lord of Shang rose from obscurity 48 and came from Wei to Ch'in. 49 A year afterwards he was made Chancellor. He reformed the laws, made clear the instructions and the people of Ch'in became well disciplined. As a result, the mobilization of troops brought always new additions to the territory, and peace a constant increase in wealth. Duke Hsiao, 50 greatly pleased with him, gave him Shang 51 as a fief and as a reward five hundred li of territory. His achievements were as enduring as the mountains, while his fame passed on to posterity. Average people cannot achieve the like, so they envy his ability and find fault with his accomplishments.
n. The Literati: The noble man enters into a career always with Principle as his guide and retires without failing in his duty. High in the social scale, he is not overbearing; active, he is not boastful; when occupying an honorable position, he is circumspect in his conduct; and when his achievements are great, he is still compliant in his measures. Therefore, the common man does not envy his ability, and his contemporaries begrudge him not his acquisitions.
o. Now Shang Yang abandoned Principle and became an opportunist; 52 discarded Virtue and relied upon might; established harsh laws and increased punishments, making oppression and tyranny the order of the day. He cheated his friends to accomplish his ambition, punished members of the ducal house to make his authority felt. He had no compassion for the people, nor did he show any faith in his relations with the feudal princes. Individuals had nothing but hate for him, families nothing but enmity. Though he obtained success and was ennobled, it was as if he had eaten poisoned meat: he may have felt pleased and satiated but soon suffered from his mistake.
p. Su Ch'in 53 formed horizontal and divised vertical alliances and united the Six States. This task was indeed great! Chieh and Chou3 are mentioned together with Yao and Shun 54 and are not forgotten to the present day. Their name is lasting indeed! Yet wrong-doing being unquestionably dishonorable, their deeds should not lightly be esteemed nor should their name lightly be transmitted.
q. The Lord Grand Secretary: White cannot hold its own in the presence of black; a Worthy or a Sage 55 cannot order things as he wishes in an age of anarchy. Thus, Chi Tzŭ suffered imprisonment and Pi Kan 56 was tortured. Wu Yuan 57 was Chancellor to Ho Lü 58 and made him Protector, but Fu-ch'ai 59 unjustly exiled and then killed him. Yo I 60 was a trusted servant and served well King Chao of Yen 61 yet he was suspected of treason by King Hui. 62 These ministers were to the last blameless in order to achieve fame but met the neglect of the contemporary rulers. Chung, the Minister, 63 was the right hand of the King of Yüeh 64 and designed deep schemes for him which culminated in the capture of the powerful state of Wu 65 and the occupation of the lands of the Eastern Aborigines; 66 he finally was presented with the `Shu-lou' 67 sword and committed suicide. Proud princes who turn their backs upon compassion and virtue and listen to corrupt whisperings and disregard their accomplishments, are the cause of their downfall. What guilt have these [faithful ministers]?
r. The Literati: That Pi Kan had his heart cut out, and that Tzŭ-hsü's 68 body was thrown into the river in a leather sack, was not due to a light-hearted antagonizing of the princes at their own peril, or to obstinate admonishments to promote their fame, but the loyalty and sincerity in their distressed hearts moved them from within and they forgot the danger appearing from without. Their only aim was to assist their Prince and save their people, and they died without resentment. A true gentleman can do what is right but can not ward off evil. Though he may meet with torture and execution, it is not his fault. Therefore when Pi Kan died the people of Yin clamored, and when Tzŭ-hsü died the people of Wu sorrowed.
s. Now the people of Ch'in hated the laws of Shang Yang more fiercely than they did their personal enemies. So on the day of the death of Duke Hsiao [his protector], they rose as one man and attacked him; east, west, north or south he found no place to flee. Looking up to heaven he said with a sigh, "Alas! Has the evil of my policy reached such an extreme?" 69 Finally his body was torn apart by chariots, his kinsmen exterminated. An object of mockery to the whole Empire, this man was killed by himself, not by others. 70
1. 商 鞅. Biographies of the historical character, known also as Kung-sun Yang 公 孫 鞅 or Yang of Wei 衛 鞅, are found in the Chan-kuo-ts'ê, ch. 7 (Ch'in-ts'ê), in the Lü-shih-ch'un-ch'iu and in ch. lxviii of the Shih-chi, (trans. by J. J. L. Duyvendak, The Book of Lord Shang, Introduction, ch. I, 8—32). The text of an extant work, the Shang-chün-shu 商 君 書, "is a compilation of paragraphs of different styles, some of which are older than the others; the older ones contain probably the mutilated remnants of the original book that has been lost; the later ones date, on the whole, from the third century [B.C.]", (op. cit., 159). The political and social theories of this interesting text, representing the "school of law", fa chia 法 家, have been exhaustively treated by Professor Duyvendak in the introduction to his complete translation of the Shang-tzŭ.
2. Cf. the Shang-chün-shu, para. 22 (held by Duyvendak to be of late origin, op. cit., 150), entitled "External and Internal Affairs" 外 內, i.e., war and agriculture. "Of the external affairs of the people, there is nothing more difficult than warfare, . . . . Therefore, he who desires to make his people fight, sees to it that the law is severe; consequently rewards will be numerous, authority will be strict, depraved doctrines will be obstructed . . . . (Duyvendak's trans.)" 民 之 外 事 莫 難 於 戰 …. 故 欲 戰 其 民 者 必 以 重 法．賞 則 必 多. 威 則 必 嚴. 淫 道 必 塞…. . . . Curiously, Huan K'uan assigns such a policy to "internal affairs" in his passage, evidently employing 內 and 外 as terms applicable to measures taken at the capital and in the provinces, respectively.
3. The T'ung-tien reads correctly: 征 敵 伐 國 "conquer enemy states", e.g., Wei 魏, as in the Shih-chi, ch. LXVIII.
4. 用 不 竭. Wang suggests prefixing 利, following the T'ung-tien, as 利 用 in the succeeding paragraph f.
5. 西 河 meaning part of the state of Wei 魏, whose armies Shang Yang captured by treachery. Cf. Shih-chi, ch. LXVIII (Duyvendak, op. cit., 21).
6. 蓋. Wang suggests 昔. Wên Ti 文 帝 (179—156 B. C.), one of the "model Emperors" of the Literati.
7. The T'ung-tien omits the 也 and inserts 所 before 害.
8. 陰, 陽: the "negative" and "positive", etc., principles of nature upon which a school of thought, yin-yang-chia, was based.
9. 有 長 短 也. Wang suggests 代 for 有 as in the T'ung-tien.
10. The Literati refer to the Lord of Shang 商 君 always as Shang Yang 商 鞅, "Yang of Shang", to show their contempt for his policies.
11. 秦. 孝 公: Shang Yang's patron, Duke of Ch'in (361—338 B.C.).
12. 吳 起: the famous strategist who served Ch'u.
13. 楚 悼 王: King of Ch'u (401—381 B.C.).
14. A statement historically incorrect, as to Ch'in.
15. 利 用. Cf. note 2, p. 41 supra.
16. I.e., for soldiering, ap. Duyvendak, op. cit., 83, 293, and 295.
17. Ch'u 楚, Ch'i 齊, Yen 燕, Han 韓, Wei 魏, Chao 趙, the Six States. The Second Emperor is Erh-shih-huang-ti 二 世 皇 帝 with whom the Ch'in dynasty closed; and "corrupt ministers" include particularly the eunuch Chao Kao 趙 高, mentioned below.
18. 祭 仲. Not from the Ch'un-ch'iu but the Kung-yang Comm., Huan Kung XV. "(Confucius) does not mention Chai Chung's death, he is indifferent to the statesman's fate 存 則 存… 亡 則 亡." See glossary.
19. This sentence occurs in the Li-chi, 學 記 , with 繼 for our text's 續. Legge, Sacred Books, v. 28, p. 87.
20. A puzzling passage, but the translation given appears to continue the sense of the preceding passages. Chang quotes in explanation Huan-nan-tzŭ, ch. 說 林 訓: If one could not change what had been done in ancient times (古 之 所 為 不 可 更), then the 推 车 would still be even now without a rim.
21. 周, 周 公.
22. 裨 諶. 子 產. The phrases are from Lun-yü, XIV, x.
24. 周, Duke of Chou.
25. 呂, known as Lü Shang 尚, 姜 子 牙, or 太 公 望, preceptor of Wên and Wu.
26. 趙 高.
27. 伊 尹.
29. 崇 虎.
30. 相 坐 之 法，造 誹 謗，增 肉 刑,thus more detailed than in the extant biographical sketches. Huan K'uan appears to have made use of tradition, or of a biography now lost.
31. 外… 內. The distinction here of Shang Yang's measures as "abroad" and "in the interior", is indicated in note 2, p. 40, supra, the country and the capital.
32. The commentators take 狐 as ? (“人”字旁加 “瓜”) ( 不 正 ), "all askew".
33. 公 輸 子.
34. 子 産.
35. 扁 鵲, the physician.
36. 微 [ 子 ]
37. 箕 [ 子].
38. 開 塞, the title of one of the books of the Shang-tzŭ (7th), which Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien states that he read (Shih-chi LXVIII). Duyvendak is of the opinion that, while the expression occurs in para. 7, this title belonged originally to para. 8 "where the terms are used in a far more typical sense of `opening', k'ai, only one gate to riches and honour, i.e., agriculture and warfare, and by `closing', sai, all other gates". Loc. cit., 149. "Policy" 術 here used is also a special expression of the legalist school to which the Shang-tzŭ belongs.
41. 蒙 恬.
42. 權 數, the fa chia terms.
43. 戀 朐: lit., "bound" and "strips of dried meat", evidently an opprobrious epithet.
44. 上 官.
45. 屈 原.
46. 頃 襄.
47. 公 伯 寮; 子 路, 季 孫, from Lun-yü, XIV, xxxviii.
48. 布 衣, not from the "hemp-clothed" commoners, as he was of noble descent, as the name Kung-sun (公 孫) Yang indicates. Cf. Shih-chi, ch. LXVIII. The particulars here given appear generally in the various biographies, cf. Duyvendak, op. cit., 23, text and note 1.
49. 魏, 秦.
50. 孝 公.
52. 權, again the term favored by the fa chia writers: "the practice of weighing out things against each other" (Duyvendak, op. cit., 100). The estimation of Shang Yang here, though not in the same words, agrees with Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's characterization (Shih-chi, ch. LXVIII): 商 君 其 天 資 刻 薄 人 也. … 所 因 由 嬖 臣 及 得 用 刑 公 子 虔 欺 魏 將 卯 不 師 趙 良 之 言 亦 足 發 明 商 君 之 少 恩 矣. … 卒 受 惡 名 於 秦 有 以 也 夫. The Lord of Shang was naturally, in character, a hard and cruel man . . . . after having succeeded in obtaining employment through the introduction of a favorite, he punished Prince Ch'ien, betrayed the Wei general, Ang, and did not follow the advice of Chao Liang, all of which facts show clearly that the Lord of Shang was a man of little favour . . . . There is reason enough why he should have finally left a bad reputation in Ch'in. (Duyvendak's translation, op cit., 30—31).
53. 蘇 秦. Cf. Maspero, La Chine Antique, 588. 桀、紂.
55. 賢 聖. Chang curiously reverses the usual order of these words.
56. 比 干.
57. 伍 員.
58. 闔 閭.
59. 夫 差.
60. 樂 毅.
61. 燕 昭.
62. 惠 王.
63. 大 夫 種.
64. 越 王.
66. 東 夷.
67. 屬 鏤, cf. the Tz'ŭ-yüan.
68. 子 胥 = 伍 員 Wu Juan.
69. 嗟 乎，為 政 之 弊，至 於 斯 極 也. Cf. Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's text: 嗟 乎 為 法 之 敝 一 至 此 哉, "Alas, that the worthlessness of the law should reach such a point" (Duyvendak's translation, op. cit., 29).
70. Only the traditional activities and policies of one of early China's greatest administrators are discussed in this chapter. Unfortunately, no direct citations from the work associated with Shang Yang's name are given, which might have thrown light on the value of the modern text. The interest of the chapter lies, however, in its emphasis (within the vast display of learning indulged in by the interlocutors) of the unpopularity of the social and economic theories of the School of Law with the "Confucianists" of Han times; and equally, the ardent advocacy of many of the fa chia policies by the Han administrators is disclosed. Cf. Duyvendak, op. cit., 126 seq., on the influence of the School of Law in the establishment of the Han regime.
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