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地 廣 第 十 六
大 夫 曰 ： 「 王 者 包 含 并 覆 ， 普 愛 無 私 ， 不 為 近 重 施， 不 為 遠 遺 恩 。 今 俱 是 民 也 ， 俱 是 臣 也 ， 安 危 勞 佚 不 齊， 獨 不 當 調 邪 ？ 不 念 彼 而 獨 計 此 ， 斯 亦 好 議 矣 ？
緣 邊 之 民 ， 處 寒 苦 之 地 ， 距 強 胡 之 難 ， 烽 燧 一 動 ， 有 沒 身 之 累。 故 邊 民 百 戰 ， 而 中 國 恬 臥 者 ， 以 邊 郡 為 蔽 扞 也 。 詩 云： 『 莫 非 王 事 ， 而 我 獨 勞 。 』 刺 不 均 也 。 是 以 聖 王 懷 四方 獨 苦 ， 興 師 推 卻 胡 、 越 ， 遠 寇 安 災 ， 散 中 國 肥 饒 之 餘， 以 調 邊 境 ， 邊 境 強 ， 則 中 國 安 ， 中 國 安 則 晏 然 無 事 。何 求 而 不 默 也 ？ 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 古 者 ， 天 子 之 立 於 天 下 之 中 ， 縣 內 方 不 過 千 里 ， 諸 侯 列 國 ， 不 及 不 食 之 地 ， 禹 貢 至 於 五 千 里； 民 各 供 其 君 ， 諸 侯 各 保 其 國 ， 是 以 百 姓 均 調 ， 而 繇 役不 勞 也 。 今 推 胡 、 越 數 千 里 ， 道 路 迴 避 ， 士 卒 勞 罷 。 故 邊 民 有 刎 頸 之 禍 ， 而 中 國 有 死 亡 之 患 ， 此 百 姓 之 所 以 囂 囂 而 不 默 也 。
夫 治 國 之 道 ， 由 中 及 外 ， 自 近 者 始 。 近 者 親 附 ， 然 後 來 遠 ； 百 姓 內 足 ， 然 後 卹 外 。 故 群 臣 論 或 欲 田 輪 臺 ， 明 主 不 許 ， 以 為 先 救 近 務 及 時 本 業 也 。 故 下 詔 曰： 『 當 今 之 務 ， 在 於 禁 苛 暴 ， 止 擅 賦 ， 力 本 農 。 』 公 卿 宜 承 意 ， 請 減 除 不 任 ， 以 佐 百 姓 之 急 。 今 中 國 弊 落 不 憂， 務 在 邊 境 。 意 者 地 廣 而 不 耕 ， 多 種 而 不 耨 ， 費 力 而 無 功 ， 詩 云 ： 『 無 田 甫 田 ， 維 莠 驕 驕 。 』 其 斯 之 謂 歟 。 」
大 夫 曰 ： 「 湯 、 武 之 伐 ， 非 好 用 兵 也 ； 周 宣 王 辟 國 千 里 ， 非 貪 侵 也 ； 所 以 除 寇 賊 而 安 百 姓 也 。 故 無 功 之 師 ， 君 子 不 行 ； 無 用 之 地 ， 聖 王 不 貪 。 先 帝 舉 湯 、 武 之 師 ， 定 三 垂 之 難 ， 一 面 而 制 敵 ， 匈 奴 遁 逃 ， 因 河 、 山 以 為 防 ， 故 去 砂 石 鹹 鹵 不 食 之 地 ， 故 割 斗 辟 之 縣 ， 棄 造 陽 之 地 以 與 胡 ， 省 曲 塞 ， 據 河 險 ， 守 要 害 ， 以 寬 徭 役 ， 保 士 民 。 由 此 觀 之 ： 聖 主 用 心 ， 非 務 廣 地 以 勞 眾 而 已 矣 。」
文 學 曰 ： 「 秦 之 用 兵 ， 可 謂 極 矣 ， 蒙 恬 斥 境 ， 可 謂 遠 矣 。 今 踰 蒙 恬 之 塞 ， 立 郡 縣 寇 虜 之 地 ， 地 彌 遠 而 民 滋 勞 。 朔 方 以 西 ， 長 安 以 北 ， 新 郡 之 功 ， 外 城 之 費 ， 不 可 勝 計 。 非 徒 是 也 ， 司 馬 、 唐 蒙 鑿 西 南 夷 之 塗 ， 巴 、 蜀 弊 於 邛 、 筰 ； 橫 海 征 南 夷 ， 樓 船 戍 東 越 ， 荊 、 楚 罷 於 甌、 駱 ； 左 將 伐 朝 鮮 ， 開 臨 屯 ， 燕 、 齊 困 於 穢 貉 ， 張 騫 通 殊 遠 ， 納 無 用 ， 府 庫 之 藏 ， 流 於 外 國 ； 非 特 斗 辟 之 費 ，造 陽 之 役 也 。 由 此 觀 之 ： 非 人 主 用 心 ， 好 事 之 臣 為 縣 官 計 過 也 。 」
大 夫 曰 ： 「 挾 管 仲 之 智 者 ， 非 為 廝 役 之 使 也 。 懷 陶 朱 之 慮 者 ， 不 居 貧 困 之 處 。 文 學 能 言 而 不 能 行 ， 居 下 而 訕 上 ， 處 貧 而 非 富 ， 大 言 而 不 從 ， 高 厲 而 行 卑 ， 誹 譽 訾 議 ， 以 要 名 采 善 於 當 世 。 夫 祿 不 過 秉 握 者 ， 不 足 以 言 治 ， 家 不 滿 檐 石 者 ， 不 足 以 計 事 。 儒 皆 貧 羸 ， 衣 冠 不 完， 安 知 國 家 之 政 ， 縣 官 之 事 乎 ？ 何 斗 辟 造 陽 也 ！ 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 夫 賤 不 害 智 ， 貧 不 妨 行 。 顏 淵 屢 空 ，不 為 不 賢 。 孔 子 不 容 ， 不 為 不 聖 。 必 將 以 貌 舉 人 ， 以 才 進 士 ， 則 太 公 終 身 鼓 刀 ，甯 戚 不 離 飯 牛 矣 。 古 之 君 子 ，守 道 以 立 名 ， 修 身 以 俟 時 ， 不 為 窮 變 節 ， 不 為 賤 易 志 ，惟 仁 之 處 ， 惟 義 之 行 。 臨 財 苟 得 ， 見 利 反 義 ， 不 義 而 富， 無 名 而 貴 ， 仁 者 不 為 也 。 故 曾 參 、 閔 子 ， 不 以 其 仁 易 晉 、 楚 之 富 。 伯 夷 不 以 其 行 易 諸 侯 之 位 ， 是 以 齊 景 公 有 馬 千 駟 ， 而 不 能 與 之 爭 名 。
孔 子 曰 ： 『 賢 哉 回 也 ！ 一 簞 食 ， 一 瓢 飲 ， 在 於 陋 巷 ， 人 不 堪 其 憂 ， 回 也 不 改 其 樂 。』 故 惟 仁 者 能 處 約 、 樂 貧， 小 人 富 斯 暴 ， 貧 斯 濫 矣 。 楊 子曰 ： 『 為 仁 不 富 ， 為 富 不 仁 。 』 苟 先 利 而 後 義 ， 取 奪 不厭 。 公 卿 積 億 萬 ， 大 夫 積 千 金 ， 士 積 百 金 ， 利 己 并 財 以 聚 ； 百 姓 寒 苦 ， 流 離 於 路 ， 儒 獨 何 以 完 其 衣 冠 也 ？ 」
Chapter XVI. Territorial Expansion
a. The Lord Grand Secretary: The Prince is all embracing and all sheltering. There is no place for favoritism in his universal love for all; he confers no extraordinary bounties on those near him, nor does he forget to spread broad his favors to those far away. Now we are all equally his subjects, and all are equally his ministers. Yet there is still no equality in security of life, and no even division of labor. Should there then be not any adjustment? You seem to be merely captious, when you only take into account the remote, never thinking of the near.
b. The frontier people on the fringes of the Empire, living in a land of bitter cold, ever facing the menace of the powerful barbarians, constantly risk their lives at the first flash of the beacon fires. 1 Therefore, that the Central Domain is able to live in peace, while the frontiersmen are fighting a hundred battles, is all due to the protecting screen of the border commanderies. Says the Odes in criticism of inequality: This is all the sovereign's business, and I alone am made to toil in it.2 Therefore the sagacious Emperor in his care of the Four Corners of the earth, alone exerted himself in raising armies to drive back the barbarians, north and south. Enemies were now kept at a distance and calamities were averted. The surplus of the Middle Kingdom, fertile and rich, was distributed to meet the need of the frontier regions. As the frontier regions are strengthened, the Central Domain will enjoy peace. With a peaceful country, there will be no untoward events. What else would you want, and why not keep silent?
c. The Literati: In ancient times, the Son of Heaven stood at the center of the world. His domain comprised a perimeter of not more than a thousand li. Territory assigned to the feudal lords did not reach to the non-productive lands. 3 The "Tribute of Yü" 4 extended to five thousand li. People supported their respective rulers, and the feudal princes protected their respective territories. Hence the people enjoyed equality and harmony, and the duties involved in forced labor were not strenuous. Now we have pushed back the Hu and the Yüeh several thousand li. The routes have been circuitous and lengthy. 5 The troops are worn out. Hence the people of the frontier are brought face to face with suicide, and China suffers from death and ruin. This is why the people clamor and will not be silent.
d. The principle of administration lies in proceeding from the center to the periphery, beginning from the near. Only after those near at hand have attached themselves submissively to the government, steps may then be taken to rally the distant. After the people within are contented, then care will be taken of those afar. Hence when the ministers proposed to colonize Lun T'ai, 6 the Enlightened Monarch did not give his assent, thinking that his proper calling was to remedy the immediate problems of the moment. Thus he issued an edict to the effect that the problem of the present was to interdict harsh and cruel treatment of the people, to put a stop to arbitrary levies, and to concentrate upon the fundamental industry of agriculture. The ministers ought, therefore, to follow the wish of the Emperor by reducing and removing the incompetent to help the people in their extremity. Now that the Empire within is in decline, yet they show no anxiety, but busily engage themselves rather in the frontier questions. Is it not probably true that there are vast areas lying uncultivated, much sowing without harrowing, and much labor without fruit? Well may the Odes say: Do not try to cultivate fields too large; — the weeds will only grow luxuriantly.7
e. The Lord Grand Secretary: It was not out of sheer delight in war that T'ang and Wu 8 resorted to arms. Nor was it due to lust of conquest that King Hsüan of Chou 9 extended his territory a thousand li. Their purpose was to uproot foreign foes and internal rebels and thus to tranquilize the people. For a wise man will not undertake a purposeless expedition and a sage King will not covet a useless land. The late Emperor raised armies in the spirit of T'ang and Wu and settled the distress of the Three Frontiers. 10 Then he turned in one direction to subdue the enemy. As the Hsiung Nu fled, he constructed defenses along the rivers and the mountains. Hence he turned away from the barren wastes of sand, rock and alkali, ceded the district of Shih-pi, 11 and the territory of Tsao-yang 12 to the Hu tribes. He dispensed with the garrison at the bend of the Great Wall, occupied the strategic positions on the Yellow River, and limited himself to guarding the important points in order to lighten garrison duty and yet render adequate protection to the people. From this it can be seen that the Sage Ruler's aim is not to aggrandize the Empire through burdening the people.
f. The Literati: The Ch'in dynasty assuredly went to extremes in waging wars. Mêng T'ien 13 certainly extended the boundary to a great distance. Now, we have far overreached the barrier set up by Mêng T'ien, and have established administrative areas in the land of the raiding nomads. As the land extends to greater distance, people suffer from a greater burden. To the west of the Shuo-fang, 14 and to the north of Ch'ang-an, 15 the outlay for the organization of new commanderies, and the expenses of the outposts are beyond calculation. It is not only this. When Ssŭ-ma [Hsiang-ju] and T'ang Mêng 16 bored through a road to the south-western tribes, 17 Pa and Shu 18 began to be oppressed by the Chiung and the Tso. 19 "Across the seas" 20 despatched expeditions against the southern barbarians; 21 "High-decked ships" 22 attacked the eastern Yüeh; 23 but Ching and Ch'u 24 were then overwhelmed by the Ou-lo tribes. 25 After the "General of the left wing" 26 attacked Korea 27 and opened up the land of Lin T'ao, 28 Yen and Ch'i 29 came to grief at the hands of the Wei and Mai 30 tribes. Chang Ch'ien 31 penetrated to strange and distant lands, but brought in only useless exotics. Thus the reserves of the treasuries flow to foreign countries, 32 and the vast outflow is incomparable with [the economies effected on] the cost of Shih-pi, and the labor for Tsao-yang [which had been saved]. 33 From this it is seen that the whole affair is not due to the solicitude of the Emperor, but the mistaken calculations for the government of busy-body officials.
g. The Lord Grand Secretary: He who possesses the wisdom of Kuan Chung 34 would not take up the offices of an underling. He who possesses the acumen of T'ao Chu, 35 would not remain in poverty. The Literati are capable of speech, but incapable in action. They occupy a low position, and yet blame their superiors. They remain poor, while criticizing the rich. They make extravagant speeches, without following them up. They are high sounding, but their conduct is low. They criticize, praise, and discuss, in order to gain a name and the favor of the time. Those who earn salaries of not more than a handful, are not qualified to talk about government. Those who at home possess less than a load or shih [of grain] are not qualified to plan things. All the scholars are poor and weak, unequipped with necessary clothes and hats. 36 What do they know about the affairs of the state or business of the officials? What [do they know about] Shih-pi and Tsao-yang?
h. The Literati: A humble station does not circumscribe wisdom. Poverty does not impair one's conduct. Yen Yüan 37 was frequently down to a bare cupboard, but he cannot be said to have been unworthy. Confucius, though not looking the part, 38 cannot be denied as a sage. If 'one must recommend a man according to his appearance and promote a student according to his métier, then T'ai Kung would have wielded his butcher's knife throughout his life 39 and Ning Ch'i 40 would never have ceased to tend his cattle. The ancient gentleman maintained his principles in establishing a name, and cultivated his personality while waiting his opportunity. Even poverty would not make him change his principles, nor would he alter his objective because of low position. 41 He would abide in benevolence and act according to duty. He was even fastidious in the presence of money. Discerning profit he turned his regard to duty. To acquire riches in an improper way and high position without justification—this the benevolent would not do. Hence Tsêng Shên and Min Tzŭ 42 would not exchange their benevolence for the wealth of Chin and Ch'u, 43 and Po I 44 would not sell his character for the rank of a prince. With such as they, Duke Ching of Ch'i 45 with all his thousand four-in-hands could not compete in fame.
i. Confucius said: What a man of worth was Hui! A single bamboo bowl of millet; a single ladle of cabbage soup; living in a mean alley! Others could not have borne his distress, but Hui never abated his cheerfulness.46 Therefore only the benevolent knows how to live in straits, enjoying his poverty; 47 while the mean man becomes oppressive when rich, and shifty when poor. Yang Tzŭ said: He who seeks to be rich will not be benevolent. He who wishes to be benevolent will not be rich.48 If gain is preferred to honor, and all try to acquire and to rob with an insatiable appetite, then the ministers will accumulate millions of wealth, the high officials gold in thousands of pieces, and the smaller officers their hundreds. With this self-enrichment and the accumulation of concentrated wealth, the common people will be left in cold and misery, wandering along the roads. How could the Scholars alone keep up a complete outfit of caps and clothing?
1. 烽 燧. The former, fêng, was a conical brick structure in which to light a beacon fire by night; the latter, sui, a heap of brushwood, the smoke of which was used as a signal by day. Here the two characters are translated as a binomial compound.
2. Not in the present Shih-ching, but from Mencius V, i, iv, 2, where Mencius, analyzing a passage of the Shih, says: "as if the author said: "This is all the sovereign's.....".
3. The feudal system of China of the Chou period has been studied by various Occidental scholars, especially Franke (Zur Beurteilung des chinesischen Lehenswesens, in Sitzungsberichte der Preus. Akademie der Wissenschaften, XXXI, 1927), who holds that "An dem Lehenswesen ist das Reich der Tschou gegangen (p. 376)". Granet includes a chapter (part I, book ii, ch. II) on "La période féodale" in La Civilisation chinoise (1929).
4. 禹 貢, regarded as one of the genuine parts of the Shu-ching (Hsia Shu, I), dating from the period between the ninth and fourth centuries B.C. It contains a somewhat idealized description of ancient China, with the determination of the tributes payable by the several regions, intermixed with the legend of Yü's labors in curbing the floodwaters. It is partly in prose and partly in verse. Cf. Legge, Chi. Classics, vol. III, pt. i, 93, notes. Chavannes has made an analysis of the Shu-ching (Mém. hist., I, cxiii—cxli), and of the Yü Kung (ibid., note from 102). Cf. also Pelliot, Le Chou King en caractères anciens et le Chang Chou Che Wen, in Mém. concernant l'Asie orientale, vol. II (1916). See p. 8, note 5, supra.
5. 避 遠 in Chang's edition, which I follow.
6. 輪 臺.
7. Shih-ching I, viii, vii, 1 [Legge's rendering, Chi. Classics, vol. IV, pt. i, 157].
8. 湯、武, again the traditional founders of the Shang and Chou dynasties.
9. 周 宣 王, who began his reign 828 B.C.
10. 三 垂.
11. 什 辟.
12. 造 陽.
13. 蒙 恬.
14. 朔 方.
15. 長 安.
16. 司 馬 [ 相 如 ] , 唐 蒙, two of Wu Ti's generals, who accomplished the conquest of west and south-west China.
17. 西 南 夷, aboriginal tribes of Ssŭ-ch'uan. Cf. Shih-chi, CXVI.
18. 巴、蜀, the region of modern Ssŭ-ch'uan.
19. 邛、筰, the mountain passes from the east into Ssŭ-ch'uan. For the latter the Shih-chi reads P'o 僰, a tribe of aborigines in Kuei-chou. For both names, cf. Chavannes, op. cit., III, 551, note 2.
20. Cf. glossary sub Hêng-hai chiang-chün.
21. 南 夷, tribes of Yünnan.
22. Cf. glossary sub Lou-ch'uan chiang-chün.
23. 東 越, southern Chêkiang.
25. 甌 駱, tribes of Tongking. Cf. Grousset, Hist. de l'Extrême-Orient, II, 600.
26. Cf. glossary sub Tso chiang-chün.
27. 朝 鮮. The conquest of Korea and its division into four prefectures, was also effected under Han Wu Ti (109 B.C.). Cf. Wieger, Textes hist., I, 512—515, ap. Shih-chi CXV, and Ch'ien-han-shu. The Shih-chi devotes chaps. CXIII—CXVI, to a recital of the Chinese conquests of various tribes herein mentioned. For the Ch'ien-han-shu's record of these campaigns, cf. Krause, Fluss- und Seegefechte nach chinesischen Quellen, in Mitteil. des Sem. für Orient. Sprachen, XVIII, 1915, pp. 65—74.
28. 臨 洮.
29. 燕 齊.
30. 穢, 貉.
31. 張 騫, the famous general of Han Wu Ti who made two expeditions into central Asia, one in 138, and again in 115, B.C. A short biographical note occurs in ch. CXI of the Shih-chi, and his second expedition is mentioned in the same work, ch. CXXIII. Cf. also Chavannes, Mém. hist., I, lxxii seq. De Groot, in Die Westlande Chinas in der vorchristlichen Zeit, chaps. II—III, assembles the notices of Chang Ch'ien's exploits as general, envoy, and explorer, as found in the Shih-chi, loc. cit., and ch. XCVI of the Ch'ien-han-shu. See also Wieger, Textes hist., I, 494—499.
32. Cf. ch. II, para. c, supra.
33. The conquests of Han Wu Ti, referred to in paras. e and f, are narrated at length by Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien in his famous chapter XXX, translated by Chavannes, with extensive notes on the geographical regions involved, in Mêm. hist., III, 548—553. See glossary for the numerous names employed.
34. "The wisdom of Kuan Chung": "of Kuan and Yen 晏" (Lu). "Chung" 仲 seems to be the accepted reading.
35. 陶 朱. The biography of this Croesus of ancient China is given in the Shih-chi ch. CXXIX, under his original name of Fan Li 范 蠡.
36. A telling thrust for those scholars who talk about ceremoniousness 禮 and yet do not possess the prescribed cap and dress, indispensable to the "true gentleman" 君 子.
37. 顏 淵, the favorite disciple of Confucius.
38. 孔 子 不 容 . 仲 尼 之 狀 面 如 蒙 倛, "The physiognomy of Confucius was such that his face was like a rumpled square" [Dubs' translation, 69], said Hsün-tzŭ in his attack upon the ancient Chinese belief in "physiognomy", which professed to read the character of a person by his appearance (Hsün-tzŭ, Bk. V, 非 相 篇)
39. 太 公 終 身 鼓 刀. 鼓 刀 is explained as the knife used in slaughtering the sacrificial ox. Cf. Tz'ŭ-yüan sub 鼓 刀.
40. 甯 戚, a carter who rose to be a Privy Councillor of Ch'i. Cf. Giles, Biog. Dict. No. 1568.
41. This, and the succeeding sentences, represent Confucianist and Mencian aphorisms.
42. 曾 參 、 閔 子, disciples of Confucius.
44. 伯 夷.
45. 齊 景 公.
46. Soothill, Analects VI, ix.
47. Paraphrasing the Lun-yü, IV, ii.
48. Legge's translation. Mencius III, i, iii, 5. Mencius has 陽 虎 曰.
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