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貧 富 第 十 七
大 夫 曰 ： 「 余 結 髮 束 脩 年 十 三 ， 幸 得 宿 衛 ， 給 事 輦 轂 之 下 ， 以 至 卿 大 夫 之 位 ， 獲 祿 受 賜 ， 六 十 有 餘 年 矣 。車 馬 衣 服 之 用 ， 妻 子 僕 養 之 費 ， 量 入 為 出 ， 儉 節 以 居 之， 奉 祿 賞 賜 ， 一 二 籌 策 之 ， 積 浸 以 致 富 成 業 。 故 分 土 若一 ， 賢 者 能 守 之 ； 分 財 若 一 ， 智 者 能 籌 之 。 夫 白 圭 之 廢 著 ， 子 貢 之 三 至 千 金 ， 豈 必 賴 之 民 哉 ？ 運 之 六 寸 ， 轉 之 息 耗 ， 取 之 貴 賤 之 間 耳 ！ 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 古 者 ， 事 業 不 二 ， 利 祿 不 兼 ， 然 後 諸 業 不 相 遠 ， 而 貧 富 不 相 懸 也 。 夫 乘 爵 祿 以 謙 讓 者 ， 名 不 可 勝 舉 也 ； 因 權 勢 以 求 利 者 ， 入 不 可 勝 數 也 。 食 湖 池 ， 管 山 海 ， 芻 蕘 者 不 能 與 之 爭 澤 ， 商 賈 不 能 與 之 爭 利 。 子 貢 以 布 衣 致 之 ， 而 孔 子 非 之 ， 況 以 勢 位 求 之 者 乎 ？ 故 古 者 大 夫 思 其 仁 義 以 充 其 位 ， 不 為 權 利 以 充 其 私 也 。 」
大 夫 曰 ： 「 山 岳 有 饒 ， 然 後 百 姓 贍 焉 。 河 、 海 有 潤 ， 然 後 民 取 足 焉 。 夫 尋 常 之 污 ， 不 能 溉 陂 澤 ， 丘 阜 之木 ， 不 能 成 宮 室 。 小 不 能 苞 大 ， 少 不 能 贍 多 。 未 有 不 能 自 足 而 能 足 人 者 也 。 未 有 不 能 自 治 而 能 治 人 者 也 。 故 善 為 人 者 ， 能 自 為 者 也 ， 善 治 人 者 ， 能 自 治 者 也 。 文 學 不 能 治 內 ， 安 能 理 外 乎 ？ 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 行 遠 道 者 假 於 車 ， 濟 江 、 海 者 因 於 舟。 故 賢 士 之 立 功 成 名 ， 因 於 資 而 假 物 者 也 。 公 輸 子 能 因 人 主 之 材 木 ， 以 構 宮 室 臺 榭 ， 而 不 能 自 為 專 屋 狹 廬 ， 材 不 足 也 。 歐 冶 能 因 國 君 之 銅 鐵 ， 以 為 金 鑪 大 鍾 ， 而 不 能自 為 壺 鼎 盤 杅 ， 無 其 用 也 。 君 子 能 因 人 主 之 正 朝 ， 以 和 百 姓 ， 潤 眾 庶 ， 而 不 能 自 饒 其 家 ， 勢 不 便 也 。 故 舜 耕 歷 山 ， 恩 不 及 州 里 ， 太 公 屠 牛 於 朝 歌 ， 利 不 及 妻 子 ， 及 其 見 用 ， 恩 流 八 荒 ， 德 溢 四 海 。 故 舜 假 之 堯 ， 太 公 因 之 周， 君 子 能 修 身 以 假 道 者 ， 不 能 枉 道 而 假 財 也 。 」
大 夫 曰 ： 「 道 懸 於 天 ， 物 布 於 地 ， 智 者 以 衍 ， 愚 者 以 困 。 子 貢 以 著 積 顯 於 諸 侯 、 陶 朱 公 以 貨 殖 尊 於 當 世。 富 者 交 焉 ， 貧 者 贍 焉 。 故 上 自 人 君 ， 下 及 布 衣 之 士 ，莫 不 載 其 德 ， 稱 其 仁 。 原 憲 、 孔 伋 ， 當 世 被 饑 寒 之 患 ，顏 回 屢 空 於 窮 巷 ， 當 此 之 時 ， 迫 於 窟 穴 ， 拘 於 縕 袍 ， 雖 欲 假 財 信 姦 佞 ， 亦 不 能 也 。 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 孔 子 云 ： 『 富 而 可 求 ， 雖 執 鞭 之 事 ，吾 亦 為 之 ； 如 不 可 求 ， 從 吾 所 好 。 』 君 子 求 義 ， 非 苟 富 也 。 故 刺 子 貢 不 受 命 而 貨 殖 焉 。 君 子 遭 時 則 富 且 貴 ， 不 遇 ， 退 而 樂 道 。 不 以 利 累 己 ， 故 不 違 義 而 妄 取 。 隱 居 修 節 ， 不 欲 妨 行 ， 故 不 毀 名 而 趨 勢 。 雖 付 之 以 韓 、 魏 之 家， 非 其 志 ， 則 不 居 也 。 富 貴 不 能 榮 ， 謗 毀 不 能 傷 也 。
故 原 憲 之 縕 袍 ， 賢 於 季 孫 之 狐 貉 ， 趙 宣 孟 之 魚 飧 ， 甘 於 智 伯 之 芻 豢 ， 子 思 之 銀 珮 ， 美 於 虞 公 之 垂 棘 。 魏 文 侯 軾 段 干 木 之 閭 ， 非 以 其 有 勢 也 ； 晉 文 公 見 韓 慶 ， 下 車 而 趨 ，非 以 其 多 財 ， 以 其 富 於 仁 ， 充 於 德 也 。 故 貴 何 必 財 ， 亦 仁 義 而 已 矣 ！ 」
Chapter XVII. The Poor and the Rich
a. The Lord Grand Secretary: For more than sixty years have I 1 been the recipient of Imperial emolument and favor since the time when, at the age of thirteen, I first tied my hair and girded myself with the sash, 2 and had the fortune of becoming an Imperial chamber page, 3 serving in the Emperor's retinue 4 until I rose to the rank of minister. In regulating the expenses for cars, horses, and robes and the expenditure of my family, servants and clients, I balance the debit and credit side of my budget and live a life of strict economy. I keep account of each and everyone of my salaries, appointments, and gifts. My wealth has accrued gradually until I have become rich and acquired an estate. Thus do the worthy maintain their holdings through a uniform system of subdivision, and the wise keep an account of their wealth by systematic distribution. Now, when Po Kuei 5 made use of goods neglected by others and Tzŭ Kung three times acquired a capital of a thousand gold pieces, were they necessarily forced to draw upon the resources of others? No, they simply manipulated it with the squared inch, manoeuvred it with surplus and deficit, and gathered it in between high and low prices.
b. The Literati: In ancient times, no man pursued two occupations at the same time, and trading profits and official salary could not be combined. For only then would there be no disparity between occupations, and no tipping of the balance of wealth. Had you borne your high rank and appointments with humility and courtesy, you would have all the fame you could desire; but as you seek profit by taking advantage of your power and station, 6 your income reaches levels incomputable. Indeed with him who feeds on the Nation's lakes and pools and controls the mountains and seas, shepherds and woodcutters are unable to compete for benefit, and merchants and peddlers, for gain. Tzŭ Kung secured wealth in the capacity of a common citizen; yet Confucius disapproved of him. How much more would he frown on him who does it through his position and rank! In fact, in ancient times ministers were thoughtful of benevolence and duty in fulfilling their office, and never considered using the advantages of their power to satisfy their private interests.
c. The Lord Grand Secretary: It is only when mountain and hillside have abundance that the people can enjoy plenty, and only when the seas and rivers have their riches that the masses can satisfy their wants. An ordinary scoop can not irrigate terraced fields, nor can timber from hillocks and downs be used for the construction of palace halls, for the small can not encompass the big nor can it be of assistance to the plentiful. We know of no case when one unable to provide for himself was yet able to provide for others; when one unable to regulate himself was yet able to regulate others. Thus he can do most for others who has proved his ability in working for himself; and he can best regulate others who has proved his worth in regulating himself. But you Scholars who have never been able to regulate your own homes, how can you hope to be able to regulate affairs beyond your ken? 7
d. The Literati: One has to make use of carts in travelling over great distances, 8 and to depend on ships in crossing rivers or seas. A worthy scholar has also to rely on capital and avail himself of materials in order to reach achievement and make a name for himself. 9 Kung-shu Tzŭ 10 was able to construct great palaces and towers with the timber supplied by his royal patron, but unable to build for himself even a small house or a tiny hut, his own timber being insufficient. Ou Yeh 11 could cast whole 12 cauldrons and huge bells out of the copper and iron supplied by his prince, yet could never make for himself even a single tripod-kettle or a wash-basin, 13 as he possessed not the necessary material. A true gentleman may base himself on the legitimate sovereign 14 authority of the Ruler of Men, in order to harmonize the interests of the people and bring prosperity to the masses, but can not enrich his own family, for his position is not conducive to such an end. Thus when Shun was farming at Li Shan, 15 his bounties did not extend to cover all the villages of the province; when T'ai Kung was a butcher at Ch'ao Ko, 16 his profits did not benefit his wife and children. But when they finally found official employment, their munificence flowed to the uttermost limits of space, and their virtue filled to the brim the Four eas. Shun, therefore, was obliged to rely on Yao, and T'ai Kung depended upon Chou. A true gentleman can only cultivate his person 17 so that, relying on right conduct, he will be able to benefit others; but he can not twist his principles in order to increase his own capital.
e. The Lord Grand Secretary: Tao18 hung its laws in the heavens and spread its products on the face of the earth for the wise to increase their substance therewith, while the stupid remain in distress. It was thus that Tzŭ Kung became famous among the feudal nobles for his display of accumulated wealth, and T'ao Chu-kung was esteemed by his contemporaries for his abounding riches. The rich sought their friendship; the poor looked to them for support. Thus all, from the ruler above to the simple-dressed commoner below, venerated them for their virtue and praised them for their altruism. At the same time, Yüan Hsien 19 and K'ung Chi 20 suffered all their from hunger and cold, and Yen Hui 21 lived in chronic want in a beggars' alley. In those moments when pursued by poverty, they found shelter in caves and caverns and covered their bodies with ragged hemp-wadded clothes, even if they wished to place their reliance on wealth, resorting to crime and deceit, they would not be equal to it.
f. The Literati: If wealth were a thing one could (count on) finding, said Confucius, even though it meant my becoming a whip-holding groom, I would do it. As one can not (count on) finding it, I will follow the quests that I love better.22 The true gentleman seeks duty, not wealth at any price. Hence the criticism pronounced on Tzŭ Kung for not being content with his lot and increasing his goods. A true gentleman would attain wealth and rank when the times favor him; otherwise he would retire, and enjoy the way of virtue, 23 and never seek to burden himself with questions of profit. Thus he never turns his back on duty or is recklessly grasping; he would rather live an inconspicuous life and cultivate his principles lest he injure his conduct. He therefore never ruins his reputation in pursuit of position. Though to him be added the families of Han and Wei,24 he would not remain with them should it be contrary to his objective. Wealth and rank add not to his honor, slander and defamation do him no harm.
g. Therefore the shabby hemp-quilted robe of Yüan Hsien was more illustrious than all the fox and raccoon furs of Chi-sun; 25 the meager fish fare of Chao Hsüan-mêng 26 far more delicious than all the viands of Chih Po; 27 and Tzŭ Ssŭ's silver pendant more beautiful than the Ch'ui Chi28 gem of the Duke of Yü. 29 Marquis Wên of Wei bowed to the front bar of his carriage while driving past Tuan Kan-mu's 30 residence, not because the latter possessed any temporal influence; and Duke Wên of Chin alighted from his chariot and ran out to meet Han Ch'ing, 31 not because the latter was a great capitalist. They did so because the two scholars' were rich in benevolence and complete in their virtue. Therefore, why must honors be given to wealth, when they are really due to benevolence and righteousness?
1. The biography of the noted statesman and fiscal expert, the Lord Grand Secretary Sang Hung-yang 桑 弘 羊, appears in the Ch'ien-han-shu, ch. XXIV, 2nd part. His important rôle in the institution of the state monopoliě s is described in the Shih-chi, ch. XXX. (Cf. p. 1, note 3, supra). In 87 B.C., six years before the present debate, the Emperor Wu had promoted him to the high post of Yü-shih ta-fu 御 史 大 夫, which I translate as "Lord Grand Secretary". He occupied the post seven years, then was executed by order of the Emperor Chao, on the charge of plotting a rebellion. The term Yü-shih is found in the Chou-li 春 官 , 御 史, and in the extant Shang-chün-shu, para. 26, and up to the later Han period involved secretarial duties (cf. Franke, Der Ursprung der chinesischen Geschichtschreibung, Sitzungsberichte der Preus. Akad. der Wissenschaften, XXIII, 1925, p. 283). From the later Han period the office took on the functions of a "censorate", perhaps acquiring some of its features as such, from the ideas of the School of Law, as suggested by Duyvendak, Book of Lord Shang, 124.
2. 結 髮 束 脩. Cf. Li-chi, XI, iii, 10 (Couvreur, Li Ki, I, 710).
3. 宿 衛.
4. 給 事 輦 轂.
5. Chang's edition has Tzŭ Kung 子 貢 first (instead of Po Kuei 伯 圭), and T'ao Chu-kung 陶 朱 公 for Tzŭ Kung. The Shih-chi, ch. LXVII, contains the passage that Tzŭ Kung's house "piled up a thousand pieces of gold" 累 千 金; while in ch. CXXIX, the same faculty is ascribed to Fan Li 范 蠡 (al. T'ao Chu[-kung]), 三 致 千 金 in the space of nineteen years, a phrase which has become proverbial.
6. 權 勢, the legalist terms, reprobated by the scholars, though sometimes used by them for argument's sake, as in para. d, below. Cf. note 1, p. 47, supra.
7. 內 , here, are thus construed.
8. The Chün-shu-chih-yao 帬 書 治 要 inserts 道 after 行 遠, as an extra character to balance the following 濟 江 海.
9. Chang's edition omits this sentence altogether (15 characters).
10. 公 輸 子, the carpenter.
11. 歐 冶, the founder.
12. Chang reads 全 (for 金 and 外 of our text), which I follow, to balance the succeeding 大 鍾.
13. The text here, 一 鼎 盤 材, is quite corrupt, and discloses an interesting confusion of characters. 一, originally in its equivalent form 壹, should be 壺, "kettle", while 材 should be 杅, a "wash-basin", in the opinion of the commentators.
14. Wang notes that 正 is equivalent to 政, and inserts 能 after 君 子, to balance the same character in the preceding sentences.
15. 歷 山, the mountain mentioned on p. 12 supra.
16. 太 公 , 朝 歌.
17. 君 子 能 修 身, cf. Lun-yü XIV, xxv and xlv. The Literati here touch upon the basic Confucian principle that virtuous conduct is for the benefit of all. For a discussion of the principle of "self cultivation", cf. Maspero, La Chine Antique, 464 seq. The following use of 道 "right conduct", in the ethical Confucian sense, inspires the Lord Grand Secretary to repeat the same term, but in the meaning employed by the Taoist school. See succeeding note.
18. 道, the term of the Taoist school, representing the ultimate principle of all being: "There was something undefined and complete, coming into existence before Heaven and Earth. How still it was and formless, standing alone, and undergoing no change, reaching everywhere and in no danger (of being exhausted)! It may be regarded as the mother of all things . . . . I do not know its name, and I give it the designation of the Tao (the Way or Course) . . . ." Tao-tê-ching, para. 25 [Legge's translation, Sacred Books, XXXIX, 67]. A recent discussion of the Taoist school is found in Maspero, La Chine Antique, Bk. V, ch. iii, L'École Taoïste.
19. 原 憲, a disciple mentioned in the Lun-yü VI, iii, XIV, i, who retained his good nature despite poverty.
20. 孔 伋, known as Tzŭ Ssŭ 子 思, a disciple of Tsêng Tzŭ 曾 子, whose name has been associated with the composition of the Ta Hsüeh 大 學 and the Chung Yung 中 庸. Cf. Fêng Yu-lan 馮 友 蘭, History of Chinese Philosophy, vol. I, 中 國 哲 學 史, 卷 上, 1931.
21. 顏 回, favorite disciple of Confucius. Cf. Soothill, Analects, Introduction, 86.
22. Soothill, Analects, VII, xi. The YTL. reads 事 for 士 of the original.
23. 道, used here in the Confucian sense, i.e., in its moral application, — the courses or ways that are right and proper. The passage is suggestive of the Lun-yü, IV, v, 1: "wealth and rank are what men desire, but unless they can be obtained in the right way", etc. 不 以 其 道 得 之 . . . . [Soothill's translation].
24. Cf. Mencius VII, i, xi: "add to a man the families of Han and Wei. If he then look upon himself without being elated, he is far beyond the mass of men" [Legge's translation].
25. 季 孫. "The head of the Chi family was richer than the Duke of Chow had been . . . .", Lun-yü, XI, xvi, [Legge's translation].
26. 趙 宣 孟.
27. 知 伯.
28. 垂 棘.
29. 虞 公.
30. 魏 文 侯, 段 干 木. The latter was a worthy of the Warring States era, who preferred to remain in poverty rather than to accept the Marquis' invitation to serve him as Prime Minister.
31. 晉 文 公 , 韓 慶.
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