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襃 賢 第 十 九
大 夫 曰 ： 「 伯 夷 以 廉 饑 ， 尾 生 以 信 死 。 由 小 器 而 虧 大 體 ， 匹 夫 匹 婦 之 為 諒 也 ， 經 於 溝 瀆 而 莫 之 知 也 。 何 功 名 之 有 ？ 蘇 秦 、 張 儀 ， 智 足 以 強 國 ， 勇 足 以 威 敵 ， 一 怒 而 諸 侯 懼 ， 安 居 而 天 下 息 。 萬 乘 之 主 ， 莫 不 屈 體 卑 辭 ，重 幣 請 交 ， 此 所 謂 天 下 名 士 也 。 夫 智 不 足 與 謀 ， 而 權 不 能 舉 當 世 ， 民 斯 為 下 也 。 今 舉 亡 而 為 有 ， 虛 而 為 盈 ， 布 衣 穿 履 ， 深 念 徐 行 ， 若 有 遺 亡 ， 非 立 功 成 名 之 士 ， 而 亦 未 免 於 世 俗 也 。 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 蘇 秦 以 從 顯 於 趙 ， 張 儀 以 橫 任 於 秦 ，方 此 之 時 ， 非 不 尊 貴 也 ， 然 智 士 隨 而 憂 之 ， 知 夫 不 以 道 進 者 必 不 以 道 退 ， 不 以 義 得 者 必 不 以 義 亡 。 季 、 孟 之 權， 三 桓 之 富 ， 不 可 及 也 ， 孔 子 為 之 曰 『 微 』 。 為 人 臣 ，權 均 於 君 ， 富 侔 於 國 者 ， 亡 。 故 其 位 彌 高 而 罪 彌 重 ， 祿 滋 厚 而 罪 滋 多 。
夫 行 者 先 全 己 而 後 求 名 ， 仕 者 先 辟 害 而 後 求 祿 。 故 香 餌 非 不 美 也 ， 龜 龍 聞 而 深 藏 ， 鸞 鳳 見 而 高 逝 者 ， 知 其 害 身 也 。 夫 為 烏 鵲 魚 鱉 ， 食 香 餌 而 後 狂 飛 奔 走 ， 遜 頭 屈 遰 ， 無 益 於 死 。
今 有 司 盜 秉 國 法 ， 進 不 顧 罪， 卒 然 有 急 ， 然 後 車 馳 人 趨 ， 無 益 於 死 。 所 盜 不 足 償 於 臧 獲 ， 妻 子 奔 亡 無 處 所 ， 身 在 深 牢 ， 莫 知 恤 視 。 方 此 之 時 ， 何 暇 得 以 笑 乎 ？ 」
大 夫 曰 ： 「 文 學 高 行 ， 矯 然 若 不 可 卷 ； 盛 節 潔 言， 皦 然 若 不 可 涅 。 然 戍 卒 陳 勝 釋 輓 輅 ， 首 為 叛 逆 ， 自 立 張 楚 ， 素 非 有 回 、 由 處 士 之 行 ， 宰 相 列 臣 之 位 也 。 奮 於 大 澤 ， 不 過 旬 月 ， 而 齊 、 魯 儒 墨 縉 紳 之 徒 ， 肆 其 長 衣 ， 長 衣 ， 容 衣 也 。負 孔 氏 之 禮 器 詩 、 書 ， 委 質 為 臣 。孔 甲 為 涉 博 士 ， 卒 俱 死 陳 ， 為 天 下 大 笑 。 深 藏 高 逝 者 固 若 是 也 ？ 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 周 室 衰 ， 禮 義 壞 ， 不 能 統 理 ， 天 下 諸 侯 交 爭 ， 相 滅 亡 ， 并 為 六 國 ， 兵 革 不 休 ， 民 不 得 寧 息 。秦 以 虎 狼 之 心 ， 蠶 食 諸 侯 ， 并 吞 戰 國 以 為 郡 縣 ， 伐 能 矜 功 ， 自 以 為 過 堯 、 舜 而 羞 與 之 同 。 棄 仁 義 而 尚 刑 罰 ， 以 為 今 時 不 師 於 文 而 決 於 武 。 趙 高 治 獄 於 內 ， 蒙 恬 用 兵 於 外 ， 百 姓 愁 苦 ， 同 心 而 患 秦 。
陳 王 赫 然 奮 爪 牙 為 天 下 首 事 ， 道 雖 凶 而 儒 墨 或 干 之 者 ， 以 為 無 王 久 矣 ， 道 擁 遏 不 得 行 ， 自 孔 子 以 至 於 茲 ， 而 秦 復 重 禁 之 ， 故 發 憤 於 陳 王 也 。 孔 子 曰 ： 『 如 有 用 我 者 ， 吾 其 為 東 周 乎 ！ 』 庶 幾 成 湯 、 文 、 武 之 功 ， 為 百 姓 除 殘 去 賊 ， 豈 貪 祿 樂 位 哉 ？ 」
大 夫 曰 ： 「 文 學 言 行 雖 有 伯 夷 之 廉 ， 不 及 柳 下 惠 之 貞 ， 不 過 高 瞻 下 視 ，潔 言 污 行 ， 觴 酒 豆 肉 ， 遷 延 相 讓， 辭 小 取 大 ， 雞 廉 狼 吞 。 趙 綰 、 王 臧 之 等 ， 以 儒 術 擢 為上 卿 ， 而 有 姦 利 殘 忍 之 心 。 主 父 偃 以 口 舌 取 大 官 ， 竊 權 重 ， 欺 紿 宗 室 ， 受 諸 侯 之 賂 ， 卒 皆 誅 死 。 東 方 朔 自 稱 辯 略 ， 消 堅 釋 石 ， 當 世 無 雙 ； 然 省 其 私 行 ， 狂 夫 不 忍 為 ，況 無 東 方 朔 之 口 ， 其 餘 無 可 觀 者 也 ？ 」
文 學 曰 ： 「 志 善 者 忘 惡 ， 謹 小 者 致 大 。 俎 豆 之 間 足 以 觀 禮 ， 閨 門 之 內 足 以 論 行 。 夫 服 古 之 服 ， 誦 古 之 道， 舍 此 而 為 非 者 ， 鮮 矣 。 故 君 子 時 然 後 言 ， 義 然 後 取 ，不 以 道 得 之 不 居 也 。 滿 而 不 溢 ， 泰 而 不 驕 。
故 袁 盎 親 於 景 帝 ， 秣 馬 不 過 一 駟 ； 公 孫 弘 即 三 公 之 位 ， 家 不 過 十 乘； 東 方 先 生 說 聽 言 行 於 武 帝 ， 而 不 驕 溢 ； 主 父 見 困 厄 之 日 久 矣 ， 疾 在 位 者 不 好 道 而 富 且 貴 ， 莫 知 卹 士 也 ， 於 是 取 饒 衍 之 餘 以 周 窮 士 之 急 ， 非 為 私 家 之 業 也 。 當 世 囂 囂， 非 患 儒 之 雞 廉 ， 患 在 位 者 之 虎 飽 鴟 咽 ， 於 求 覽 無 所 孑 遺 耳 。 」
Chapter XIX. Extolling the Worthy
a. The Lord Grand Secretary: Out of extreme probity Po I 1 starved to death and Wei Shêng 2 met his end through punctilious fidelity. Clinging to insignificant appurtenances, they sacrified great realities. Theirs was the petty fidelity of common men and women, who (show it by) committing suicide in some ditch, nobody being the wiser.3 Can achievement and fame be acquired in this manner? Su Ch'in and Chang I, 4 on the other hand, possessed wisdom equal to the task of making their countries strong, and daring sufficient to overawe their enemies. Let them once be angry, and all the princes are afraid. Let them live quietly, and the flames of trouble are extinguished throughout the Empire.5 There was not a single ruler of a kingdom of ten thousand chariots who, bearing heavy gifts, sought not their friendship in abject attitude and with humble speech. These were what we call world-famed scholars! But those whose wisdom is not equal to the demands of counsel, and whose authority cannot arouse their contemporaries, form the lowest class of men.6 Now watch them take up Naught and consider it as Substance and as Fullness! Their plain clothes and torn sandals, their absorption in meditation and lingering walk, as if under the burden of some loss! Those are not scholars who can accomplish great things and establish a name for themselves; they do not even rise above the commonplace.
b. The Literati: Su Ch'in, who won renown in Chao for his policy of Latitudinal Alliances, and Chang I, who obtained office in Ch'in by advocating a Longitudinal Bloc, were undoubtedly greatly esteemed at the time. 7 Yet wise men followed their careers with anxiety, knowing well that he whose advancement is due to complete disregard of right conduct, can not expect to retire by right conduct: and that which is not acquired in the proper way, is inevitably lost through improper ways. The power of the Chi and Mêng clans, and the wealth of the three Huan families, were high above ordinary achievement, yet Confucius once spoke of them, saying: Depleted are they!8 Such is the case of ministers who possess themselves of power equal to that of the prince, and wealth comparable to that of the state: they are doomed. Thus the higher becomes their position, the heavier and heavier become their crimes; and the more inflated become their salaries, the more numerous their misdeeds.
c. Now he who wants to follow the right path 9 first takes care to perfect himself, and only then seeks to establish his name; and he who intends to serve in an official capacity first takes pains to avoid all harm, and then applies for emolument. Undoubtedly scented baits are made as attractive as possible. Yet tortoises and dragons, let them but hear of these, hide themselves in the deep; phenixes, young and old, soar to the heights at the first glimpse of them, for they know well their life is in danger. When it comes to common crows and magpies, fishes and turtles, they swallow the fragrant bait,—then dash away in mad flight, shake their bodies, 10 exhausting themselves in an effort to escape, but nothing avails them against inevitable death.
d. Our present jacks-in-office, having obtained a thievish hold upon the laws of the state, push forward with never a glance back at their path of crime. Sooner or later, the crisis will come; then shall we see the rush of chariots and the flight of men, — all of no avail against inevitable death. The accumulated plunder will be found insufficient to redeem them from the lot of the slave; their wives and children will find no sheltering place in their flight; while they themselves, locked in deep dungeons, will never know a glance of compassion. In those moments will they find time for mirth?
e. The Lord Grand Secretary: Literary gentlemen of your type are lofty of purpose and righteous in conduct, in appearance unyielding as if no power could bend them; they are abounding in principle and spotless in speech, of immaculate semblance as if nothing could besmirch them. Yet consider for a moment Ch'ên Shêng, 11 the garrison soldier, who left off pulling carts to be the first to raise his head in rebellion and to establish himself finally as king of "Greater Ch'u". He had originally nothing in common, so far as righteous conduct is concerned, with such unoccupied scholars as Yen Hui 12 and Chung Yu, 13 nor could he be considered to have a position ranking with that of ministers of state or court officers. Nevertheless, within twenty days after his sudden rise at Ta-tsê,3 the Confucianists and Mihists, and all the besashed tribe of disciples, spreading out their long robes, 14 and carrying on their backs the ceremonial articles and the Books of Poetry and History of the Confucian family, came to pledge themselves as his servants. K'ung Chia, who became mentor to Ch'ên Shê, 15 finally perished with him in Ch'ên, the greatest laughing-stock in the Empire. Such is their kind: "hiding in the deep and soaring to the heights," indeed!
f. The Literati: As the house of Chou degenerated, correct usages and right conduct were cast aside and could no more hold the world together. The feudal lords engaged then in a struggle of mutual extermination; kingdoms were destroyed or amalgamated, until but six of them were left. 16 Wars continued unceasing and the people had not a single moment of rest. Ch'in, possessed of the voraciousness of a wolf or a tiger, one by one engorged the feudal lords, annexed and swallowed the warring states, and transformed them into mere provinces and districts. Making a display of his ability, proud of his achievements, Ch'in considered himself as having surpassed Yao and Shun, thinking it a disgrace to be even compared to them. Casting away all humane considerations and right courses, he glorified judicial measures, 17 believing that for his time the arts of peace were no longer to be taken as a model, and that everything was now to be decided by warfare. With Chao Kao administering penitentiaries within, and Mêng T'ien carrying on war without, 18 the masses groaned under their burden, and their hearts beat as one in hatred for Ch'in.
g. Then King Ch'ên aroused them to show their claws and teeth, 19 and led the Empire in the revolution. Though baneful were his methods, some of the Confucianists and Mihists 20 sought his patronage, believing that already too long was the time when there was no Prince in the world. The righteous Way had been blocked and barred to development ever since the time of Confucius down to that period; additional and heavy hindrances were now imposed by Ch'in, so in their exasperation, 21 they turned to King Ch'ên. When Confucius said, If one be willing to employ me, may I not make an eastern Chou?22 he was intimating that he aspired to emulate the merits of Ch'êng T'ang and Wên and Wu in uprooting brutality and lawlessness for the sake of the masses. How could it mean that he was coveting emolument or seeking to enjoy high rank?
h. The Lord Grand Secretary: In your words and actions, oh Literati, you have never reached the unwillingness to sacrifice principle of Hui of Liu Hsia, 23 though you may possess all the fastidious honesty of a Po I. 24 You do not go beyond casting glances up and down, being pure in speech but foul in conduct. In the matter of a cup of wine or a dish of meat, 25 you dawdle ceremoniously, yielding step one to the other, yet decline the lesser to snatch the bigger. Scruples of honesty worthy of a chicken, gullets worthy of wolves! Thus men of the type of Chao Wan 26 and Wang Tsang 27 were boosted, thanks to their Confucian learning, to high ministerial rank, yet proved to possess ravenous and pitiless hearts. Chu-fu Yen's 28 glib tongue earned him high office and enabled him to usurp unusual power; he used it to prey upon the Imperial family and to extract bribes from the feudal princes. Finally they all met their death on the execution ground. Tung-fang So, 29 who prided himself on possessing such power of argumentation that he could dissolve hard substances and split apart stones, had no peer among his contemporaries. Yet look at his private life where he did things that a madman would not think of doing. As to the rest of the lot who had not even his eloquence, they do not deserve a passing glance.
i. The Literati: Those whose minds are set upon the good, forget the evil; those who are circumspect about details, extend the same care to important affairs. It is enough to watch one among sacrificial plates and dishes to judge his sense of propriety; it is sufficient to observe one in the privacy of the gyneceum to be able to appraise his moral conduct. Among those who clothe themselves in the garments of the ancients and recite the moral teachings of yore, rare are they who do evil. Thus a real scholar and gentleman talks only at the right time and accepts things only when it is right to do so. He does not remain in possession of anything acquired not in a righteous way.30 He is self-sufficing and never overreaching; dignified, and never overweening.
j. We have for example, Yüan Ang, 31 who gained the intimacy of the Emperor Ching, and whose stable, nevertheless, did not exceed a four-in-hand; Kung-sun Hung, 32 who with the rank of one of the three highest ministers, never had more than ten equipages in his household. Master Tung-fang, to whose advice the Emperer Wu lent his ear, and whose proposals he put into effect, was yet never overbearing or importunate. As to Chu-fu, he had known long days of misery and poverty. He hated 33 those in higher places, who grew richer and more honored in spite of their lack of love for virtue, for their complete disregard of the fate of the scholars. He therefore used the surplus from the bounties that came in to him to supply the needs of indigent schoolmen. His intention was not to build up a private fortune. Do not blame the "chicken-honesty" of the scholars for the present clamor, but blame those occupying office who, like tigers with full bellies or gulping hawks, 34 search and look about so that nothing remains. 35
1. 伯 夷, by refusing to accept support from Wu Wang of Chou, whom he considered to be a usurper.
2. 尾 生, who "had made an appointment with a girl to meet him under a bridge, but when she did not come, and the water rose around him, he would not go away, and died with his arms round one of the pillars." Legge, The Texts of Taoism, Sacred Books, XL, 174 (Chuang-tzŭ).
3. Soothill, Analects, XIV, xviii, 3.
4. 蘇 秦 、 張 儀, a Machiavellian pair who studied the sophistical art of "persuading any one to anything" under the Taoist philosopher Kuei-ku-tzŭ 鬼 谷 子. They took up the adventurous career of itinerant volunteering diplomat. (Cf. Hirth, Ancient History of China, 285, passim). Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien devotes two chapters to their lives (Shih-chi, LXIX and LXX). See further note below.
5. Mencius III, ii, ii, 1 [Legge's translation]. For 息 of the YTL. Mencius reads 熄 (cf. Legge's note). Mencius has Kung-sun Yen 公 孫 衍 instead of Su Ch'in, which supports Maspero's opinion that Su Ch'in is a late creation, since he was unknown to Mencius. Cf. Le Roman de Sou Ts'in, in Études asiatiques publiées par l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient, II, 141.
6. 民 斯 為 下, from the Lun-yü, XVI, ix.
7. See note 4, p. 120, supra. Of the authenticity of the deeds of these two diplomats of ancient China, Maspero opines (La Chine Antique, 405, note): "Tchang Yi est un personnage réel qui fut ministre au Ts'in de 328 à 312 [B.C.], et, chassé de ce pays, se réfugia au Wei où il fut bien reçu et mourut au bout de peu de temps; mais l'auteur du roman de Sou Ts'in, ayant fait de lui l'antagoniste de son héros, lui a prêté diverses aventures plus ou moins véritables, qui, recueillies dans le Tchan kouo ts'ö, ont passé ensuite dans tous les historiens." For the traditionally accepted story of Su Ch'in and Chang I, see Hirth, op. cit., 308—313.
8. Lun-yü XVI, iii: "The revenue has departed from the Ducal House for five generations, and the government has devolved on ministers for four generations. That, alas! is why the descendants of the three brothers Huan are so reduced! [Soothill]." For the ducal families of Chi 季, Mêng 孟, and Huan 桓, cf. Legge, Confucian Analects, p. 19, note 2, et al.
9. Hsing 行, the practical application of tê 德.
10. The text reads t'ou 頭, "heads"; Chang's text more appropriately has shên 身, "bodies".
11. 陳 勝 or 陳 涉, Ch'ên Shê, who rebelled against the Second (Ch'in) Emperor. Cf. Shih-chi, VI.
12. 顏 回 or 顏 淵, the favorite disciple of Confucius. Cf. Soothill, Analects, Introduction, 86.
13. 仲 由, also one of
Confucius' disciples. Cf. Soothill, Analects, loc. cit.,
大 澤, the name of a
village 鄉, which was to the
southwest of the secondary prefecture of Su
宿, in Anhui province (Chavannes,
Mém. hist., II, 235, note 2). Here Ch'en
Shêng raised the standard of revolt against Erh-shih-huang-ti.
大 澤, the name of a village 鄉, which was to the southwest of the secondary prefecture of Su 宿, in Anhui province (Chavannes, Mém. hist., II, 235, note 2). Here Ch'en Shêng raised the standard of revolt against Erh-shih-huang-ti.
14. 肆 其 長 衣 is followed in the text by 長 衣 官 之 也 These last five characters are superfluous, according to Lu.
15. The words 孔 甲 為 [ 陳 ] 涉 博 士 卒 俱 死 陳 occur in the preface to Shih-chi, ch. CXXI, ([ 陳 ] Shih-chi reading.) The preceding sentence seems also to be based on the same chapter. K'ung Chia is stated by the commentator Hsü Kuang 徐 廣 to have been the descendant of Confucius in the eighth generation.
16. Cf. p. 43, note 1, supra.
17. Ch'in's acquisition of power, through Lord Shang's measures particularly, and its ultimate consolidation of the Empire, are discussed in ch. VII, supra.
18. 趙 高, the eunuch minister of Ch'in Shih-huang-ti; 蒙 恬, the general conducting his campaigns.
19. 陳 王, i.e 陳 勝 or 陳 涉, who raised the standard of revolt agains the Second (Ch'in) Emperor. Cf. Shih-chi, VI, and Chia I's 賈 誼 forceful description of the means at Ch'ên Shêng's disposal, so insignificant in comparison with the great power of Ch'in (Margouliès, Le Kou Wen chinois, 61—63, "Dissertation sur les fautes de Ts'in').
20. 儒 墨, cf. note 4, p. 116, and note 9, p. 38, supra.
21. 發 憤 於 陳 王 也 occurs in the Shih-chi, preface to ch. CXXI, where sŭ-ma Ch'ien explains why the scholars turned to Ch'ên Shêng.
22. Soothill, Analects, XVII, v, 3.
23. 柳 下 惠. "Hwuy of Lew-hea was not ashamed to serve an impure prince, nor did he think it low to be an inferior officer. When advanced to employment, he did not conceal his virtue, but made it a point to carry out his principles". Mencius, II, i, ix, 2 [Legge's translation].
24. 伯 夷 . "Pih-e would not serve a prince whom he did not approve, nor associate with a friend whom he did not esteem". Menciu , II, i, ix, 1 [Legge's translation].
25. Cf. Li-chi, Fang Chi 坊 記, Legge, Books, vol. XXVIII, p. 286: "In the matter of a cup of wine and a dish of meat, one may forego his claim and receive that which is less than his due . . . ."
26. 趙 綰, promoted in 151 B.C. as marquis of Chien-ling 建 陵. Shih-chi IX.
27. 王 臧, who was favored by Han Wu Ti because of his proficiency in letters. Shih-chi XXVIII (Chavannes, Mém. hist. III, 461). He and the preceding Chao Wan were of special importance in the rôle of establishing the state religion under Han Wu Ti. Both were found guilty of extortionate practices and were ordered to their deaths.
28. 主 父 偃, a scholar who held high office in the Early Han period.
29. 東 方 朔, whose biography appears in the Shih-chi, CXXVI (cf. Giles, Chi. Biog. Dict., No. 2093), where his versatility, wit and dissolute private life, are equally described.
30. Soothill, Analects, XIV, xiv.
31. 袁 盎, whose biography appears in ch. CI of the Shih-chi with Ch'aò Ts'o's. He was a trusted councellor of both the Emperors Wên and Hsiao of the Early Han period.
32. 公 孫 宏 . Also mentioned previously, cf. p. 63 and note 6.
33. . . . . 日 久 此 疾 在. 此 seems to be out of place in this context, in Wang's opinion.
34. 鷁, a monstrous sea bird.
35. This chapter (XIX) concludes chüan IV of the ten into which the sixty chapters of the Yen T'ieh Lun are usually divided. The only departure from this arrangement is that of Chang Chin-hsiang 張 之 象, whose edition of the chia-ching era of the Ming dynasty 明 嘉 靖 (1522—1566) has twelve chüan. See Introduction.
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